This paper discusses the increasing role of China and its rivalry with the United States in global health governance. COVID-19 has presented new challenges in the domain of global health, marked by the debate between unilateral and multilateral approaches to dealing with the pandemic. US declining role poses a threat to the spirit of multilateralism and the prospects for global health governance. When global health governance is on the brink of collapse, China upholds a multilateral approach to lead collective action to defeat the virus. This research utilizes qualitative research method and literature study to collect research data sourced from secondary data sources. Using the concept of rising powers in the realm of global health governance, the results of this study show that the pandemic has offered China a strategic opportunity to fill a leadership vacuum. It has also improved its global position by providing the world with much-needed information and medical supplies. The active contribution of China to global health governance may enhance its global image and legitimacy, build relationships and friendships, emphasize the Peaceful Rise narrative, and support the Health Silk Road project.
{"title":"Fractured Global Health Governance","authors":"Putu Shangrina Pramudia","doi":"10.24076/nsjis.v5i1.660","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24076/nsjis.v5i1.660","url":null,"abstract":"This paper discusses the increasing role of China and its rivalry with the United States in global health governance. COVID-19 has presented new challenges in the domain of global health, marked by the debate between unilateral and multilateral approaches to dealing with the pandemic. US declining role poses a threat to the spirit of multilateralism and the prospects for global health governance. When global health governance is on the brink of collapse, China upholds a multilateral approach to lead collective action to defeat the virus. This research utilizes qualitative research method and literature study to collect research data sourced from secondary data sources. Using the concept of rising powers in the realm of global health governance, the results of this study show that the pandemic has offered China a strategic opportunity to fill a leadership vacuum. It has also improved its global position by providing the world with much-needed information and medical supplies. The active contribution of China to global health governance may enhance its global image and legitimacy, build relationships and friendships, emphasize the Peaceful Rise narrative, and support the Health Silk Road project.","PeriodicalId":252813,"journal":{"name":"Nation State: Journal of International Studies","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-07-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128233337","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Sino-US competition in the Indo-Pacific has become a central issue in international relations and how the competition of both countries affects state behavior. This article attempts to provide explanations of India's behavior in deciding to leave the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) agreement by using the neoclassical realism theory. Neoclassical realism believes that the actors' behavior is influenced by the constellation of international structures and domestic constellations. India's exit from RCEP was influenced by structural changes in the Indo-Pacific region, with the loss of China's balance of power marked by the withdrawal of the United States from the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). Moreover, the condition has been exacerbated by the pressure received by Narendra Modi at the domestic level with the emergence of rejection of India's involvement in RCEP. It has influenced Narendra Modi's perception, who was active in the region with the two factors above, decided to resign from RCEP.
{"title":"India’s Withdrawal from Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP)","authors":"Abraham Hugo Pandu Wicaksono","doi":"10.24076/nsjis.v4i2.571","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24076/nsjis.v4i2.571","url":null,"abstract":"The Sino-US competition in the Indo-Pacific has become a central issue in international relations and how the competition of both countries affects state behavior. This article attempts to provide explanations of India's behavior in deciding to leave the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) agreement by using the neoclassical realism theory. Neoclassical realism believes that the actors' behavior is influenced by the constellation of international structures and domestic constellations. India's exit from RCEP was influenced by structural changes in the Indo-Pacific region, with the loss of China's balance of power marked by the withdrawal of the United States from the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). Moreover, the condition has been exacerbated by the pressure received by Narendra Modi at the domestic level with the emergence of rejection of India's involvement in RCEP. It has influenced Narendra Modi's perception, who was active in the region with the two factors above, decided to resign from RCEP.\u0000 ","PeriodicalId":252813,"journal":{"name":"Nation State: Journal of International Studies","volume":"114 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117308468","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The adoption of international climate agreements requires thorough negotiation between parties. This study aims to analyse the inequities between developed and developing countries in climate negotiations. This was done through a scrutiny of the main stages of these negotiations from the Rio Conference to the advent of the Paris Agreement. Our analysis has shown pervasive inequities along the climate negotiations over time. The UNFCCC made a qualitative separation between developed and developing countries in the principle of common but differentiated responsibility. Furthermore, the Kyoto Protocol emphasized this with the commitment of developed countries to reducing their greenhouse gas emissions by at least 5%. The Kyoto Protocol by introducing flexibility mechanisms such as the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) contributed to increase inequalities. The Paris Agreement has increased inequity by requesting each country to submit nationally determined contributions (NDCs) even though the global emission of developing countries remains very low. The negotiation style of developing countries is mostly limited to compromise and accommodation to the desires of the powerful states, as is the case in most international cooperation. The reality of the climate change negotiations mirrors the inequalities between developed and developing nations.
