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Ar barbariškumas žmogaus veidu – mūsų likimas?
Pub Date : 2022-12-30 DOI: 10.53631/athena.2022.17.15
Slavoj Žižek
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引用次数: 0
An “Experiment” of Anti-Ableistic Equality During the COVID-19 Pandemic COVID-19大流行期间反残疾平等的“实验
Pub Date : 2022-12-30 DOI: 10.53631/athena.2022.17.12
Jurga Jonutytė
For a short period of time, the COVID-19 pandemic destroyed a “natural” pyramid of ableism: the frequent encounters with the unknown virus and unpredictability of an organism’s reaction revealed the relativity and arbitrariness of the few main notions on which the ableistic practices were conceptually built. At the very beginning of the pandemic period, the frightening message about the unpredictability of a COVID-19 disease was broadly spread. This fear was based on the information that the criteria of the harshness of the individual illness are very strange: even strong and healthy people may experience severe symptoms of this disease. In this article, the similar moods are discussed as a part of posthumanist anxiety, which serves as an impetus to reconceptualize the following notions: the norm, the limit, the form, and the physical health. This brief rehearsal of the possible weakening of ableism was like a social experiment showing what a society that does not celebrate physical power would look like. The pandemic as a period of complete uncertainty and insecurity highlights the revelations of contingency and reminds us of vulnerability of human body and mind. Methodologically, the article is grounded on the intersection between two conceptual fields: the posthuman philosophy of the body (Gilbert Simondon, Elizabeth Grosz, Catherine Malabou, etc.) and a philosophical analysis of ableism and its predispositions (Georges Canguilhem, Margrit Shildrick, etc).
在短时间内,COVID-19大流行摧毁了残疾歧视的“自然”金字塔:与未知病毒的频繁接触和生物体反应的不可预测性揭示了残疾歧视行为在概念上所依据的几个主要概念的相对性和随意性。在大流行初期,关于COVID-19疾病不可预测性的可怕信息广泛传播。这种恐惧是基于这样的信息,即个别疾病的严重程度的标准非常奇怪:即使是强壮和健康的人也可能出现这种疾病的严重症状。在这篇文章中,类似的情绪作为后人类主义焦虑的一部分进行了讨论,它可以作为重新概念化以下概念的动力:规范,限制,形式和身体健康。这种对残疾歧视可能被削弱的简短预演,就像一场社会实验,展示了一个不崇尚体力的社会会是什么样子。大流行作为一个完全不确定和不安全的时期,突出了偶然性的暴露,并提醒我们人类身心的脆弱性。在方法论上,本文以两个概念领域的交叉为基础:后人类的身体哲学(吉尔伯特·西蒙顿、伊丽莎白·格罗茨、凯瑟琳·马拉布等)和对残疾主义及其倾向的哲学分析(乔治·冈居朗、玛格丽特·希尔德里克等)。
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引用次数: 0
Toward an Ethics of Dispossession: Philosophical Lessons from the Political Context of the COVID-19 Pandemic 走向剥夺的伦理:来自COVID-19大流行政治背景的哲学教训
Pub Date : 2022-12-30 DOI: 10.53631/athena.2022.17.6
J. Mininger
This article considers how and why to mourn the worldwide mass deaths caused by COVID-19, first by examining Hannah Arendt’s theory of dark times, in which by virtue of common suffering a contradictory experience follows that both unites and alienates. Second, the article considers forms of melancholy exhibited during the pandemic, which emerged to the detriment of the lesson that mourning, in contrast to melancholy, reveals and acknowledges social interdependence. Judith Butler’s concept of dispossession is deployed to shape that lesson. Third, the article offers Michel Foucault’s theorization of critique as a practice to accompany mourning in the act of identification with suffering, if there be resistance to the systemic violence operative in ranking who can be counted and mourned from the COVID-19 pandemic’s many victims.
本文首先考察了汉娜·阿伦特(Hannah Arendt)关于黑暗时代的理论,探讨了如何以及为什么要哀悼COVID-19造成的全球大规模死亡。在黑暗时代,由于共同的痛苦,一种矛盾的经历随之而来,这种经历既团结又疏远。第二,文章考虑了大流行期间表现出的忧郁形式,这种形式的出现有损于这样一个教训,即与忧郁相比,哀悼揭示并承认社会相互依存。朱迪思·巴特勒(Judith Butler)的剥夺概念被用来塑造这一教训。第三,本文提供了米歇尔·福柯的批判理论,将其作为一种实践,伴随着对痛苦的认同行为的哀悼,如果在对COVID-19大流行的众多受害者进行排名时存在对系统性暴力的抵制,那么谁可以被计算和哀悼。
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引用次数: 0
A Crisis to Think with: Mining the Biopolitics of COVID-19 in American Public Discourse 一场需要思考的危机:在美国公共话语中挖掘COVID-19的生物政治
Pub Date : 2022-12-30 DOI: 10.53631/athena.2022.17.9
N. Kovalyova
The onset of the COVID-19 pandemic put to test medical, political and social systems around the globe. It also probed into our ability to work out coherent explanations of unprecedented situations and to devise effective solutions when operating with grossly insufficient, frequently changing, and often controversial information. Using a Foucauldian lens, this study examines the American public discourse on COVID-19 to reveal the mechanisms through which the crisis was made sense of and managed. It shows that unity in spirit and action in measures against the pandemic did not emerge nor was the virus uniformly affecting the population thus suggesting that “population” as an object of governing is a discursive construction thriving on its partitioning and fracturing the moment it is put together. It concludes that overall, despite the clout of unprecedentedness, COVID-19 produced neither new relations of power nor new subjectivities but further aligned government actions with the interests of the state.
