Pub Date : 2022-12-31DOI: 10.55082/jdp.2022.5.2.67
Jae-Ryung Lim
This paper provides a new well-timed value by highlighting the reproduction characteristics of the dance genre by examining the form and content of the cultural and artistic medium that participated in the May 18 democratization from an aesthetic political perspective. To this end, this research explains the process that May 18 dance was developed from a simple memorial ceremony to a cultural industry and observes the discourse on the significant value of this genre at this time, which is comprehensively included in the culture and art genre. Introducing Roland Bleiker's aesthetic political thinking, the researcher emphasizes that this theory can be a theoretical alternative to pursuing aesthetics as a cultural product at the same time without losing the politics of reproducing the spirit of protest and union. Lastly, the cases of May 18 dance are re-evaluated in a way that specifically applies aesthetic political thinking while examining them. As a result, it was argued that the limitations of May 18 dance that could not fully reproduce the sacrifice and efforts of Gwangju citizens can be overcome with aesthetic politics based on nonverbality and abstraction, and through this symbolic process, a lasting relationship between suppliers and consumers can be formed. This paper is expected to expand the scope of academic research on May 18 to dance studies, calming concerns about commercialization of performance art genres, including music, art, performances, and exhibitions, at commemorative events.
{"title":"A Study of Aesthetic Politics on the Well-Timed Value of May 18 Dance","authors":"Jae-Ryung Lim","doi":"10.55082/jdp.2022.5.2.67","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.55082/jdp.2022.5.2.67","url":null,"abstract":"This paper provides a new well-timed value by highlighting the reproduction characteristics of the dance genre by examining the form and content of the cultural and artistic medium that participated in the May 18 democratization from an aesthetic political perspective. To this end, this research explains the process that May 18 dance was developed from a simple memorial ceremony to a cultural industry and observes the discourse on the significant value of this genre at this time, which is comprehensively included in the culture and art genre. Introducing Roland Bleiker's aesthetic political thinking, the researcher emphasizes that this theory can be a theoretical alternative to pursuing aesthetics as a cultural product at the same time without losing the politics of reproducing the spirit of protest and union. Lastly, the cases of May 18 dance are re-evaluated in a way that specifically applies aesthetic political thinking while examining them. As a result, it was argued that the limitations of May 18 dance that could not fully reproduce the sacrifice and efforts of Gwangju citizens can be overcome with aesthetic politics based on nonverbality and abstraction, and through this symbolic process, a lasting relationship between suppliers and consumers can be formed. This paper is expected to expand the scope of academic research on May 18 to dance studies, calming concerns about commercialization of performance art genres, including music, art, performances, and exhibitions, at commemorative events.","PeriodicalId":263375,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Peace Institute, Chosun University","volume":"29 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129479840","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-31DOI: 10.55082/jdp.2022.5.2.51
Hoeseop Shin
This paper legally reviews the concept and operation method of local community policing system, and discusses the necessity and acceptance method to supplement its limitations with civil-police cooperation. Currently, the police organization is divided into three parts: the national police, local community police, and investigative police. Meanwhile, the municipal policing system has not been able to provide services closely related to residents' lives as expected due to the lack of available manpower a year after its introduction. As an essential alternative, civil-policy cooperation can effectively support the life safety, transportation, and security affairs of local community police, so it studies how it can be accommodated. Although previous studies have emphasized civil-police cooperation, they have not specified the problems of system operation since the introduction of the autonomous police system in 2021. As a research method, regulations under the ordinance are introduced to find out the concept of the autonomous police system and the operation status after the introduction of the system. Next, after pointing out the limitations of the local community system, the concept and institutional acceptance of private and police cooperation as alternatives are considered, and specific measures are presented in the conclusion. This study expects that follow-up research will continue at a time when support for the autonomous crime prevention team was legislated in 2022 and opportunities to strengthen civil-police cooperation are provided.
