The study seeks to explain the importance of the ‘soft law’ framework in protecting climate migrants and internally displaced persons in Bangladesh. We argue that the present protection gaps may be addressed without requiring new, enforceable regulations. This study employs qualitative research methodologies based on literature research. Additionally, we draw on secondary data from internet news and academic papers pertinent to the topics discussed in this work. From this research, we found that developing a soft law framework by the International non-governmental organizations (INGOs) and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) play an important role to assist Bangladeshi climate migrants. Soft law procedures allow increased inclusivity in global regulation and governance.
{"title":"Soft Law and the Protection of Climate Migrants","authors":"Sitti Zarina Alimuddin, Ali Muhammad","doi":"10.24076/nsjis.v6i1.996","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24076/nsjis.v6i1.996","url":null,"abstract":"The study seeks to explain the importance of the ‘soft law’ framework in protecting climate migrants and internally displaced persons in Bangladesh. We argue that the present protection gaps may be addressed without requiring new, enforceable regulations. This study employs qualitative research methodologies based on literature research. Additionally, we draw on secondary data from internet news and academic papers pertinent to the topics discussed in this work. From this research, we found that developing a soft law framework by the International non-governmental organizations (INGOs) and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) play an important role to assist Bangladeshi climate migrants. Soft law procedures allow increased inclusivity in global regulation and governance.","PeriodicalId":252813,"journal":{"name":"Nation State: Journal of International Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130152161","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The development of differing perceptions of the Line of Actual Control (LAC) has been one of the constant factors leading to the protracted dispute in the Himalayan border. Since the outbreak of war in 1962, recriminations and clashes between military forces have continued along the 3,488 km disputed area. Since 1980 both parties have continued to make efforts to resolve disputes with a fair and acceptable solution. Unfortunately, the initiations of these peace efforts have always been deadlocked. At first, in responding to India, China preferred to be passive. However, recently China has begun to respond with an assertive behavior. The deployment of army troops, military equipment, covert attacks, and massive infrastructure development was carried out by China in strategic Himalayan border. This study explores the changing of China’s assertive strategy in the Himalayas by employing offensive realism and using qualitative approach. This study has found that the changing behavior of China’s is related protecting its national interests and territorial sovereignty as well as a form of affirming the stability of China's dominance in the region. This study's results will provide an overview that there has been a shift in China's strategy for managing its border conflict with India.
{"title":"Why Did China's Assertive Strategy on The Himalayan Border?","authors":"S. Surwandono, Derina Faslig Silitonga","doi":"10.24076/nsjis.v5i2.820","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24076/nsjis.v5i2.820","url":null,"abstract":"The development of differing perceptions of the Line of Actual Control (LAC) has been one of the constant factors leading to the protracted dispute in the Himalayan border. Since the outbreak of war in 1962, recriminations and clashes between military forces have continued along the 3,488 km disputed area. Since 1980 both parties have continued to make efforts to resolve disputes with a fair and acceptable solution. Unfortunately, the initiations of these peace efforts have always been deadlocked. At first, in responding to India, China preferred to be passive. However, recently China has begun to respond with an assertive behavior. The deployment of army troops, military equipment, covert attacks, and massive infrastructure development was carried out by China in strategic Himalayan border. This study explores the changing of China’s assertive strategy in the Himalayas by employing offensive realism and using qualitative approach. This study has found that the changing behavior of China’s is related protecting its national interests and territorial sovereignty as well as a form of affirming the stability of China's dominance in the region. This study's results will provide an overview that there has been a shift in China's strategy for managing its border conflict with India.","PeriodicalId":252813,"journal":{"name":"Nation State: Journal of International Studies","volume":"80 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129552027","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
After enjoying free and open political conditions for a long time, Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia, a transnational political Islamist movement, had to face the government's coercive response in 2017 when the government decided to disband this movement in consideration of violations of state principles and threatening the Republic of Indonesia. This paper tried to elaborate on the country's stigmatization efforts against HTI to create a negative picture of this group. The concept used is a stigmatization approach in the study of social movements as one of the state's strategies in repressing a movement that is considered threatening. The method used is qualitative, with data taken from books, journals, and online media sources. This article concludes that the Indonesian government has successfully used the stigmatization method to inhibit the influence of HTI in Indonesia. Stigmatization is carried out through various narratives against this movement, especially related to threats to ideology and political traditions in Indonesia.
