Pub Date : 2021-07-22DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780192896223.003.0008
Erik R. Tillman
This chapter examines the relationship between authoritarianism, age, and radical right party support. This book’s worldview evolution proposes that the relationship between authoritarianism and radical right party support should be stronger among younger voters. However, a rival cultural backlash argument suggests that the relationship should be strongest among older voters, who were socialized in an era of traditional values and less diversity. The analysis finds evidence consistent with the worldview evolution argument while leading to a rejection of the cultural backlash hypothesis. Neither older voters nor older high authoritarians are more likely to support radical right parties. However, the relationship between authoritarianism and radical right party support is stronger among younger voters in each country besides the United Kingdom. This finding suggests that the worldview evolution is driven more by younger voters with fewer prior party attachments, and it also should lead to a rejection of the claim that populist radical right party support comes mostly from ageing demographic groups who will soon be replaced in the electorate.
{"title":"Cultural Backlash or Worldview Evolution?","authors":"Erik R. Tillman","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780192896223.003.0008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192896223.003.0008","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter examines the relationship between authoritarianism, age, and radical right party support. This book’s worldview evolution proposes that the relationship between authoritarianism and radical right party support should be stronger among younger voters. However, a rival cultural backlash argument suggests that the relationship should be strongest among older voters, who were socialized in an era of traditional values and less diversity. The analysis finds evidence consistent with the worldview evolution argument while leading to a rejection of the cultural backlash hypothesis. Neither older voters nor older high authoritarians are more likely to support radical right parties. However, the relationship between authoritarianism and radical right party support is stronger among younger voters in each country besides the United Kingdom. This finding suggests that the worldview evolution is driven more by younger voters with fewer prior party attachments, and it also should lead to a rejection of the claim that populist radical right party support comes mostly from ageing demographic groups who will soon be replaced in the electorate.","PeriodicalId":246016,"journal":{"name":"Authoritarianism and the Evolution of West European Electoral Politics","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125496232","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-22DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780192896223.003.0003
Erik R. Tillman
This chapter engages in a descriptive analysis of authoritarianism in Western Europe and its relationship to economic, social, and political attitudes. It considers the definition of authoritarianism and how it is distinct from related concepts such as conservatism. The descriptive analysis addresses several important questions. First, it examines the distribution of authoritarianism in West European societies, along with its relationship to education, age, and gender. Then, it examines the relationship between authoritarianism and socio-cultural, political, and economic attitudes. The analysis finds that authoritarianism is closely related to socio-cultural attitudes on matters such as acceptance of same-sex marriage, endorsement of traditional gender roles, immigration, and ethnocentrism. Authoritarianism also correlates with attitudes towards democracy and political trust. However, high authoritarians are not meaningfully different from low authoritarians on economic questions. These findings point to an important conclusion for this book’s argument. Because high authoritarians vary from low authoritarians most on socio-cultural attitudes, it is likely that the factors driving the worldview issue are socio-cultural rather than economic in nature.
{"title":"Authoritarianism in West European Electorates","authors":"Erik R. Tillman","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780192896223.003.0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192896223.003.0003","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter engages in a descriptive analysis of authoritarianism in Western Europe and its relationship to economic, social, and political attitudes. It considers the definition of authoritarianism and how it is distinct from related concepts such as conservatism. The descriptive analysis addresses several important questions. First, it examines the distribution of authoritarianism in West European societies, along with its relationship to education, age, and gender. Then, it examines the relationship between authoritarianism and socio-cultural, political, and economic attitudes. The analysis finds that authoritarianism is closely related to socio-cultural attitudes on matters such as acceptance of same-sex marriage, endorsement of traditional gender roles, immigration, and ethnocentrism. Authoritarianism also correlates with attitudes towards democracy and political trust. However, high authoritarians are not meaningfully different from low authoritarians on economic questions. These findings point to an important conclusion for this book’s argument. Because high authoritarians vary from low authoritarians most on socio-cultural attitudes, it is likely that the factors driving the worldview issue are socio-cultural rather than economic in nature.","PeriodicalId":246016,"journal":{"name":"Authoritarianism and the Evolution of West European Electoral Politics","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131415325","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-22DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780192896223.003.0002
Erik R. Tillman
This chapter develops the worldview evolution argument that is tested in this book. West European societies have experienced major economic and socio-cultural changes in the past several decades, with the rise of the post-industrial economy, deepening and widening of European integration, and growing multiculturalism and values liberalism. As a result, older political divisions centred on class and religion have given way to new conflicts over national community and identity. Authoritarianism is the key to understanding this evolution of voting behaviour. The changes of the past several decades have generated perceptions of threat to social cohesion among high authoritarians, who have responded by moving towards populist radical right (PRR) parties that promise to fight those threats. Low authoritarians welcome these changes because they perceive them as enhancing individual autonomy and diversity, so they move towards parties that support them. The result is an emerging political conflict organized around rival worldviews: high authoritarians support parties committed to preserving social cohesion and national community, while low authoritarians support parties committed to enhancing individual autonomy and diversity. Because established parties had organized around earlier class and religious divisions, they struggle to maintain voter support in this new era as newer left-liberal and radical right parties gain at their expense. The chapter concludes by describing hypotheses about the evolving relationship between authoritarianism and public support for the EU and voting behaviour, respectively.