{"title":"Problems after the Introduction of the Local Community Policing System and Civil-Police Cooperation as its Alternative","authors":"Hoeseop Shin","doi":"10.55082/jdp.2022.5.2.51","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.55082/jdp.2022.5.2.51","url":null,"abstract":"This paper legally reviews the concept and operation method of local community policing system, and discusses the necessity and acceptance method to supplement its limitations with civil-police cooperation. Currently, the police organization is divided into three parts: the national police, local community police, and investigative police. Meanwhile, the municipal policing system has not been able to provide services closely related to residents' lives as expected due to the lack of available manpower a year after its introduction. As an essential alternative, civil-policy cooperation can effectively support the life safety, transportation, and security affairs of local community police, so it studies how it can be accommodated. Although previous studies have emphasized civil-police cooperation, they have not specified the problems of system operation since the introduction of the autonomous police system in 2021. As a research method, regulations under the ordinance are introduced to find out the concept of the autonomous police system and the operation status after the introduction of the system. Next, after pointing out the limitations of the local community system, the concept and institutional acceptance of private and police cooperation as alternatives are considered, and specific measures are presented in the conclusion. This study expects that follow-up research will continue at a time when support for the autonomous crime prevention team was legislated in 2022 and opportunities to strengthen civil-police cooperation are provided.","PeriodicalId":263375,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Peace Institute, Chosun University","volume":"23 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132080839","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-31DOI: 10.55082/jdp.2022.5.2.99
Youngmi Lim
The U.S. government has taken the sexual assault of U.S. troops lightly, even though aware of the prevalence during the Vietnam War. Some conscientious veterans admitted and confessed to this fact, but the US media also did not report it much. However, Paco's Story (1986) by Larry Heinemann specifically describes the mass sexual assault of a Vietnamese sniper who killed two US sentry soldiers. The National Book Awards 1987 winning novel confirms the public's consensus on this issue. This paper studies the reality and problems of sexual assault in the U.S. military by analyzing Paco's Story by Larry Heinemann with the main question of whether sexual assault against an enemy can be admitted in a wartime situation. This article starts with introducing the US military sexual violence and media awareness of it at that time and analyzes the novel over the two scenes of sexual intercourse. The writer analyzes the first scene that Paco's squadron raped a Viet Cong female sniper while paying attention to the presence of the men's sexual desire in the criminal act in addition to racism and misogyny. Next, this research goes to the second scene of the imaginary love affair between Paco and Cathy, looking for the answer of what stands for Cathy's existence to Paco. Lastly, this research is expected to contribute to studying wartime sexual assault in other countries including the Vietnam War.
{"title":"Awakening of Wartime Sexual Assault in Paco's Story by Larry Heinemann","authors":"Youngmi Lim","doi":"10.55082/jdp.2022.5.2.99","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.55082/jdp.2022.5.2.99","url":null,"abstract":"The U.S. government has taken the sexual assault of U.S. troops lightly, even though aware of the prevalence during the Vietnam War. Some conscientious veterans admitted and confessed to this fact, but the US media also did not report it much. However, Paco's Story (1986) by Larry Heinemann specifically describes the mass sexual assault of a Vietnamese sniper who killed two US sentry soldiers. The National Book Awards 1987 winning novel confirms the public's consensus on this issue. This paper studies the reality and problems of sexual assault in the U.S. military by analyzing Paco's Story by Larry Heinemann with the main question of whether sexual assault against an enemy can be admitted in a wartime situation. This article starts with introducing the US military sexual violence and media awareness of it at that time and analyzes the novel over the two scenes of sexual intercourse. The writer analyzes the first scene that Paco's squadron raped a Viet Cong female sniper while paying attention to the presence of the men's sexual desire in the criminal act in addition to racism and misogyny. Next, this research goes to the second scene of the imaginary love affair between Paco and Cathy, looking for the answer of what stands for Cathy's existence to Paco. Lastly, this research is expected to contribute to studying wartime sexual assault in other countries including the Vietnam War.","PeriodicalId":263375,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Peace Institute, Chosun University","volume":"37 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132474387","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-31DOI: 10.55082/jdp.2022.5.2.25
Myeong-Soo Jeon
