ASEAN as a regional organization has fundamental principles that underlie all activities carried out by member countries. This basic principle was recorded in the TAC (Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in South-East Asia) in 1976. However, in February 2021, one of the ASEAN member countries, Myanmar, was facing a crisis caused by a coup by the Myanmar military. ASEAN has a fundamental principle that keeps member countries from interfering with each other. However, the Myanmar crisis could affect other member countries and ASEAN cooperation. This study aims to determine the pattern of ASEAN cooperation in dealing with the Myanmar crisis under the basic principles of ASEAN. The research method used is a case study method with this type of research as qualitative research. This paper concludes that ASEAN principles which contrasting to the issues that currently occur make it difficult for ASEAN to make a foreign policy-making approach to the issue of the Myanmar military coup. In addition, this paper also concludes that to overcome the limits given by these basic principles, ASEAN takes an approach through the ASEAN Way of Diplomacy.
{"title":"Dampak Prinsip-Prinsip Dasar ASEAN Terhadap Pola Kerjasama ASEAN Menghadapi Krisis Kudeta Myanmar","authors":"Alvela Salsabilah Putri, Putri Jasmine, Riana Salma, Galang Bagasta, M. Faturrahman","doi":"10.24076/NSJIS.V4I1.488","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24076/NSJIS.V4I1.488","url":null,"abstract":"ASEAN as a regional organization has fundamental principles that underlie all activities carried out by member countries. This basic principle was recorded in the TAC (Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in South-East Asia) in 1976. However, in February 2021, one of the ASEAN member countries, Myanmar, was facing a crisis caused by a coup by the Myanmar military. ASEAN has a fundamental principle that keeps member countries from interfering with each other. However, the Myanmar crisis could affect other member countries and ASEAN cooperation. This study aims to determine the pattern of ASEAN cooperation in dealing with the Myanmar crisis under the basic principles of ASEAN. The research method used is a case study method with this type of research as qualitative research. This paper concludes that ASEAN principles which contrasting to the issues that currently occur make it difficult for ASEAN to make a foreign policy-making approach to the issue of the Myanmar military coup. In addition, this paper also concludes that to overcome the limits given by these basic principles, ASEAN takes an approach through the ASEAN Way of Diplomacy.","PeriodicalId":252813,"journal":{"name":"Nation State: Journal of International Studies","volume":"88 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124168989","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article aims to examine Rwanda's foreign policy decision to join the British Commonwealth. Rwanda was former French colony and has historic association with Francophone countries. But the country decided to join the British Commonwealth in 2009. Using theory of foreign policy decision making, it argues that the shift of Rwanda’s foreign policy was caused by the political transition in Rwanda’s domestic politics, its economy condition in the post-genocide epoch as well as the international context which included Rwanda’s geographic position and the role of the United Kingdom in aiding Rwanda’s state-building in the aftermath of the genocide. This research uses qualitative method and uses secondary data such as, books, articles, journals, e-news, reports and other library sources.
{"title":"Why did Rwanda join British Commonwealth?","authors":"Ali Muhammad, A. Hutami","doi":"10.24076/NSJIS.V4I1.454","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24076/NSJIS.V4I1.454","url":null,"abstract":"This article aims to examine Rwanda's foreign policy decision to join the British Commonwealth. Rwanda was former French colony and has historic association with Francophone countries. But the country decided to join the British Commonwealth in 2009. Using theory of foreign policy decision making, it argues that the shift of Rwanda’s foreign policy was caused by the political transition in Rwanda’s domestic politics, its economy condition in the post-genocide epoch as well as the international context which included Rwanda’s geographic position and the role of the United Kingdom in aiding Rwanda’s state-building in the aftermath of the genocide. This research uses qualitative method and uses secondary data such as, books, articles, journals, e-news, reports and other library sources.","PeriodicalId":252813,"journal":{"name":"Nation State: Journal of International Studies","volume":"38 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123951724","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
One of China’s great projects in the current digital era, namely the Digital Silk Road (DSR) project, merits an examination from a Gramscian lens. While liberals are talking about how this project can beneficially the partner’s country, Gramsci’s thought can provide the other perspective in understanding how this project can give unexpected costs for the partner country. As the biggest market in Southeast Asia’s country, Indonesia is worth the attention related to this issue as this country has become one of the strategic partners of China’s DSR. However, DSR is offering both economic benefits and multi-faceted costs simultaneously for Indonesia. Hence, this study argues that the DSR project, in Gramsci lens, is giving a push for China to spread its hegemony and take over the domination in the Indonesian economy. This study is supported by the qualitative research method with the data is collected through secondary data and literature review.