{"title":"A Worldview Evolution in West European Politics","authors":"Erik R. Tillman","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780192896223.003.0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192896223.003.0002","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter develops the worldview evolution argument that is tested in this book. West European societies have experienced major economic and socio-cultural changes in the past several decades, with the rise of the post-industrial economy, deepening and widening of European integration, and growing multiculturalism and values liberalism. As a result, older political divisions centred on class and religion have given way to new conflicts over national community and identity. Authoritarianism is the key to understanding this evolution of voting behaviour. The changes of the past several decades have generated perceptions of threat to social cohesion among high authoritarians, who have responded by moving towards populist radical right (PRR) parties that promise to fight those threats. Low authoritarians welcome these changes because they perceive them as enhancing individual autonomy and diversity, so they move towards parties that support them. The result is an emerging political conflict organized around rival worldviews: high authoritarians support parties committed to preserving social cohesion and national community, while low authoritarians support parties committed to enhancing individual autonomy and diversity. Because established parties had organized around earlier class and religious divisions, they struggle to maintain voter support in this new era as newer left-liberal and radical right parties gain at their expense. The chapter concludes by describing hypotheses about the evolving relationship between authoritarianism and public support for the EU and voting behaviour, respectively.","PeriodicalId":246016,"journal":{"name":"Authoritarianism and the Evolution of West European Electoral Politics","volume":"15 2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133445485","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-22DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780192896223.003.0004
Erik R. Tillman
This is the first of two chapters examining the relationship between authoritarianism and attitudes towards the EU. After explaining why existing utilitarian, cultural, and political explanations fail to explain fully the present structure of EU attitudes, the chapter presents the argument that the roots of this polarization over EU attitudes can be found in authoritarianism. The expanded institutional powers and membership of the EU pose a threat to national sovereignty and community. EU institutions have greater capacity to enforce policy upon member states, and the broader membership of the EU opens the borders of member states to a wider population. High authoritarians find these developments threatening and oppose the EU, while low authoritarians view the EU as increasing individual autonomy and social diversity. The analysis compiles data from the European Values Survey and national election studies from several countries. The results show that high authoritarians are less likely to support European integration, to trust the EU, or to support enlargement of the EU’s membership. This relationship holds when measures of social identity are included in this analysis, due in part to the effect of authoritarianism on social identity attitudes. Furthermore, evidence from an original survey conducted in Germany shows that high authoritarians are more likely to believe that the EU threatens Germany’s culture and laws.