COVID-19大流行的爆发对全球的医疗、政治和社会制度提出了考验。它还探讨了我们对前所未有的情况做出连贯解释的能力,以及在信息严重不足、经常变化、经常有争议的情况下设计有效解决方案的能力。本研究使用福柯式的视角,考察了美国关于COVID-19的公共话语,以揭示危机被理解和管理的机制。它表明,在应对大流行病的措施中,没有出现精神和行动的统一,病毒也没有统一地影响人口,从而表明,作为治理对象的“人口”是一种散漫的结构,它在分裂中茁壮成长,在组合在一起的时候就会破裂。报告的结论是,总体而言,尽管受到前所未有的影响,但COVID-19既没有产生新的权力关系,也没有产生新的主体性,而是进一步使政府行为与国家利益保持一致。
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引用次数: 0
Naujoji Korona: posthumanistinis virusas
Pub Date : 2022-12-30 DOI: 10.53631/athena.2022.17.17
N. K. Hayles
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引用次数: 0
Universali teisė kvėpuoti
Pub Date : 2022-12-30 DOI: 10.53631/athena.2022.17.14
Achille Mbembe
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引用次数: 0
Immunity and SymBiopolitics 免疫和共生政治
Pub Date : 2022-12-30 DOI: 10.53631/athena.2022.17.4
A. Žukauskaitė
The notion of immunity, as it was defined in biology in the middle of the 20th century, draws a boundary between the “self” and the “nonself”. In this respect the notion of immunity is the perfect metaphor for biopolitical government: similar to the immune system, which fights everything that it sees as “nonself”, biopolitical power discriminates against what it sees as “different” or “other”. However, if we examine immunity not as a metaphor but as a phenomenon viewed from the perspective of contemporary biology, we have to admit that immunity comprises not only a defensive reaction toward an external, contagious element, but also a positive reaction or so-called “tolerance”. Thus, the defensive model of immunity should be complemented by a positive one, interpreting immunity as being entangled in its milieu. Alfred I. Tauber suggested that immunity should be seen as an ecological system which not simply reacts toward the external element but opens the negotiations between the “self” and “nonself” within the system. This model of ecological immunology is also a good methodological tool to rethink the notion of biopolitics: instead of seeing biopolitics as the opposition between a sovereign power and an oppressed individual, we can interpret it as a network of sympoietic interactions between individuals, technologies, and nonhuman others.
免疫的概念是在20世纪中叶生物学中定义的,它在“自我”和“非自我”之间划清了界限。在这方面,免疫的概念是生物政治政府的完美隐喻:就像免疫系统对它认为是“非我”的一切进行斗争一样,生物政治权力歧视它认为是“不同的”或“他者”的东西。然而,如果我们从当代生物学的角度来考察免疫,而不是把它作为一种隐喻,我们就必须承认,免疫不仅包括对外部传染因素的防御反应,而且还包括一种积极反应或所谓的“容忍”。因此,应以积极的免疫模式补充防御免疫模式,将免疫解释为与其环境纠缠在一起。Alfred I. Tauber认为,免疫应被视为一个生态系统,它不仅对外部因素作出反应,而且在系统内开启了“自我”和“非我”之间的谈判。这种生态免疫学模型也是重新思考生命政治概念的一个很好的方法论工具:我们可以将生命政治解释为个人、技术和非人类他人之间的共生互动网络,而不是将其视为主权权力与受压迫个体之间的对立。
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引用次数: 0
Biopower of Blood: From Immunity to Self-Referentiality and Self-Actualization 血液的生物力:从免疫到自我参照和自我实现
Pub Date : 2022-12-30 DOI: 10.53631/athena.2022.17.7
A. K. Kordela
Through dialogue with Roberto Esposito’s work, I reconceptualize modernity as a historically specific modulation of the transhistorical biopolitical prohibition of incest, that is, the prohibition of (the) self-referentiality (of blood). This specific modulation defining capitalist modernity involves a transition from aristocratic “sanguinity”– where power legitimizes itself on the basis of its past actualized creative power of blood (ancestry) – to bourgeois “sexuality”– whereby power asserts itself on the basis of its future potential of self-actualization (progeny) (Foucault / Spinoza). The modern double prohibition of self-referentiality and self-actualization extends from progeny to the products of any form of labor, as the power to actualize itself (Marx). Further, self-actualization means that each individual (human or not) is produced through affecting and being affected by all other individuals (Deleuze) – in short, each individual is transindividual (Balibar). I conclude by addressing the effects of today’s pandemic on transindividuality.