{"title":"China's Digital Silk Road: The Loss for Indonesia","authors":"Nanda Blestri Jasuma, A. Paksi","doi":"10.24076/nsjis.v4i1.513","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24076/nsjis.v4i1.513","url":null,"abstract":"One of China’s great projects in the current digital era, namely the Digital Silk Road (DSR) project, merits an examination from a Gramscian lens. While liberals are talking about how this project can beneficially the partner’s country, Gramsci’s thought can provide the other perspective in understanding how this project can give unexpected costs for the partner country. As the biggest market in Southeast Asia’s country, Indonesia is worth the attention related to this issue as this country has become one of the strategic partners of China’s DSR. However, DSR is offering both economic benefits and multi-faceted costs simultaneously for Indonesia. Hence, this study argues that the DSR project, in Gramsci lens, is giving a push for China to spread its hegemony and take over the domination in the Indonesian economy. This study is supported by the qualitative research method with the data is collected through secondary data and literature review.","PeriodicalId":252813,"journal":{"name":"Nation State: Journal of International Studies","volume":"154 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121391398","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article is intended to analyze the reason behind the shipment of Main Battle Tank (MBT) Leopard by Germany to Indonesia from the year of 2012 until year 2017. Arms transfer is used with the purpose to increase wealth, power and to produce innovation in production of military power of a state. Arms transfer is an essential part from international security structure because it can influence a shift in local and regional power. This article argued that there are three power dimensions along with the intended influence in arms transfer pursued by supplier country. The intended power dimensions are bargaining power, structural power, and hegemonic power. At the end of the article, it is concluded that three power dimensions stated above complete and relate to each other to fulfill the supplier country's interest.
{"title":"Analisis Kepentingan Jerman dalam Pengiriman Main Battle Tank Leopard ke Indonesia (2012-2017)","authors":"Valery Ilhamna Putri","doi":"10.24076/nsjis.v4i1.499","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24076/nsjis.v4i1.499","url":null,"abstract":"This article is intended to analyze the reason behind the shipment of Main Battle Tank (MBT) Leopard by Germany to Indonesia from the year of 2012 until year 2017. Arms transfer is used with the purpose to increase wealth, power and to produce innovation in production of military power of a state. Arms transfer is an essential part from international security structure because it can influence a shift in local and regional power. This article argued that there are three power dimensions along with the intended influence in arms transfer pursued by supplier country. The intended power dimensions are bargaining power, structural power, and hegemonic power. At the end of the article, it is concluded that three power dimensions stated above complete and relate to each other to fulfill the supplier country's interest.","PeriodicalId":252813,"journal":{"name":"Nation State: Journal of International Studies","volume":"2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116878020","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The rise of Islamic extremism has prompted global Islamophobia and general hatred for Muslims, which is felt towards both the religion itself and ethno-religious groups such as the one present in China. The spread and acts of Islamic extremism in China might surprise the global community but the concerning level of threat on the issue affected domestic security policies. In explaining the case study, the qualitative research uses a combination of descriptive and explanatory approaches while simultaneously merging the three constructivist theory approaches from notable scholars such as Alexander Wendt, Martha Finnemore and Peter Katzenstein. The research concludes that while there may be variations of methods to combat Islamic extremism, the implementation of political re-education camp for the Uyghurs seems to be the best and most effective method in both de-extremizing the minority group from potential Islamic extremist ideology and enforcing the Chinese government’s interests. Justifications of the choice include the constructivist aspects of the international norms, repetition of historical and existing trajectories as well as the successful rate of cleansing troubled and infected people from negative ideologies based on the Chinese societal norms.