{"title":"Threat to National Community?","authors":"Erik R. Tillman","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780192896223.003.0004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192896223.003.0004","url":null,"abstract":"This is the first of two chapters examining the relationship between authoritarianism and attitudes towards the EU. After explaining why existing utilitarian, cultural, and political explanations fail to explain fully the present structure of EU attitudes, the chapter presents the argument that the roots of this polarization over EU attitudes can be found in authoritarianism. The expanded institutional powers and membership of the EU pose a threat to national sovereignty and community. EU institutions have greater capacity to enforce policy upon member states, and the broader membership of the EU opens the borders of member states to a wider population. High authoritarians find these developments threatening and oppose the EU, while low authoritarians view the EU as increasing individual autonomy and social diversity. The analysis compiles data from the European Values Survey and national election studies from several countries. The results show that high authoritarians are less likely to support European integration, to trust the EU, or to support enlargement of the EU’s membership. This relationship holds when measures of social identity are included in this analysis, due in part to the effect of authoritarianism on social identity attitudes. Furthermore, evidence from an original survey conducted in Germany shows that high authoritarians are more likely to believe that the EU threatens Germany’s culture and laws.","PeriodicalId":246016,"journal":{"name":"Authoritarianism and the Evolution of West European Electoral Politics","volume":"65 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121372011","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-22DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780192896223.003.0006
Erik R. Tillman
This chapter examines the relationship between authoritarianism and the likelihood of voting for populist radical right parties in Western Europe. Radical right parties share an ideology based around nativism, authoritarianism, and populism. This ideology appeals to high authoritarians because it promises tough measures to preserve social cohesion, so high authoritarians are more likely to vote for radical right parties. This prediction is tested using national election study data from a range of West European countries. The results show that high authoritarians are more likely to vote for radical right parties, but even more so if they have weaker attachments to the political mainstream. The final set of analyses examines whether economic anxieties or anti-immigration attitudes moderate this relationship. While economic anxieties matter little to radical right party support, high authoritarians who oppose immigration are more likely to vote for a radical right party. These findings build on existing research by providing a stronger explanation of previous findings linking anti-immigration attitudes or cultural anxieties to radical right party support.
{"title":"Authoritarianism and Support for Populist Radical Right Parties","authors":"Erik R. Tillman","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780192896223.003.0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192896223.003.0006","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter examines the relationship between authoritarianism and the likelihood of voting for populist radical right parties in Western Europe. Radical right parties share an ideology based around nativism, authoritarianism, and populism. This ideology appeals to high authoritarians because it promises tough measures to preserve social cohesion, so high authoritarians are more likely to vote for radical right parties. This prediction is tested using national election study data from a range of West European countries. The results show that high authoritarians are more likely to vote for radical right parties, but even more so if they have weaker attachments to the political mainstream. The final set of analyses examines whether economic anxieties or anti-immigration attitudes moderate this relationship. While economic anxieties matter little to radical right party support, high authoritarians who oppose immigration are more likely to vote for a radical right party. These findings build on existing research by providing a stronger explanation of previous findings linking anti-immigration attitudes or cultural anxieties to radical right party support.","PeriodicalId":246016,"journal":{"name":"Authoritarianism and the Evolution of West European Electoral Politics","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114987717","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-22DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780192896223.003.0010
Erik R. Tillman
The concluding chapter revisits the main arguments and findings of each chapter before turning to a discussion of their implications for our understanding of West European politics. The first implication is that the worldview evolution described in this book is rooted in political psychology rather than group interests or identity. Second, the worldview evolution occurring in Western Europe bears similarities to developments in the USA and other advanced democracies. Though the differences in context mediate how this evolution develops in each part of the world, similar divisions over social cohesion and community are at their heart. Finally, this book’s findings suggest that issues relating to social cohesion and diversity will remain contentious in the coming years. By contrast, economic and class issues may evolve to reflect the new structure of party conflict. Finding common ground across these worldviews will be a core challenge of West European democratic politics in the coming years.