{"title":"Inequity in International Climate Change Negotiations","authors":"Serge Silatsa Nanda, O. Samba, Ahmad Sahide","doi":"10.24076/nsjis.v4i2.444","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24076/nsjis.v4i2.444","url":null,"abstract":"The adoption of international climate agreements requires thorough negotiation between parties. This study aims to analyse the inequities between developed and developing countries in climate negotiations. This was done through a scrutiny of the main stages of these negotiations from the Rio Conference to the advent of the Paris Agreement. Our analysis has shown pervasive inequities along the climate negotiations over time. The UNFCCC made a qualitative separation between developed and developing countries in the principle of common but differentiated responsibility. Furthermore, the Kyoto Protocol emphasized this with the commitment of developed countries to reducing their greenhouse gas emissions by at least 5%. The Kyoto Protocol by introducing flexibility mechanisms such as the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) contributed to increase inequalities. The Paris Agreement has increased inequity by requesting each country to submit nationally determined contributions (NDCs) even though the global emission of developing countries remains very low. The negotiation style of developing countries is mostly limited to compromise and accommodation to the desires of the powerful states, as is the case in most international cooperation. The reality of the climate change negotiations mirrors the inequalities between developed and developing nations.","PeriodicalId":252813,"journal":{"name":"Nation State: Journal of International Studies","volume":"40 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125667478","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Covid-19 outbreak that occurred at the end of 2019 added to a long series of global crises at a time when the trade war was still ongoing. The epidemic then quickly spread throughout the world. Southeast Asia is no exception. The presence of this epidemic in Southeast Asia adds to the intensity of the struggle for hegemony between the United States and China. Vaccine diplomacy from China, the United States, and ASEAN itself presents its own dynamics for the competition for hegemony in this region from the two countries. This paper uses a qualitative method approach, where the author presents a critical review of the current dynamics. While the theoretical basis, the author uses the theory of hegemony through non-traditional security approach instruments centered on the vaccine diplomacy competition conducted by two superpower countries. The results show how the dynamics of the superiority of China's vaccine diplomacy are important points and provide broad projections of a new chapter in the struggle for hegemony in Southeast Asia.
{"title":"How COVID-19 Pandemic Bolsters China’s Influence Toward Hegemonic Race In ASEAN?","authors":"Andi Ibnu Masri Rusli","doi":"10.24076/nsjis.v4i2.587","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24076/nsjis.v4i2.587","url":null,"abstract":"The Covid-19 outbreak that occurred at the end of 2019 added to a long series of global crises at a time when the trade war was still ongoing. The epidemic then quickly spread throughout the world. Southeast Asia is no exception. The presence of this epidemic in Southeast Asia adds to the intensity of the struggle for hegemony between the United States and China. Vaccine diplomacy from China, the United States, and ASEAN itself presents its own dynamics for the competition for hegemony in this region from the two countries. This paper uses a qualitative method approach, where the author presents a critical review of the current dynamics. While the theoretical basis, the author uses the theory of hegemony through non-traditional security approach instruments centered on the vaccine diplomacy competition conducted by two superpower countries. The results show how the dynamics of the superiority of China's vaccine diplomacy are important points and provide broad projections of a new chapter in the struggle for hegemony in Southeast Asia.","PeriodicalId":252813,"journal":{"name":"Nation State: Journal of International Studies","volume":"195 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132190737","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Hirshi Anadza, Rommel Utungga Pasopati, S. Syarifuddin
After being called the UN's, COVID-19 has become a global common enemy today. The escalation of the pandemic has been responded to nationally, regionally, as well as globally. However, the efforts of the United Nations as the most significant international organization are interpreted differently at the regional and national levels. That way, there will be a gap in understanding between the handling of COVID-19 at the global, regional, and national levels. Therefore, this paper discusses further how the COVID-19 as a common global enemy is reflected in regional and national actions against this pandemic? The global eclectic theory is explored to explain how global concepts relate to more specific concepts. Comparing the COVID-19 handling policies in ASEAN, SAARC, and the EU is needed to deeply explain the differences in handling the outbreak in each region. The result shows that common enemies do not automatically reflect joint regional action. National interest is still challenging to consolidate at the regional, furthermore global level. Moreover, cultural differences between countries cannot be reduced quickly in global matters.