The May-18 Citizen Militia, as a good-willed vigilante corps armed to resist the evil governmental authority after the mass firing of martial law forces on May 21, 1980, realized a peaceful world called Dae-dong-se-sang (or the wholly equalized one) for 5 days from the 22nd until the 26th of the month and publicized the New-Army Group's crime of destroying the constitutional order and Gwangju citizens' dedicated efforts around the world through the Final Resistance. This paper specifies the spirit of May 18 Demonstration Movement by examining the vigilante activities of the militia and illuminates its precious value in the light of Thomas Hobbes's and John Locke's philosophical idea on the relationship between governmental authority and people’s resistance right. As a research method, the discourse of vigilantism is applied to the formation and activities of the militia, and their vigilantism activities are studied in terms of legal philosophy. In the process, this research explains the rationale of exercising the governmental power by the idea of Hobbes' Leviathan and illuminates the legitimacy of the militia's activities of vigilantism by Locke's theory of governance. And also, it argues the value of studying the militia's formation and activities by confirming the contact points with Locke's idea through reinterpreting Hobbes's thought. Lastly, this study defines the 5·18 spirit as sovereignty vested in the people, vigilant resistance, Dae-dong-se-sang, the idea of human rights, and protection of democracy and expects that legal philosophical considerations integrating historical fact research and political interpretation will contribute to the investigation of the facts of May 18 Demonstration Movement and the commemoration and succession of the event.
{"title":"A Study of Legal Philosophy on the 5·18 Civilian Militia's Activities: Centered on the Relationship between Governmental Authority and Vigilantism","authors":"Myeong-Soo Jeon","doi":"10.55082/jdp.2022.5.2.25","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.55082/jdp.2022.5.2.25","url":null,"abstract":"The May-18 Citizen Militia, as a good-willed vigilante corps armed to resist the evil governmental authority after the mass firing of martial law forces on May 21, 1980, realized a peaceful world called Dae-dong-se-sang (or the wholly equalized one) for 5 days from the 22nd until the 26th of the month and publicized the New-Army Group's crime of destroying the constitutional order and Gwangju citizens' dedicated efforts around the world through the Final Resistance. This paper specifies the spirit of May 18 Demonstration Movement by examining the vigilante activities of the militia and illuminates its precious value in the light of Thomas Hobbes's and John Locke's philosophical idea on the relationship between governmental authority and people’s resistance right. As a research method, the discourse of vigilantism is applied to the formation and activities of the militia, and their vigilantism activities are studied in terms of legal philosophy. In the process, this research explains the rationale of exercising the governmental power by the idea of Hobbes' Leviathan and illuminates the legitimacy of the militia's activities of vigilantism by Locke's theory of governance. And also, it argues the value of studying the militia's formation and activities by confirming the contact points with Locke's idea through reinterpreting Hobbes's thought. Lastly, this study defines the 5·18 spirit as sovereignty vested in the people, vigilant resistance, Dae-dong-se-sang, the idea of human rights, and protection of democracy and expects that legal philosophical considerations integrating historical fact research and political interpretation will contribute to the investigation of the facts of May 18 Demonstration Movement and the commemoration and succession of the event.","PeriodicalId":263375,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Peace Institute, Chosun University","volume":"18 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128837963","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-31DOI: 10.55082/jdp.2022.5.1.45
Geon-geun Lee
U.S. media and contents based on the Vietnam War have focused mainly on the political aspects of the Cold War era after the Second World War and the post-Cold War era in the 1990s, but little has been said about the frequent U.S. soldiers' sexual assault against Vietnamese women. This paper examines the way the faction literature and movies related to the Vietnam War reproduce sexual violence by the U.S. military and discusses whether it is worth discussing the phenomenon of wartime sexual violence on terms of social science. To this end, I examine the contents reproduced by the style of 'faction' through literature data describing sexual assault by the U.S. military, and explore whether the reproduction method can be discussed politically based on William Timothy O'Brien's experience and perception. In addition, in the conclusion, a practical methodology is presented to convey precious lessons of international pacifism to future generations. As a result, it is emphasized that this genre of faction can present the direction of international efforts to realize true peace with various dynamics that can discourse this issue tinged by a style of social science research with sexual assault-related facts and sensitivity-stimulating fiction. This paper will invite more follow-up studies in that it is a new attempt to explore whether the factional reproduction elements of Vietnam War-related works, which could have been understood mainly by interest, can be analyzed socially and scientifically.
