{"title":"Menschsein – Ein leidenschaftlicher Aufruf für einen erneuerten Humanismus","authors":"Oliver Kozlarek","doi":"10.3790/jpd.30.1.173","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3790/jpd.30.1.173","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":251079,"journal":{"name":"Politisches Denken. Jahrbuch","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132036005","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Are the current challenges of democracy (eroding social consensus, emergence of populism, loss of trust in the political class) the result of problematic expectations inherent in the structure of democracy? To examine this question the following essay tries to analyse the implications connected with the democratic values of freedom, equality and self-government of the people. Against the background of these considerations we look at the current state of democracy, and finally we deal with the problem, how to counter the undesirable developments shown.
{"title":"Strukturelle Probleme der Demokratie","authors":"Barbara Zehnpfennig","doi":"10.3790/jpd.30.1.17","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3790/jpd.30.1.17","url":null,"abstract":"Are the current challenges of democracy (eroding social consensus, emergence of populism, loss of trust in the political class) the result of problematic expectations inherent in the structure of democracy? To examine this question the following essay tries to analyse the implications connected with the democratic values of freedom, equality and self-government of the people. Against the background of these considerations we look at the current state of democracy, and finally we deal with the problem, how to counter the undesirable developments shown.","PeriodicalId":251079,"journal":{"name":"Politisches Denken. Jahrbuch","volume":"39 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123537047","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
2020 was the year of the 250th anniversary of G. W. F. Hegel, his friend Friedrich Hölderlin and Ludwig van Beethoven. Due to the coronavirus pandemic, there were not many options to commemorate publicly their outstanding legacy. We should rectify this as soon as possible! The French Revolution was the significant historical event of this generation, and Hegel, Hölderlin and Beethoven kept true to the idea of liberty lifelong. In an early contribution Joachim Ritter underlined the importance of the French Revolution for the elaboration of Hegel’s philosophy. As „a philosopher of liberty“ Hegel is described by Klaus Vieweg in his new biography. Is this also true for Hegel’s „Elements of the Philosophy of Right” and his understanding of state and society? What does his notion of liberty mean in this context? Can we learn from Hegel’s argumentation regarding problems we face today in our society? It will be the aim of this article to give some answers to these questions.
{"title":"Das „in seine besonderen Kreise gegliederte Ganze“","authors":"Christiane Bender","doi":"10.3790/jpd.30.1.83","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3790/jpd.30.1.83","url":null,"abstract":"2020 was the year of the 250th anniversary of G. W. F. Hegel, his friend Friedrich Hölderlin and Ludwig van Beethoven. Due to the coronavirus pandemic, there were not many options to commemorate publicly their outstanding legacy. We should rectify this as soon as possible! The French Revolution was the significant historical event of this generation, and Hegel, Hölderlin and Beethoven kept true to the idea of liberty lifelong. In an early contribution Joachim Ritter underlined the importance of the French Revolution for the elaboration of Hegel’s philosophy. As „a philosopher of liberty“ Hegel is described by Klaus Vieweg in his new biography. Is this also true for Hegel’s „Elements of the Philosophy of Right” and his understanding of state and society? What does his notion of liberty mean in this context? Can we learn from Hegel’s argumentation regarding problems we face today in our society? It will be the aim of this article to give some answers to these questions.","PeriodicalId":251079,"journal":{"name":"Politisches Denken. Jahrbuch","volume":"23 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126505572","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Master and Margarita is a masterpiece of literary modernity. Mikhail Bulgakov wrote the novel in the 1930s in Moscow under the life-threatening conditions of personal persecution. The novel shows how all rationalist claims to power fail because of the invincible power of chance. The utopian state of peace and freedom that the novel creates lies in a sphere beyond all real conflicts and tensions. The present Corona crisis puts the planning reason, which characterizes the history of Western rationality, in many ways questioned. It testifies to the enduring power of chance and thus to the principal limits of human domination of nature. This experience should sensitize our political thinking for the fundamental vulnerability of human beings and the existence of the unpredictable in a new way.