{"title":"Nationalism Narrative and The State Policy on Hizbut-Tahrir in Indonesia","authors":"Hasbi Aswar","doi":"10.24076/nsjis.v5i2.836","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24076/nsjis.v5i2.836","url":null,"abstract":"After enjoying free and open political conditions for a long time, Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia, a transnational political Islamist movement, had to face the government's coercive response in 2017 when the government decided to disband this movement in consideration of violations of state principles and threatening the Republic of Indonesia. This paper tried to elaborate on the country's stigmatization efforts against HTI to create a negative picture of this group. The concept used is a stigmatization approach in the study of social movements as one of the state's strategies in repressing a movement that is considered threatening. The method used is qualitative, with data taken from books, journals, and online media sources. This article concludes that the Indonesian government has successfully used the stigmatization method to inhibit the influence of HTI in Indonesia. Stigmatization is carried out through various narratives against this movement, especially related to threats to ideology and political traditions in Indonesia.\u0000\u0000\u0000","PeriodicalId":252813,"journal":{"name":"Nation State: Journal of International Studies","volume":"30 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125718225","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Sri Lanka shocked the world with a downfall due to an economic crisis. Among the states that had to mitigate the pandemic, Sri Lanka appears to struggle with the situation and as a result of this event, Sri Lanka is in a position of overdue debt with a total of 51 billion USD worth of debt. The inflation was created by economic shortage activity with imbalanced trade records leads to the overthrown of Sri Lanka’s president and as the result produced a vacuum of power. This paper will use of dependency theory to describe the cause of Sri Lanka’s collapse by examining several factors such as civil war, pandemic, oil price rise, and recent terrorist attack.
{"title":"Catalyst behind Sri Lanka Downfall","authors":"Muhammad Fauzan Alamari","doi":"10.24076/nsjis.v5i2.894","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24076/nsjis.v5i2.894","url":null,"abstract":"Sri Lanka shocked the world with a downfall due to an economic crisis. Among the states that had to mitigate the pandemic, Sri Lanka appears to struggle with the situation and as a result of this event, Sri Lanka is in a position of overdue debt with a total of 51 billion USD worth of debt. The inflation was created by economic shortage activity with imbalanced trade records leads to the overthrown of Sri Lanka’s president and as the result produced a vacuum of power. This paper will use of dependency theory to describe the cause of Sri Lanka’s collapse by examining several factors such as civil war, pandemic, oil price rise, and recent terrorist attack.","PeriodicalId":252813,"journal":{"name":"Nation State: Journal of International Studies","volume":"3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117135091","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article aims to explore the impact of halal certification of Indonesian products and the interplay between halal certification, Indonesia’s economic interest and International Trade Regime. This research uses qualitative approach taking Indonesia case study by collecting secondary data from varied sources. The findings indicate that the massive awareness of halal products especially cosmetic is not solely motivated by religious motive. The halal product is not substantially driven by religiosity. In fact, to understand the meaning of halal, this paper argues that companies that trade halal product do not follow Islamic values. Further, this paper suggests that Islam does not support economic system that prioritizes a few parties, put women as an object, not environmentally friendly, or wasteful. On the contrary, it promotes an order that is not fair for all. However, this paper further argues that halal trend in Indonesia trade system is more about the rise of Islamic populism. WTO therefore, has to be cautious on accommodating halal labelling in international trade. It must be opened to the needs of Islamic countries yet it has to be aware that it may become new form of protectionism which is unfair for global trade standards.
{"title":"Halal Certification of Indonesian Cosmetics Products","authors":"F. Bachtiar","doi":"10.24076/nsjis.v5i2.828","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24076/nsjis.v5i2.828","url":null,"abstract":"This article aims to explore the impact of halal certification of Indonesian products and the interplay between halal certification, Indonesia’s economic interest and International Trade Regime. This research uses qualitative approach taking Indonesia case study by collecting secondary data from varied sources. The findings indicate that the massive awareness of halal products especially cosmetic is not solely motivated by religious motive. The halal product is not substantially driven by religiosity. In fact, to understand the meaning of halal, this paper argues that companies that trade halal product do not follow Islamic values. Further, this paper suggests that Islam does not support economic system that prioritizes a few parties, put women as an object, not environmentally friendly, or wasteful. On the contrary, it promotes an order that is not fair for all. However, this paper further argues that halal trend in Indonesia trade system is more about the rise of Islamic populism. WTO therefore, has to be cautious on accommodating halal labelling in international trade. It must be opened to the needs of Islamic countries yet it has to be aware that it may become new form of protectionism which is unfair for global trade standards.","PeriodicalId":252813,"journal":{"name":"Nation State: Journal of International Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129824339","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In 2005, Imtiaz Ahmad wrote an article on the relations between India and the Muslim World. Ahmad argued that the ties between India and the Muslim World would be determined mainly by two factors: (1) the diverse and multiple identities of Indian Muslims and (2) the “relative moderation” driven by the Indian model of secularism. In the wake of the current Indian government led by the Hindu nationalist BJP, it is essential to review Ahmad’s argument. Although BJP is known as a party that strives to strengthen the Hindu nationalists’ agenda in Indian polity, it is vital to note that BJP maintains good relations with most Muslim countries. As BJP furthers its plan to scrap the special status of Kashmir and amend the Citizenship Act, there are worries that India’s stature in the Muslim World will worsen. This article would like to investigate whether the Hindu nationalist outlook in contemporary Indian politics and the standing of the current government towards Indian Muslims will eventually affect India’s relations with the Muslim World, especially in the case of India-Indonesia and India-Malaysia Relations.