{"title":"Faction Representation Method of Sexual Assault by the U.S. Forces in the Vietnam War and Its Discourse Value","authors":"Geon-geun Lee","doi":"10.55082/jdp.2022.5.1.45","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.55082/jdp.2022.5.1.45","url":null,"abstract":"U.S. media and contents based on the Vietnam War have focused mainly on the political aspects of the Cold War era after the Second World War and the post-Cold War era in the 1990s, but little has been said about the frequent U.S. soldiers' sexual assault against Vietnamese women. This paper examines the way the faction literature and movies related to the Vietnam War reproduce sexual violence by the U.S. \u0000military and discusses whether it is worth discussing the phenomenon of wartime sexual violence on terms of social science. To this end, I examine the contents reproduced by the style of 'faction' through literature data describing sexual assault by the U.S. military, and explore whether the reproduction method can be discussed politically based on William Timothy O'Brien's experience and perception. In addition, in the conclusion, a practical methodology is presented to convey precious lessons of international pacifism to future generations. As a result, it is emphasized that this genre of faction can present the direction of international efforts to realize true peace with various dynamics that can discourse this issue tinged by a style of social science research with sexual assault-related facts and sensitivity-stimulating fiction. \u0000This paper will invite more follow-up studies in that it is a new attempt to explore whether the factional reproduction elements of Vietnam War-related works, which could have been understood mainly by interest, can be analyzed socially and scientifically.","PeriodicalId":263375,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Peace Institute, Chosun University","volume":"575 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130765114","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-31DOI: 10.55082/jdp.2022.5.1.67
Su You, Ilmyeong Kim
In the 2020s, Korean elementary schools are once again realizing that organic communication between schools and families, which are the source of emotional support, is necessary as a contraction of the future society after experiencing a hiatus due to the COVID-19 pandemic. This paper examines the effect of psychological exercise on self-esteem of low-grade students in general elementary school and examines the advantages of using it for school democratic citizenship education. To this end, the theoretical background of psychological exercise and self-esteem is examined, and specific research methods and results are introduced and discussed. As a result, it is argued that psychological exercise can have a significant effect not only on the school, social, and general self-esteem of lower-grade elementary school students but also on the family side. This study is meaningful in suggesting a direction of effective school democratic citizenship education through organic relations between school and family by emphasizing the advantages of psychological exercise that can activate the interaction between elementary school students and exercise.
{"title":"Effect of Psychomotorik on the Improvement of Self-esteem as a Practice Method for Democratic Citizenship Education in School","authors":"Su You, Ilmyeong Kim","doi":"10.55082/jdp.2022.5.1.67","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.55082/jdp.2022.5.1.67","url":null,"abstract":"In the 2020s, Korean elementary schools are once again realizing that organic communication between schools and families, which are the source of emotional support, is necessary as a contraction of the future society after experiencing a hiatus due to the COVID-19 pandemic. This paper examines the effect of psychological exercise on self-esteem of low-grade students in general elementary school and examines the advantages of using it for school democratic citizenship education. To this end, the theoretical background of psychological exercise and self-esteem is examined, and specific research methods and results are introduced and discussed. As a result, it is argued that psychological exercise can have a significant effect not only on the school, social, and general self-esteem of lower-grade elementary school students but also on the family side. This study is meaningful in suggesting a direction of effective school democratic citizenship education through organic relations between school and family by emphasizing the advantages of psychological exercise that can activate the interaction between elementary school students and exercise.","PeriodicalId":263375,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Peace Institute, Chosun University","volume":"642 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116086473","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-31DOI: 10.55082/jdp.2022.5.1.21
Soonhyoung Joung
The Korean Framework Act on Education cherishes the quality necessary as a democratic citizen. Meanwhile, as the National Human Rights Commission Act was enacted in 2001, and many local governments, including Gwangju Metropolitan City, enacted ordinances to guarantee and promote human rights in the mid to late 2000s, human rights education was emphasized but not studied theoretically and practically. This paper presents a methodology that can be used to realize the common public interest goals of both by comparing the concept and actual status of democratic citizenship education and human rights education. To this end, first of all, the concept of democratic citizenship education and related discourses are considered in light of the preceding studies of Democratic Peace Research and related laws and ordinances. Subsequently, it analyzes the status of the people's human rights consciousness, systems related to human rights education, human rights education seen in democratic citizenship education programs, and ordinances related to human rights education in Gwangju Metropolitan City. As a result, it emphasizes the fact that human rights education has the purpose of confirming the basic rights of mankind and the people and holding both the state and civilians responsible for guaranteeing it, while democratic citizenship education can provide a practical methodology to maximize its effectiveness. This study is of significance in that it proposed an alternative that could harmonize the two in a state where democratic citizenship education and human rights education were indiscriminately mixed.