{"title":"Zufall, Erlösung und Politik","authors":"H. König","doi":"10.3790/jpd.30.1.53","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3790/jpd.30.1.53","url":null,"abstract":"Master and Margarita is a masterpiece of literary modernity. Mikhail Bulgakov wrote the novel in the 1930s in Moscow under the life-threatening conditions of personal persecution. The novel shows how all rationalist claims to power fail because of the invincible power of chance. The utopian state of peace and freedom that the novel creates lies in a sphere beyond all real conflicts and tensions. The present Corona crisis puts the planning reason, which characterizes the history of Western rationality, in many ways questioned. It testifies to the enduring power of chance and thus to the principal limits of human domination of nature. This experience should sensitize our political thinking for the fundamental vulnerability of human beings and the existence of the unpredictable in a new way.","PeriodicalId":251079,"journal":{"name":"Politisches Denken. Jahrbuch","volume":"19 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129654090","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
During the initial phase until the end of April 2020 Chancellor Angela Merkel focused on the survival of the elderly (those over 80 years of age) when justifying the measures taken against the spreading of Corona virus. In this context she ignored or at least didn’t mention strong arguments concerning the assessment of fundamental rights and of inter-generation fairness. This policy in favour of the elderly reflects a post heroic mindset which neglects coping with future demands in a responsible manner. This change in the general attitude is exemplified by references to Napoleon, Goethe and Max Weber.
{"title":"„Neue Normalität“","authors":"R. Mehring","doi":"10.3790/jpd.30.1.141","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3790/jpd.30.1.141","url":null,"abstract":"During the initial phase until the end of April 2020 Chancellor Angela Merkel focused on the survival of the elderly (those over 80 years of age) when justifying the measures taken against the spreading of Corona virus. In this context she ignored or at least didn’t mention strong arguments concerning the assessment of fundamental rights and of inter-generation fairness. This policy in favour of the elderly reflects a post heroic mindset which neglects coping with future demands in a responsible manner. This change in the general attitude is exemplified by references to Napoleon, Goethe and Max Weber.","PeriodicalId":251079,"journal":{"name":"Politisches Denken. Jahrbuch","volume":"56 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123822781","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
During his life, Carl Schmitt dealt with mystical figures. As dazzling apparitions, they are in a state of tension that requires explanation in relation to his supposedly unambiguous style. Herman Melville’s ‚Benito Cereno‘ was one of these figures that Schmitt discovered for himself in early 1941 and in whom he saw his life and work reflected. Schmitt chose this literary figure in order to explain his own presence to himself and others as well as his involvement in the Nazi regime. By interpreting his temporarily unambiguous positioning in the light of Melville’s narrative, he sought to break this unambiguity and justify life and work.
{"title":"Schwimmendes Staatsgebiet","authors":"Fabian Thunemann","doi":"10.3790/jpd.30.1.103","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3790/jpd.30.1.103","url":null,"abstract":"During his life, Carl Schmitt dealt with mystical figures. As dazzling apparitions, they are in a state of tension that requires explanation in relation to his supposedly unambiguous style. Herman Melville’s ‚Benito Cereno‘ was one of these figures that Schmitt discovered for himself in early 1941 and in whom he saw his life and work reflected. Schmitt chose this literary figure in order to explain his own presence to himself and others as well as his involvement in the Nazi regime. By interpreting his temporarily unambiguous positioning in the light of Melville’s narrative, he sought to break this unambiguity and justify life and work.","PeriodicalId":251079,"journal":{"name":"Politisches Denken. Jahrbuch","volume":"72 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133775660","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Otto von Bismarck was not a liberal politician at all but had a lot of liberal admirers. German liberal politicians like Gustav Stresemann or Otto Graf Lambsdorff and even Social Democrats like Willy Brandt presented themselves as at least partial admirers of Bismarck and his politics. It is surprising at first sight, because Bismarck had strong conservative roots and never pretended to be liberal. On the other hand, some effects of his politics were deeply accepted and even desired by German liberals: the creation of a strong German national state, political fight against small blimpish duchies or catholic church. Bismarck was rather a pragmatic (and sometimes opportunist) than a theorist, defining politics as „Kunst des Möglichen“ (‚art of art of the possible, the attainable – the art of the next best‘). Due to his lack of ideology, for many a benchmark of Liberalism, conservative Bismarck could make successful liberal politics, but also its opposite, e. g., in social politics. By his pragmatic approach and his flexibility, Bismarck became a projection screen for many liberal politicians.