{"title":"De-extremization Effort through Political Re-education Camps In China","authors":"Rima Abdul Mujib Nagib, S. Anam","doi":"10.24076/nsjis.v4i1.517","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24076/nsjis.v4i1.517","url":null,"abstract":"The rise of Islamic extremism has prompted global Islamophobia and general hatred for Muslims, which is felt towards both the religion itself and ethno-religious groups such as the one present in China. The spread and acts of Islamic extremism in China might surprise the global community but the concerning level of threat on the issue affected domestic security policies. In explaining the case study, the qualitative research uses a combination of descriptive and explanatory approaches while simultaneously merging the three constructivist theory approaches from notable scholars such as Alexander Wendt, Martha Finnemore and Peter Katzenstein. The research concludes that while there may be variations of methods to combat Islamic extremism, the implementation of political re-education camp for the Uyghurs seems to be the best and most effective method in both de-extremizing the minority group from potential Islamic extremist ideology and enforcing the Chinese government’s interests. Justifications of the choice include the constructivist aspects of the international norms, repetition of historical and existing trajectories as well as the successful rate of cleansing troubled and infected people from negative ideologies based on the Chinese societal norms.","PeriodicalId":252813,"journal":{"name":"Nation State: Journal of International Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115285455","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
M. F. S. Rizqullah, Luna Tristofa, Devia Farida Ramadhanti
This paper aims to analyze the reason why South Korea as a North Korea rival in the Koreanpeninsula willing to give aid toward North Korea. The tension in Korean peninsula has happened since a long time ago especially after the cold war between USA & USSR. The conflict event become worst because of North Korea always threatening South Korea by testing the Nuclear missile. Despite of what North Korea done in the region, South Korea still gave abundance of aid in term of health assistance, food, and others basis of human necessity. By using qualitative approach and collecting data from credible literature resource and using the concept of disaster diplomacy this research found that South Korea has special type in term of conflict resolution, South Korea often using soft diplomacy and negotiation in order to creating peace. South Korea also believe positive peace diplomacy should be implementing in order make better condition in Korean peninsula. This research also believe that the actor has a big impact in successfully to support better condition between both countries and strengthening the relation. Lastly, this paper proof if in order to win in some competition not always using hard diplomacy or military power.
{"title":"Disaster Diplomacy of South Korea toward North Korea as Efforts to Create Peace in the Korean Peninsula (2017 – 2020)","authors":"M. F. S. Rizqullah, Luna Tristofa, Devia Farida Ramadhanti","doi":"10.24076/NSJIS.V4I1.359","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24076/NSJIS.V4I1.359","url":null,"abstract":"This paper aims to analyze the reason why South Korea as a North Korea rival in the Koreanpeninsula willing to give aid toward North Korea. The tension in Korean peninsula has happened since a long time ago especially after the cold war between USA & USSR. The conflict event become worst because of North Korea always threatening South Korea by testing the Nuclear missile. Despite of what North Korea done in the region, South Korea still gave abundance of aid in term of health assistance, food, and others basis of human necessity. By using qualitative approach and collecting data from credible literature resource and using the concept of disaster diplomacy this research found that South Korea has special type in term of conflict resolution, South Korea often using soft diplomacy and negotiation in order to creating peace. South Korea also believe positive peace diplomacy should be implementing in order make better condition in Korean peninsula. This research also believe that the actor has a big impact in successfully to support better condition between both countries and strengthening the relation. Lastly, this paper proof if in order to win in some competition not always using hard diplomacy or military power.","PeriodicalId":252813,"journal":{"name":"Nation State: Journal of International Studies","volume":"82 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121731829","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-31DOI: 10.24076/NSJIS.2020V3I2.332
Febry Triantama, Yoga Pangestu
The Singapore government since 2000 has stated their goals to have a strong and capable Singapore Armed Forces (SAF). The urgency of having a strong and capable SAF cannot be separated from the multidimensional threats that Singapore has to deal with. China's growing military capability coupled with increased aggressiveness in the South China Sea and relations with two conflicting neighbors are examples of traditional threats facing Singapore. Non-traditional threats, especially terrorism, also haunt Singapore. This article argues that the Revolution in Military Affairs implemented by Singapore is the mitigation of such strategic disadvantage. Through the implementation of the Revolution in Military Affairs which was marked by the acquisition of advanced weaponry technology and followed by changes in military doctrine and organizational adaptation, the SAF has already been transformed into a powerful military in the region.