{"title":"Comparison of Concepts and Discussion of Reciprocal Methodologies of Democratic Citizenship Education and Human Rights Education","authors":"Soonhyoung Joung","doi":"10.55082/jdp.2022.5.1.21","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.55082/jdp.2022.5.1.21","url":null,"abstract":"The Korean Framework Act on Education cherishes the quality necessary as a democratic citizen. Meanwhile, as the National Human Rights Commission Act was enacted in 2001, and many local governments, including Gwangju Metropolitan City, enacted ordinances to guarantee and promote human rights in the mid to late 2000s, human rights education was emphasized but not studied theoretically and practically. This paper presents a methodology that can be used to realize the common public interest goals of both by comparing the concept and actual status of democratic citizenship education and human rights education. To this end, first of all, the concept of democratic citizenship education and related discourses are considered in light of the preceding studies of Democratic Peace Research and related laws and ordinances. Subsequently, it analyzes the status of the people's human rights consciousness, systems related to human rights education, human rights education seen in democratic citizenship education programs, and ordinances related to human rights education in Gwangju Metropolitan City. As a result, it emphasizes the fact that human rights education has the purpose of confirming the basic rights of mankind and the people and holding both the state and civilians responsible for guaranteeing it, while democratic citizenship education can provide a practical methodology to maximize its effectiveness. \u0000This study is of significance in that it proposed an alternative that could harmonize the two in a state where democratic citizenship education and human rights education were indiscriminately mixed.","PeriodicalId":263375,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Peace Institute, Chosun University","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130118175","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The May 18 National Democratic Cemetery, after being raised in the status of national cemetery, has been at the center of discourse on the management and operation of the democratic cemetery for about 20 years until 2022 just as providing power to the democratization movement by going through with commemorating the victims of the May 18 uprising in the mid-1980s. This paper presents a future-oriented direction by deriving policy implications by examining the trend of discourse over the past 20 years on the management and operation of this place based on the historical symbolism of the May 18 cemetery as a democratic holy place. To this end, the reports of the Korea Economic Research Institute (2005) and the Korea Modern and Social Research Institute (2006) are first examined and compared with the latest reports produced in 2021. As a result, it is found that the management and operation of the May 18 cemetery has a history of not fully demonstrating the memorial and educational functions, including the enactment of the National Cemetery Act in 2005 and the government's integrated management and operation policy in 2022. Accordingly, it is argued that a new development plan considering the convenience of visitors is needed to introduce new burial methods such as charnel and natural burial after 2022 and to devise an effective cultural park. In addition to the Memorial Hall, this study expects timely value in suggesting the history of the May 18 cemetery, the geological environment, and the direction of specific education and tourism discussions.