{"title":"India’s Relations with Muslim Countries during the Implementation of CAA/NRC","authors":"H. Robby","doi":"10.24076/nsjis.v5i2.879","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24076/nsjis.v5i2.879","url":null,"abstract":"In 2005, Imtiaz Ahmad wrote an article on the relations between India and the Muslim World. Ahmad argued that the ties between India and the Muslim World would be determined mainly by two factors: (1) the diverse and multiple identities of Indian Muslims and (2) the “relative moderation” driven by the Indian model of secularism. In the wake of the current Indian government led by the Hindu nationalist BJP, it is essential to review Ahmad’s argument. Although BJP is known as a party that strives to strengthen the Hindu nationalists’ agenda in Indian polity, it is vital to note that BJP maintains good relations with most Muslim countries. As BJP furthers its plan to scrap the special status of Kashmir and amend the Citizenship Act, there are worries that India’s stature in the Muslim World will worsen. This article would like to investigate whether the Hindu nationalist outlook in contemporary Indian politics and the standing of the current government towards Indian Muslims will eventually affect India’s relations with the Muslim World, especially in the case of India-Indonesia and India-Malaysia Relations.","PeriodicalId":252813,"journal":{"name":"Nation State: Journal of International Studies","volume":"13 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129168603","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The establishment of Global Compact for Migration (GCM) was considered as the first important step for the international community to comprehensively address the issue of global migration. However, there are certain objectives within the compact that is considered as vague and unfavourable by several states. Previous studies have explored the advantages and disadvantages of GCM but did not address the specific argumentation that creates disagreements between states. This paper uses the theoretical approach from realist perspective to investigate how certain stipulations within the compact are in contrary to certain actors’ interests, specifically the interests of key state actors in global migration governance. Using qualitative methodology, the analysis began by exploring stances of notable states that opposes the compact. The findings discovered that the GCM failed to recognise the core problem of migration itself which is the management of regular and irregular migrants. The result of the study indicates that states’ rejection towards the Global Compact for Migration are mainly driven by the incompatibility of the compact’s goals and objectives with their national interest, particularly concerning sovereignty and national security.
{"title":"States Interests and the Politics of Migration","authors":"Daniel Areldy Ritiauw","doi":"10.24076/nsjis.v5i1.754","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24076/nsjis.v5i1.754","url":null,"abstract":"The establishment of Global Compact for Migration (GCM) was considered as the first important step for the international community to comprehensively address the issue of global migration. However, there are certain objectives within the compact that is considered as vague and unfavourable by several states. Previous studies have explored the advantages and disadvantages of GCM but did not address the specific argumentation that creates disagreements between states. This paper uses the theoretical approach from realist perspective to investigate how certain stipulations within the compact are in contrary to certain actors’ interests, specifically the interests of key state actors in global migration governance. Using qualitative methodology, the analysis began by exploring stances of notable states that opposes the compact. The findings discovered that the GCM failed to recognise the core problem of migration itself which is the management of regular and irregular migrants. The result of the study indicates that states’ rejection towards the Global Compact for Migration are mainly driven by the incompatibility of the compact’s goals and objectives with their national interest, particularly concerning sovereignty and national security.","PeriodicalId":252813,"journal":{"name":"Nation State: Journal of International Studies","volume":"3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114342919","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Rezya Agnesica Helena Sihaloho, T. B. Prabowo, Roby Panji Kusuma
Since the Yemen conflict in 2015, the food crisis and water scarcity in Yemen have been getting worse and increasing the number of victims who died due to hunger and malnutrition. Therefore, Yemen food insecurity also ultimately has an impact on politics, the economy, and various other aspects. Thus, the international community tried to prevent worse situations through international cooperation. Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) carried out this cooperation with the commitment of its member countries to solve this issue. Therefore, that is the beginning of this research which discusses FAO's efforts in dealing with the food crisis in Yemen. This paper uses the theory of neoliberal institutionalism with qualitative research methods to get a full illustration of FAO's activities through a literature review. Finally, this paper finds out that FAO has contributed and played an important role in dealing with the Yemen food crisis through program that have been designed and implemented.