{"title":"Revolution in Military Affairs: Strategi Menghadapi Strategic Disadvantage Singapura","authors":"Febry Triantama, Yoga Pangestu","doi":"10.24076/NSJIS.2020V3I2.332","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24076/NSJIS.2020V3I2.332","url":null,"abstract":"The Singapore government since 2000 has stated their goals to have a strong and capable Singapore Armed Forces (SAF). The urgency of having a strong and capable SAF cannot be separated from the multidimensional threats that Singapore has to deal with. China's growing military capability coupled with increased aggressiveness in the South China Sea and relations with two conflicting neighbors are examples of traditional threats facing Singapore. Non-traditional threats, especially terrorism, also haunt Singapore. This article argues that the Revolution in Military Affairs implemented by Singapore is the mitigation of such strategic disadvantage. Through the implementation of the Revolution in Military Affairs which was marked by the acquisition of advanced weaponry technology and followed by changes in military doctrine and organizational adaptation, the SAF has already been transformed into a powerful military in the region.","PeriodicalId":252813,"journal":{"name":"Nation State: Journal of International Studies","volume":"42 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117136080","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-31DOI: 10.24076/NSJIS.2020V3I2.233
Fitri Adi Setyorini, T. Mukti
Kashmir has a special status under Article 370 and 35A of the Indian Constitution, which granted special autonomy of Kashmir. The paper examines the reasons behind the Indian government's policy under Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi to revoke the special status of Kashmir. The question is, why the Indian government revoked the special status of Kashmir in 2019 when the special status has been entrenched in the last 73 years ago. The objective of this research is to identify the reasons behind the Indian government's policy to revoke the special status of Kashmir. By a qualitative research, the findings show that the existence of economic interests is the background for revoking the special status of Kashmir. The research argues that the Indian business group (Taipan) as a major milestone in the success of Narendra Modi campaigns in 2014 and 2019 elections, demanding the Indian government to eliminate regulatory barriers between the center and the regions, to create a national market without any restrictions. Demands given by Taipan cause the dynamics between the central and local governments. This research is expected to assist the development of international relations in political economy studies.
{"title":"The Revocation of Kashmir’s Special Status by Narendra Modi Administration in 2019","authors":"Fitri Adi Setyorini, T. Mukti","doi":"10.24076/NSJIS.2020V3I2.233","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24076/NSJIS.2020V3I2.233","url":null,"abstract":"Kashmir has a special status under Article 370 and 35A of the Indian Constitution, which granted special autonomy of Kashmir. The paper examines the reasons behind the Indian government's policy under Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi to revoke the special status of Kashmir. The question is, why the Indian government revoked the special status of Kashmir in 2019 when the special status has been entrenched in the last 73 years ago. The objective of this research is to identify the reasons behind the Indian government's policy to revoke the special status of Kashmir. By a qualitative research, the findings show that the existence of economic interests is the background for revoking the special status of Kashmir. The research argues that the Indian business group (Taipan) as a major milestone in the success of Narendra Modi campaigns in 2014 and 2019 elections, demanding the Indian government to eliminate regulatory barriers between the center and the regions, to create a national market without any restrictions. Demands given by Taipan cause the dynamics between the central and local governments. This research is expected to assist the development of international relations in political economy studies.","PeriodicalId":252813,"journal":{"name":"Nation State: Journal of International Studies","volume":"6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124531182","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-06-30DOI: 10.24076/NSJIS.2020V3I1.39
Maurin Astriviany
The vulnerability of the Pacific Region which generally consists of small country and island nations makes countries in the region need to be aware of the threat of sea level rising. Kiribati is one of the countries that will be most affected. Therefore, the Kiribati Adaptation Program is one of the Government’s strategies that collaborated with the World Bank as the main donor party to reduce the adverse effect from sea level Rising. Divided into three phases of the program, we will see how it progresses from one phase to another. In the first phase is preparation for the program to adapt, in the second phase is the time to implement what needs to be done after reviewing the result of the first phase preparation, then in the final phase is the expansion of the program. After two phases, this third phase learned lessons from previous phases which faced few obstacles and need to be fixed before goes up to the expansion stage. Kiribati Adaptation Program will give an idea of how the strategy has been carried out by the Government of Kiribati and might become a lesson for other vulnerable countries in face the sea level rising.