奥托·冯·俾斯麦(Otto von Bismarck)根本不是一位自由派政治家，但他有很多自由派崇拜者。像古斯塔夫·施特雷泽曼或奥托·格拉夫·兰姆斯多夫这样的德国自由派政治家，甚至像威利·勃兰特这样的社会民主党人，都至少部分地表现出对俾斯麦及其政治的仰慕。乍一看，这是令人惊讶的，因为俾斯麦有着强大的保守根源，从未假装是自由主义者。另一方面，他的一些政治影响被德国自由主义者深深接受，甚至渴望:建立一个强大的德国民族国家，反对弱小的公国或天主教会的政治斗争。俾斯麦与其说是一个理论家，倒不如说是一个实用主义者(有时是机会主义者)，他将政治定义为“Kunst des Möglichen”(“可能的艺术的艺术，可实现的艺术-次优的艺术”)。由于他缺乏意识形态，对于许多自由主义的标杆来说，保守的俾斯麦可以使自由主义政治取得成功，但也可以使它的对立面，例如。在社会政治中。由于他的务实态度和灵活性，俾斯麦成为许多自由派政治家的投影屏幕。
{"title":"Bismarck als Projektionsfläche oder Verfassung als Kunst des Möglichen?","authors":"M. Otto","doi":"10.3790/jpd.30.1.29","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3790/jpd.30.1.29","url":null,"abstract":"Otto von Bismarck was not a liberal politician at all but had a lot of liberal admirers. German liberal politicians like Gustav Stresemann or Otto Graf Lambsdorff and even Social Democrats like Willy Brandt presented themselves as at least partial admirers of Bismarck and his politics. It is surprising at first sight, because Bismarck had strong conservative roots and never pretended to be liberal. On the other hand, some effects of his politics were deeply accepted and even desired by German liberals: the creation of a strong German national state, political fight against small blimpish duchies or catholic church. Bismarck was rather a pragmatic (and sometimes opportunist) than a theorist, defining politics as „Kunst des Möglichen“ (‚art of art of the possible, the attainable – the art of the next best‘). Due to his lack of ideology, for many a benchmark of Liberalism, conservative Bismarck could make successful liberal politics, but also its opposite, e. g., in social politics. By his pragmatic approach and his flexibility, Bismarck became a projection screen for many liberal politicians.","PeriodicalId":251079,"journal":{"name":"Politisches Denken. Jahrbuch","volume":"50 11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124530138","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Karl Jaspers’ political thinking can be understood as time-critical thinking, which systematic centre is the concept of freedom. While Jaspers already discussed various facets of human freedom in his early writings, he continued to develop this basic concept. The „Grenzsituation“ of the totalitarian system initiates a change to an explicitly political thinker. With the writings published after the Second World War, Jaspers accomplishes a justification of the democratic constitutional state. Freedom takes on full form in the constitutio libertatis, which opens up a space of proving for human existence. In this reading, democracy is a way of life in which citizens educate themselves while accompanying public affairs. They are called upon to share a common concern for freedom. In his remarks on world philosophy it becomes clear that this concern is not only a domestic but also a foreign policy task. For Jaspers, the challenges of mankind can be mastered in an intercultural dialogue, which also secures a lifestyle of freedom.
{"title":"„Zeitkritik und Freiheitspathos“","authors":"Alexander Gantschow","doi":"10.3790/jpd.29.1.63","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3790/jpd.29.1.63","url":null,"abstract":"Karl Jaspers’ political thinking can be understood as time-critical thinking, which systematic centre is the concept of freedom. While Jaspers already discussed various facets of human freedom in his early writings, he continued to develop this basic concept. The „Grenzsituation“ of the totalitarian system initiates a change to an explicitly political thinker. With the writings published after the Second World War, Jaspers accomplishes a justification of the democratic constitutional state. Freedom takes on full form in the constitutio libertatis, which opens up a space of proving for human existence. In this reading, democracy is a way of life in which citizens educate themselves while accompanying public affairs. They are called upon to share a common concern for freedom. In his remarks on world philosophy it becomes clear that this concern is not only a domestic but also a foreign policy task. For Jaspers, the challenges of mankind can be mastered in an intercultural dialogue, which also secures a lifestyle of freedom.","PeriodicalId":251079,"journal":{"name":"Politisches Denken. Jahrbuch","volume":"24 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124764895","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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