通过与罗伯托·埃斯波西托(Roberto Esposito)的作品对话,我将现代性重新概念化为对乱伦的跨历史生物政治禁止的历史特定调节,即对(血液)自我参照性的禁止。这种界定资本主义现代性的特殊调节包括从贵族的“血统”——权力在其过去实现的血统创造力(祖先)的基础上使自己合法化——到资产阶级的“性”——权力在其自我实现的未来潜力(后代)的基础上主张自己(福柯/斯宾诺莎)。现代对自我参照和自我实现的双重禁止从后代延伸到任何形式的劳动产品,作为实现自身的力量(马克思)。此外,自我实现意味着每个个体(人类或非人类)都是通过影响和被所有其他个体影响而产生的(德勒兹)——简而言之,每个个体都是跨个体(巴厘巴)。最后,我想谈谈当今流行病对跨个性的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Co-immunity. An Ontological Political Paradigm Co-immunity。本体论的政治范式
Pub Date : 2022-12-30 DOI: 10.53631/athena.2022.17.3
Gian Marco Galasso
The aim of this article is, based on Jacques Derrida’s and Roberto Esposito’s reflection, to articulate a philosophical paradigm that would be able to face with what I propose to call the autoimmunitarian logic of nihilism. Dealing with this logic means, first and foremost, to face “the negative” that runs through our experience without rejecting or absolutizing it. It means to think the relation between life and politics, society and institutions not in a merely oppositive way but rather in a constructive and affirmative manner. Even if in many of his works Esposito criticizes Derrida precisely for his conception of autoimmunity, in this article, I intend to show that both the philosophers orient their analyses towards what I consider the most appropriate ontological political paradigm for reading the actual political events – what they both call “co-immunity”. In the first section, I establish some methodological coordinates useful to define the approach I consider the most appropriate for the purposes of this research, namely political ontology. In section two, from a diagnostic point of view, I analyse the autoimmunitarian logic of nihilism. To investigate this logic, I firstly concentrate on Esposito’s definition of nihilism, and then I refer to his analyses of the relation between community and immunity. In the third section, with the intention of taking a closer look at the political aspects of the question, I focus on the Derridean analysis of the aporias that are inherent in the very concept of democracy. In the last section, I briefly try to test the heuristic capacity of the co-immunity paradigm with respect to the biopolitical problems arising from the management of the pandemic crisis caused by COVID-19 (and discussed in the field of the Italian biopolitical debate).
本文的目的是,基于雅克·德里达和罗伯托·埃斯波西托的反思,阐明一种哲学范式,能够面对我所说的虚无主义的自我免疫逻辑。处理这种逻辑意味着,首先要面对贯穿我们经验的“消极”,而不是拒绝或绝对化它。它意味着思考生活与政治、社会和制度之间的关系,而不是仅仅以相反的方式,而是以建设性和肯定的方式。即使在埃斯波西托的许多作品中,他批评德里达正是因为他的自身免疫概念,在这篇文章中,我打算表明,这两位哲学家都将他们的分析定位于我认为最适合阅读实际政治事件的本体论政治范式——他们都称之为“共同免疫”。在第一部分中,我建立了一些方法论坐标,用于定义我认为最适合本研究目的的方法,即政治本体论。在第二部分,我从诊断的角度分析了虚无主义的自身免疫逻辑。为了研究这一逻辑,我首先关注埃斯波西托对虚无主义的定义,然后参考他对社区与免疫之间关系的分析。在第三部分中,为了更仔细地研究这个问题的政治方面,我将重点放在德里德里对民主概念本身固有的缺陷的分析上。在最后一节中,我简要地尝试测试关于由COVID-19引起的大流行危机管理引起的生物政治问题的共同免疫范式的启发式能力(并在意大利生物政治辩论领域进行了讨论)。
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引用次数: 0
The Danger of the Foreign 外国人的危险
Pub Date : 2022-12-30 DOI: 10.53631/athena.2022.17.13
S. Wilmer
According to Roberto Esposito, refugees have been represented as a pathological danger to Europe. Thus, we can consider the nation-state as a biopolitical power immunizing itself from certain refugees, especially those from the global south, denying their human rights, preventing them from becoming citizens or even from entering their country. This article explores not only the mechanisms by which the nation-state immunizes itself against the refugee, but it also considers countervailing strategies proposed by philosophers and creative artists for new forms of community.
罗伯托·埃斯波西托(Roberto Esposito)认为,难民一直被认为是欧洲的一种病态危险。因此,我们可以将民族国家视为一种生物政治力量,使自己免受某些难民,特别是来自全球南方的难民的侵害,剥夺他们的人权,阻止他们成为公民,甚至阻止他们进入他们的国家。本文不仅探讨了民族国家对难民免疫的机制,而且还考虑了哲学家和创造性艺术家为新形式的社区提出的反补贴策略。
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引用次数: 0
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Athena: filosofijos studijos
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