{"title":"Kiribati's Strategy in Facing the Problem of Sea Level Rise through the Kiribati Adaptation Program (KAP)","authors":"Maurin Astriviany","doi":"10.24076/NSJIS.2020V3I1.39","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24076/NSJIS.2020V3I1.39","url":null,"abstract":"The vulnerability of the Pacific Region which generally consists of small country and island nations makes countries in the region need to be aware of the threat of sea level rising. Kiribati is one of the countries that will be most affected. Therefore, the Kiribati Adaptation Program is one of the Government’s strategies that collaborated with the World Bank as the main donor party to reduce the adverse effect from sea level Rising. Divided into three phases of the program, we will see how it progresses from one phase to another. In the first phase is preparation for the program to adapt, in the second phase is the time to implement what needs to be done after reviewing the result of the first phase preparation, then in the final phase is the expansion of the program. After two phases, this third phase learned lessons from previous phases which faced few obstacles and need to be fixed before goes up to the expansion stage. Kiribati Adaptation Program will give an idea of how the strategy has been carried out by the Government of Kiribati and might become a lesson for other vulnerable countries in face the sea level rising.","PeriodicalId":252813,"journal":{"name":"Nation State: Journal of International Studies","volume":"22 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128936847","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The rapid economic growth of China during the last two decades, has prompted its dependence on oil imports exceeding its domestic production. China for the first time exceeded the US position as the biggest oil importer in 2015 in Africa region particularly Sudan. Chinese oil investment in Sudan then become an international concern because China's non-intervention policies are considered irresponsible of domestic problems in Sudan. This research attempts to explain Cina’s strategic interaction with conflict-troubled Sudan using three analytical variables, (i) the identification of state interest; (ii) the specification of strategic setting with Cina First; and (3) the impact of the Cina investment to Sudan. The analysis result shows that Cina’s need for oil to secure its economic growth is Cina’s vital interest as being prioritized by they strategic based on Cina’s First policy that is permissive towards Sudan’s domestic issue.
{"title":"Analisis Strategi Cina Melakukan Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) berbasis Minyak dengan Sudan Tahun 2009","authors":"Syelda Titania Sukarno Putri, Gamaly Gamaly, Yolanda Dwi","doi":"10.24076/NSJIS.V2I1.5365","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24076/NSJIS.V2I1.5365","url":null,"abstract":"The rapid economic growth of China during the last two decades, has prompted its dependence on oil imports exceeding its domestic production. China for the first time exceeded the US position as the biggest oil importer in 2015 in Africa region particularly Sudan. Chinese oil investment in Sudan then become an international concern because China's non-intervention policies are considered irresponsible of domestic problems in Sudan. This research attempts to explain Cina’s strategic interaction with conflict-troubled Sudan using three analytical variables, (i) the identification of state interest; (ii) the specification of strategic setting with Cina First; and (3) the impact of the Cina investment to Sudan. The analysis result shows that Cina’s need for oil to secure its economic growth is Cina’s vital interest as being prioritized by they strategic based on Cina’s First policy that is permissive towards Sudan’s domestic issue.","PeriodicalId":252813,"journal":{"name":"Nation State: Journal of International Studies","volume":"122 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134496487","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：