{"title":"Global Eclectic Treatment of Covid-19: Global, Regional, and National Perspectives on Common Enemy","authors":"Hirshi Anadza, Rommel Utungga Pasopati, S. Syarifuddin","doi":"10.24076/nsjis.v4i2.596","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24076/nsjis.v4i2.596","url":null,"abstract":"After being called the UN's, COVID-19 has become a global common enemy today. The escalation of the pandemic has been responded to nationally, regionally, as well as globally. However, the efforts of the United Nations as the most significant international organization are interpreted differently at the regional and national levels. That way, there will be a gap in understanding between the handling of COVID-19 at the global, regional, and national levels. Therefore, this paper discusses further how the COVID-19 as a common global enemy is reflected in regional and national actions against this pandemic? The global eclectic theory is explored to explain how global concepts relate to more specific concepts. Comparing the COVID-19 handling policies in ASEAN, SAARC, and the EU is needed to deeply explain the differences in handling the outbreak in each region. The result shows that common enemies do not automatically reflect joint regional action. National interest is still challenging to consolidate at the regional, furthermore global level. Moreover, cultural differences between countries cannot be reduced quickly in global matters.\u0000 ","PeriodicalId":252813,"journal":{"name":"Nation State: Journal of International Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129177322","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A China-Japan grim relationship has been marked by conflicts, and other political security tensions for a long time. One of which is the Diaoyu/Senkaku islands dispute occurring since 2012, it will become an issue for both countries that is difficult to be ironed out. The dispute has occurred since the Japanese government nationalized the islets, which China also claimed. It led to both countries' expansion of military power and a clash in East Asia. This essay aims to analyze how Japan perceives China by focusing on the Diaoyu/Senkaku islands dispute. This article argues Japan perceives China as a threat due to China’s military penetration over Diaoyu/Senkaku islands leading to a strategic distrust of Japan and its uncertain behavior as an international relations actor led to a moral distrust of Japan. This phenomenon will likely raise the tension in the region and enhance the escalation possibility due to the security dilemma effect.
{"title":"How Does Japan Perceives China as an Adversary?","authors":"Muhammad Arif Prabowo","doi":"10.24076/nsjis.v4i2.497","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24076/nsjis.v4i2.497","url":null,"abstract":"A China-Japan grim relationship has been marked by conflicts, and other political security tensions for a long time. One of which is the Diaoyu/Senkaku islands dispute occurring since 2012, it will become an issue for both countries that is difficult to be ironed out. The dispute has occurred since the Japanese government nationalized the islets, which China also claimed. It led to both countries' expansion of military power and a clash in East Asia. This essay aims to analyze how Japan perceives China by focusing on the Diaoyu/Senkaku islands dispute. This article argues Japan perceives China as a threat due to China’s military penetration over Diaoyu/Senkaku islands leading to a strategic distrust of Japan and its uncertain behavior as an international relations actor led to a moral distrust of Japan. This phenomenon will likely raise the tension in the region and enhance the escalation possibility due to the security dilemma effect.","PeriodicalId":252813,"journal":{"name":"Nation State: Journal of International Studies","volume":"162 1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134356715","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The South China Sea conflict has involved many parties, including the Philippines. In defending one of the most strategic islands, the Spratly Islands, the Philippines has exerted its hard power by increasing its military power strategy. By engaging the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and working with the U.S., the Philippines can increase its military power. The prior studies have only explored how the dispute in SCS is caused by maritime growth, and some have found the effective way to solve the issue is from the liberal perspective. This study uses a power politics approach to the Philippines' strategy to defend the Spratly Islands and its surroundings in the South China Sea dispute. It analyzes the Philippines' interests in the Spratly islands. The research was conducted using qualitative methods through literature study, and the data were analyzed, then described to obtain a complete picture of the answers to the problems studied. This finding explores how the Philippines' defense strategy works and how it is generated. The results of this study indicate that the defense strategy in the Spratly Islands is generated by the national interests of the Philippines, especially in the economic field.