{"title":"A Worldview Evolution?","authors":"Erik R. Tillman","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780192896223.003.0010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192896223.003.0010","url":null,"abstract":"The concluding chapter revisits the main arguments and findings of each chapter before turning to a discussion of their implications for our understanding of West European politics. The first implication is that the worldview evolution described in this book is rooted in political psychology rather than group interests or identity. Second, the worldview evolution occurring in Western Europe bears similarities to developments in the USA and other advanced democracies. Though the differences in context mediate how this evolution develops in each part of the world, similar divisions over social cohesion and community are at their heart. Finally, this book’s findings suggest that issues relating to social cohesion and diversity will remain contentious in the coming years. By contrast, economic and class issues may evolve to reflect the new structure of party conflict. Finding common ground across these worldviews will be a core challenge of West European democratic politics in the coming years.","PeriodicalId":246016,"journal":{"name":"Authoritarianism and the Evolution of West European Electoral Politics","volume":"64 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127722268","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-22DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780192896223.003.0007
Erik R. Tillman
Although the radical right is gaining support in many West European societies, there remain a few states such as Ireland without a successful radical right party. This absence raises the question of whether unique historical or cultural factors prevent the rise of the radical right in these countries or whether it is contingent. This chapter examines potential electoral support for a radical right party in Ireland. It presents the results of a novel survey experiment, in which voters read about the formation of a hypothetical new party and expressed their willingness to vote for it compared to existing parties. The results show that high authoritarians express greater willingness to vote for a hypothetical new radical right party compared to a hypothetical new mainstream party, while low authoritarians display the opposite pattern. In addition, high authoritarians express greater concern about declining social cohesion in Ireland. Because authoritarianism does not structure voting behaviour, a new radical right party could draw high authoritarians from all of the established parties. These results confirm that the same latent patterns of radical right party support exist in Ireland as in other West European societies and challenge arguments emphasizing cultural uniqueness.
{"title":"Authoritarianism and Potential Support for the Radical Right in Ireland","authors":"Erik R. Tillman","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780192896223.003.0007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192896223.003.0007","url":null,"abstract":"Although the radical right is gaining support in many West European societies, there remain a few states such as Ireland without a successful radical right party. This absence raises the question of whether unique historical or cultural factors prevent the rise of the radical right in these countries or whether it is contingent. This chapter examines potential electoral support for a radical right party in Ireland. It presents the results of a novel survey experiment, in which voters read about the formation of a hypothetical new party and expressed their willingness to vote for it compared to existing parties. The results show that high authoritarians express greater willingness to vote for a hypothetical new radical right party compared to a hypothetical new mainstream party, while low authoritarians display the opposite pattern. In addition, high authoritarians express greater concern about declining social cohesion in Ireland. Because authoritarianism does not structure voting behaviour, a new radical right party could draw high authoritarians from all of the established parties. These results confirm that the same latent patterns of radical right party support exist in Ireland as in other West European societies and challenge arguments emphasizing cultural uniqueness.","PeriodicalId":246016,"journal":{"name":"Authoritarianism and the Evolution of West European Electoral Politics","volume":"362 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115938302","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-22DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780192896223.003.0001
Erik R. Tillman
This chapter introduces the puzzle and motivation for the book. Rising support for populist radical right parties in Western Europe and increasing polarization over European integration represent a change from the politics of the 1990s. Radical right parties or candidates have achieved new levels of electoral support in many West European countries. At the same time, though, mainstream values have become increasingly liberal. Thus, recent years have not simply seen a resurgence of right-wing nationalism in Western Europe; they have seen greater polarization concerning issues of national identity and community. In short, West European electoral politics is evolving from conflict based around cleavages such as class to a new dimension of conflict centring on questions of identity, culture, and the demarcation of national boundaries. This chapter reviews existing accounts of this electoral evolution before providing an overview of this book’s arguments and findings.
{"title":"West European Politics in Turmoil?","authors":"Erik R. Tillman","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780192896223.003.0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192896223.003.0001","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter introduces the puzzle and motivation for the book. Rising support for populist radical right parties in Western Europe and increasing polarization over European integration represent a change from the politics of the 1990s. Radical right parties or candidates have achieved new levels of electoral support in many West European countries. At the same time, though, mainstream values have become increasingly liberal. Thus, recent years have not simply seen a resurgence of right-wing nationalism in Western Europe; they have seen greater polarization concerning issues of national identity and community. In short, West European electoral politics is evolving from conflict based around cleavages such as class to a new dimension of conflict centring on questions of identity, culture, and the demarcation of national boundaries. This chapter reviews existing accounts of this electoral evolution before providing an overview of this book’s arguments and findings.","PeriodicalId":246016,"journal":{"name":"Authoritarianism and the Evolution of West European Electoral Politics","volume":"252 3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124263726","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-22DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780192896223.003.0005
Erik R. Tillman
This chapter examines the evolving relationship between authoritarianism and EU attitudes from the early 1990s until 2017. Up until the early 1990s, EU attitudes were structured primarily by economic concerns. The economic ‘winners’ of European integration (e.g. professionals) supported the EU more than the ‘losers’ (e.g. unskilled workers). With the debate over the EU centred increasingly on socio-cultural issues, the structure of EU attitudes has shifted—activating the perception of threat among high authoritarians. In the 1990s, there is no relationship between authoritarianism and EU attitudes, but a negative relationship emerges in the twenty-first century. Moreover, this relationship is stronger in those countries that had more national-level party conflict over the EU. Because this conflict resulted from the emergence of anti-EU parties, this result indicates that high authoritarians became more likely to oppose the EU in those countries where Eurosceptical parties were more successful in advancing the message that the EU threatens national community. These results suggest that the evolution of EU attitudes reflects the growing perception of threat to national community and sovereignty—and this evolution has been strongest where Eurosceptical political elites have been more influential.