{"title":"Food Crisis in Yemen","authors":"Rezya Agnesica Helena Sihaloho, T. B. Prabowo, Roby Panji Kusuma","doi":"10.24076/nsjis.v5i1.504","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24076/nsjis.v5i1.504","url":null,"abstract":"Since the Yemen conflict in 2015, the food crisis and water scarcity in Yemen have been getting worse and increasing the number of victims who died due to hunger and malnutrition. Therefore, Yemen food insecurity also ultimately has an impact on politics, the economy, and various other aspects. Thus, the international community tried to prevent worse situations through international cooperation. Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) carried out this cooperation with the commitment of its member countries to solve this issue. Therefore, that is the beginning of this research which discusses FAO's efforts in dealing with the food crisis in Yemen. This paper uses the theory of neoliberal institutionalism with qualitative research methods to get a full illustration of FAO's activities through a literature review. Finally, this paper finds out that FAO has contributed and played an important role in dealing with the Yemen food crisis through program that have been designed and implemented.","PeriodicalId":252813,"journal":{"name":"Nation State: Journal of International Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127085574","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
South Sudan is one of the countries that has been hit by internal conflict since its independence in 2011. This article basically describes the involvement of civil society in peace negotiations in South Sudan. Using the literature study method and through the concepts of civil society and peace, this article reviews and analyzes the extent to which local civil society is involved in the peace negotiation process in South Sudan. This article has a finding that civil society participation in peace efforts in South Sudan is quite high, but not significant. This is an implication of the conflict pattern which tends to be structural. On the other hand, limited resources, both technical and material, are a major obstacle in relation to the ability of civil society in South Sudan to engage in peace efforts. Thus, as far as civil society is involved in peace efforts in South Sudan, their presence is only a mere formality, while the main decision remains with the political elites in South Sudan.
{"title":"Civil Society and Peace","authors":"Wahyu Rozzaqi Ginanjar","doi":"10.24076/nsjis.v5i1.495","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24076/nsjis.v5i1.495","url":null,"abstract":"South Sudan is one of the countries that has been hit by internal conflict since its independence in 2011. This article basically describes the involvement of civil society in peace negotiations in South Sudan. Using the literature study method and through the concepts of civil society and peace, this article reviews and analyzes the extent to which local civil society is involved in the peace negotiation process in South Sudan. This article has a finding that civil society participation in peace efforts in South Sudan is quite high, but not significant. This is an implication of the conflict pattern which tends to be structural. On the other hand, limited resources, both technical and material, are a major obstacle in relation to the ability of civil society in South Sudan to engage in peace efforts. Thus, as far as civil society is involved in peace efforts in South Sudan, their presence is only a mere formality, while the main decision remains with the political elites in South Sudan.","PeriodicalId":252813,"journal":{"name":"Nation State: Journal of International Studies","volume":"25 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122969340","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
COVID-19 Pandemic that started from the end of 2019 and developed in 2020 has changed international world order. That changed felt by all countries in the world, including Indonesia. The rapid raising of casualties made the government taking a lockdown policy. It was meant to protect their citizens and prevent a more massive spreading. That protection is not only applied for the citizens in the country but also for the citizens living abroad like Indonesian migrant workers. One particular case that became the focus of this research is the migrant workers who works in Papua New Guinea (PNG). Human right is a main instrument in protecting the citizens. That is the importance of government in this case. This research aims to analyze Indonesian diplomacy strategies in protecting the rights of migrant workers who works in PNG during the Pandemic with humanity aspect as its main concern. Method that is used in this research is a descriptive qualitative using primary and secondary data through interviews and literature study from relevant and validated sources. The result of this research shows that Indonesian Government is taking the model of protection diplomacy in protecting Indonesian migrant workers in PNG.
{"title":"Indonesian Government Diplomacy on Protecting Indonesian Migrant Workers in Papua New Guinea During COVID-19 Pandemic","authors":"M. S. D. Suryanti, M. Sinaga","doi":"10.24076/nsjis.v5i1.716","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24076/nsjis.v5i1.716","url":null,"abstract":"COVID-19 Pandemic that started from the end of 2019 and developed in 2020 has changed international world order. That changed felt by all countries in the world, including Indonesia. The rapid raising of casualties made the government taking a lockdown policy. It was meant to protect their citizens and prevent a more massive spreading. That protection is not only applied for the citizens in the country but also for the citizens living abroad like Indonesian migrant workers. One particular case that became the focus of this research is the migrant workers who works in Papua New Guinea (PNG). Human right is a main instrument in protecting the citizens. That is the importance of government in this case. This research aims to analyze Indonesian diplomacy strategies in protecting the rights of migrant workers who works in PNG during the Pandemic with humanity aspect as its main concern. Method that is used in this research is a descriptive qualitative using primary and secondary data through interviews and literature study from relevant and validated sources. The result of this research shows that Indonesian Government is taking the model of protection diplomacy in protecting Indonesian migrant workers in PNG.","PeriodicalId":252813,"journal":{"name":"Nation State: Journal of International Studies","volume":"18 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125336805","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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