{"title":"The Strategy of Power Politics of the Philippines in Facing China in the South China Sea Conflict","authors":"A. Imanuddin, Sugito Sugito","doi":"10.24076/nsjis.v4i2.526","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24076/nsjis.v4i2.526","url":null,"abstract":"The South China Sea conflict has involved many parties, including the Philippines. In defending one of the most strategic islands, the Spratly Islands, the Philippines has exerted its hard power by increasing its military power strategy. By engaging the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and working with the U.S., the Philippines can increase its military power. The prior studies have only explored how the dispute in SCS is caused by maritime growth, and some have found the effective way to solve the issue is from the liberal perspective. This study uses a power politics approach to the Philippines' strategy to defend the Spratly Islands and its surroundings in the South China Sea dispute. It analyzes the Philippines' interests in the Spratly islands. The research was conducted using qualitative methods through literature study, and the data were analyzed, then described to obtain a complete picture of the answers to the problems studied. This finding explores how the Philippines' defense strategy works and how it is generated. The results of this study indicate that the defense strategy in the Spratly Islands is generated by the national interests of the Philippines, especially in the economic field.","PeriodicalId":252813,"journal":{"name":"Nation State: Journal of International Studies","volume":"10 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121779569","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this paper, we will examine if trickle-down effect has ever taken in rural Indonesia. One of the case draws attention in economic development study is poverty and income gap from wealthiest people to the less fortunate larger group of people. The argument goes as trickle-down effect appears to be best solution to eradicate poverty as well as to solve the income gap. Tourism has become of a strategy targeted by government to spread the trickle-down effect to the less fortunate larger group of people. Government believes by sustaining the growth on tourism would accelerate the trickle-down effect and brings less fortunate group of people to better living. In its fundamental theory, trickle- down effect has offered delusion where jobs would be created as the conditions are met. However, this paper argues that even in tourism the trickle-down effect strategy has served less for what it has promised. Through qualitative research in Ngadisari Village, a remote area, where Mount Bromo has been a tourism landmark globally, this paper finds that trickle-down effect has come with little benefit to uplift the living standard of the poor. Thus, trickle- down effect has served only as delusions of growth government has ever aspired.
{"title":"Trickle-Down Economics Arthur Lewis dan Ekonomi Pembangunan Wisata Gunung Bromo di Desa Ngadisari, Kabupaten Probolinggo, Jawa Timur Tahun 2017-2018","authors":"Renny Candradewi Puspitarini, Isrofiatul Anggraini","doi":"10.24076/NSJIS.2018V1I2.137","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24076/NSJIS.2018V1I2.137","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper, we will examine if trickle-down effect has ever taken in rural Indonesia. One of the case draws attention in economic development study is poverty and income gap from wealthiest people to the less fortunate larger group of people. The argument goes as trickle-down effect appears to be best solution to eradicate poverty as well as to solve the income gap. Tourism has become of a strategy targeted by government to spread the trickle-down effect to the less fortunate larger group of people. Government believes by sustaining the growth on tourism would accelerate the trickle-down effect and brings less fortunate group of people to better living. In its fundamental theory, trickle- down effect has offered delusion where jobs would be created as the conditions are met. However, this paper argues that even in tourism the trickle-down effect strategy has served less for what it has promised. Through qualitative research in Ngadisari Village, a remote area, where Mount Bromo has been a tourism landmark globally, this paper finds that trickle-down effect has come with little benefit to uplift the living standard of the poor. Thus, trickle- down effect has served only as delusions of growth government has ever aspired.","PeriodicalId":252813,"journal":{"name":"Nation State: Journal of International Studies","volume":"50 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126678478","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
When the Arab Spring swept through the Arab world as far as Syria, Turkey and Russia were not on the same side. Turkey demand a regime change, while Russia supports the regime. The relationship between the two countries was also exacerbated by the downing of the Sukhoi-24 jet which led Russia to impose a number of sanctions on Turkey. However, from 2016 to 2019, the relationship between the two has started to improve. This was marked by various cooperation to end the civil war in Syria. Based on the theory of balance of power, Turkey should balance against Russia because every country always try to prevent one country from dominating. Instead they both cooperate. The military intervention carried out by Russia in Syria in 2015 can be analysed as an attempt to change the global balance of power, while Turkey can be categorized as a regional rising power. This article tries to answer: why Turkey choose to cooperate with Russia in Syria? I argue that the change in the Turkey's foreign policy during the AKP's increasingly harsher against the Kurds. This caused friction with the US, so that Turkey establish strategic relations with Russia to fight Kurdish in Syria.