{"title":"The Evolving Relationship between Authoritarianism and EU Attitudes","authors":"Erik R. Tillman","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780192896223.003.0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192896223.003.0005","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter examines the evolving relationship between authoritarianism and EU attitudes from the early 1990s until 2017. Up until the early 1990s, EU attitudes were structured primarily by economic concerns. The economic ‘winners’ of European integration (e.g. professionals) supported the EU more than the ‘losers’ (e.g. unskilled workers). With the debate over the EU centred increasingly on socio-cultural issues, the structure of EU attitudes has shifted—activating the perception of threat among high authoritarians. In the 1990s, there is no relationship between authoritarianism and EU attitudes, but a negative relationship emerges in the twenty-first century. Moreover, this relationship is stronger in those countries that had more national-level party conflict over the EU. Because this conflict resulted from the emergence of anti-EU parties, this result indicates that high authoritarians became more likely to oppose the EU in those countries where Eurosceptical parties were more successful in advancing the message that the EU threatens national community. These results suggest that the evolution of EU attitudes reflects the growing perception of threat to national community and sovereignty—and this evolution has been strongest where Eurosceptical political elites have been more influential.","PeriodicalId":246016,"journal":{"name":"Authoritarianism and the Evolution of West European Electoral Politics","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125531390","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-22DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780192896223.003.0009
Erik R. Tillman
This chapter analyses the evolution of the relationship between authoritarianism and party support from 1990 to 2017. The chapter presents the analyses of eight different countries, and two conclusions emerge. First, high authoritarians have shifted towards radical right parties over the past three decades though there was no prior cross-national relationship between authoritarianism and party support in each country. As a result, different mainstream parties in each country have lost support as high authoritarians increasingly vote for PRR parties. This finding challenges the popular narrative that PRR parties have gained at the expense of social democratic parties, which only holds true in certain countries. The analysis also shows that low authoritarians have shifted towards left-liberal parties such as the greens, further contributing to the worldview evolution. As high authoritarians move towards radical right parties and low authoritarians towards left-liberal parties, traditional centre-left and centre-right parties that were based on twentieth-century class and religious conflicts struggle for support, particularly as generational replacement results in the depletion of their traditional voters.
{"title":"Authoritarianism and the Evolution of Voting Behaviour","authors":"Erik R. Tillman","doi":"10.1093/oso/9780192896223.003.0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192896223.003.0009","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter analyses the evolution of the relationship between authoritarianism and party support from 1990 to 2017. The chapter presents the analyses of eight different countries, and two conclusions emerge. First, high authoritarians have shifted towards radical right parties over the past three decades though there was no prior cross-national relationship between authoritarianism and party support in each country. As a result, different mainstream parties in each country have lost support as high authoritarians increasingly vote for PRR parties. This finding challenges the popular narrative that PRR parties have gained at the expense of social democratic parties, which only holds true in certain countries. The analysis also shows that low authoritarians have shifted towards left-liberal parties such as the greens, further contributing to the worldview evolution. As high authoritarians move towards radical right parties and low authoritarians towards left-liberal parties, traditional centre-left and centre-right parties that were based on twentieth-century class and religious conflicts struggle for support, particularly as generational replacement results in the depletion of their traditional voters.","PeriodicalId":246016,"journal":{"name":"Authoritarianism and the Evolution of West European Electoral Politics","volume":"50 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130304764","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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