{"title":"Ⅰ. 서론 Ⅱ. 국립5‧18민주묘지의 성역화와 납골 및 문화적 공원화에 대한 담론 양상 Ⅲ. 2022년 통합관리운영 정책과 민주묘지로서의 개별성 간 조화를 통한 미래형 발전계획 전망 Ⅳ. 결론","authors":"Ik-Soon Cho","doi":"10.55082/jdp.2022.5.1.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.55082/jdp.2022.5.1.1","url":null,"abstract":"The May 18 National Democratic Cemetery, after being raised in the status of national cemetery, has been at the center of discourse on the management and operation of the democratic cemetery for about 20 years until 2022 just as providing power to the democratization movement by going through with commemorating the victims of the May 18 uprising in the mid-1980s. This paper presents a future-oriented direction by deriving policy implications by examining the trend of discourse over the past 20 years on the management and operation of this place based on the historical symbolism of the May 18 cemetery as a democratic holy place. \u0000To this end, the reports of the Korea Economic Research Institute (2005) and the Korea Modern and Social Research Institute (2006) are first examined and compared with the latest reports produced in 2021. As a result, it is found that the management and operation of the May 18 cemetery has a history of not fully demonstrating the memorial and educational functions, including the enactment of the National Cemetery Act in 2005 and the government's integrated management and operation policy in 2022. Accordingly, it is argued that a new development plan considering the convenience of visitors is needed to introduce new burial methods such as charnel and natural burial after 2022 and to devise an effective cultural park. In addition to the Memorial Hall, this study expects timely value in suggesting the history of the May 18 cemetery, the geological environment, and the direction of specific education and tourism discussions.","PeriodicalId":263375,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Peace Institute, Chosun University","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128932427","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-31DOI: 10.55082/jdp.2022.5.1.97
Jong-Bin Lim
In the 2020s, the Korean Peninsula seems to have further alienated its desire for peaceful reunification due to the North Korean nuclear threat that has continued for the past 20 years. However, clues can be found to solve this crisis in the history of the last democratization movements, which have always pursued a unification movement with the change of dictatorship. This paper examines the nationalist ideal that has always accompanied Korea's democratization efforts, identifies the connection between the democratization movement and the unification movement, and presents contemporarily significant points based on the results. For the purpose of this study, the researcher introduces the traditional security view that has relied on military power by considering the South Korean people's sense of unification in the midst of the North Korean nuclear crisis in the 2020s and the realist opinion that leads the cause and feasibility of unification on economical terms. In addition, this research examines the pattern of the post-Cold War nationalist integration spirit that appeared in the unification movement process after the democratization movement, and highlights the connection point of the two major movements and their value of the time. This study has found that students and citizens who participated in the pro-democracy movement argued for nationalistic ideals against foreign intervention while resisting the authoritarian government's suppression of the pro-democracy movement in the name of the US-backed anti-communist line. This research is significant in that it emphasizes that continuous democracy practice is a key element of security in addition to military power by linking the two major movements ideologically.
{"title":"Shared Value of the Democratic Movement and the Unification Movement: Post-Cold War Nationalist Unity","authors":"Jong-Bin Lim","doi":"10.55082/jdp.2022.5.1.97","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.55082/jdp.2022.5.1.97","url":null,"abstract":"In the 2020s, the Korean Peninsula seems to have further alienated its desire for peaceful reunification due to the North Korean nuclear threat that has continued for the past 20 years. \u0000However, clues can be found to solve this crisis in the history of the last democratization movements, which have always pursued a unification movement with the change of dictatorship. This paper examines the nationalist ideal that has always accompanied Korea's democratization efforts, identifies the connection between the democratization movement and the unification movement, and presents contemporarily significant points based on the results. For the purpose of this study, the researcher introduces the traditional security view that has relied on military power by considering the South Korean people's sense of unification in the midst of the North Korean nuclear crisis in the 2020s and the realist opinion that leads the cause and feasibility of unification on economical terms. In addition, this research examines the pattern of the post-Cold War nationalist integration spirit that appeared in the unification movement process after the democratization movement, and highlights the connection point of the two major movements and their value of the time. This study has found that students and citizens who participated in the pro-democracy movement argued for nationalistic ideals against foreign intervention while resisting the authoritarian government's suppression of the pro-democracy movement in the name of the US-backed anti-communist line. This research is significant in that it emphasizes that continuous democracy practice is a key element of security in addition to military power by linking the two major movements ideologically.","PeriodicalId":263375,"journal":{"name":"Democracy and Peace Institute, Chosun University","volume":"22 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131904254","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-31DOI: 10.55082/jdp.2021.4.2.25
Youngmi Lim
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