{"title":"Analisis Balance of Interest dalam Studi Kasus Kepentingan Turki Melakukan Kerja Sama dengan Rusia di Suriah pada 2016 – 2019","authors":"Andini Anissa","doi":"10.24076/NSJIS.V4I1.423","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24076/NSJIS.V4I1.423","url":null,"abstract":"When the Arab Spring swept through the Arab world as far as Syria, Turkey and Russia were not on the same side. Turkey demand a regime change, while Russia supports the regime. The relationship between the two countries was also exacerbated by the downing of the Sukhoi-24 jet which led Russia to impose a number of sanctions on Turkey. However, from 2016 to 2019, the relationship between the two has started to improve. This was marked by various cooperation to end the civil war in Syria. Based on the theory of balance of power, Turkey should balance against Russia because every country always try to prevent one country from dominating. Instead they both cooperate. The military intervention carried out by Russia in Syria in 2015 can be analysed as an attempt to change the global balance of power, while Turkey can be categorized as a regional rising power. This article tries to answer: why Turkey choose to cooperate with Russia in Syria? I argue that the change in the Turkey's foreign policy during the AKP's increasingly harsher against the Kurds. This caused friction with the US, so that Turkey establish strategic relations with Russia to fight Kurdish in Syria.","PeriodicalId":252813,"journal":{"name":"Nation State: Journal of International Studies","volume":"41 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115564618","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The prolong existence of Rohingya Refugees in Bangladesh had caused several problems and threatened its national security and people of Bangladesh. Bangladesh Government as securitizing actor take securitization act to protect its national security and people of Bangladesh based on policies made. This research use securitization theory or Copenhagen School to enlightened Bangladesh Government actions to securitize its national security and people of Bangladesh upon the problem caused by the existence of Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh. This research uses qualitative methods with books and journal articles related as data sources. The result of this research shows Bangladesh government actions to securitize its national security and people of Bangladesh based on its policies is the best way for both parties to repress the broadening of existing problem.
{"title":"Upaya Sekuritisasi Pemerintah Bangladesh Terhadap Keberadaan Pengungsi Rohingya","authors":"Yuliana Indra Pertiwi","doi":"10.24076/NSJIS.V4I1.460","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24076/NSJIS.V4I1.460","url":null,"abstract":"The prolong existence of Rohingya Refugees in Bangladesh had caused several problems and threatened its national security and people of Bangladesh. Bangladesh Government as securitizing actor take securitization act to protect its national security and people of Bangladesh based on policies made. This research use securitization theory or Copenhagen School to enlightened Bangladesh Government actions to securitize its national security and people of Bangladesh upon the problem caused by the existence of Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh. This research uses qualitative methods with books and journal articles related as data sources. The result of this research shows Bangladesh government actions to securitize its national security and people of Bangladesh based on its policies is the best way for both parties to repress the broadening of existing problem.","PeriodicalId":252813,"journal":{"name":"Nation State: Journal of International Studies","volume":"12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130863108","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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