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Charles Fremont Wolcott’s Pocket Diary: Battery H, 1st Ohio Light Artillery 查尔斯·弗里蒙特·沃尔科特的袖珍日记:第1俄亥俄轻炮兵H炮台
Pub Date : 2017-02-24 DOI: 10.1353/GET.2017.0004
Edward C. Browne
Gettysburg Magazine, no. 56 soldiering was not “all his fancy painted it,” tried to console the suff erer by the remark, “that now he would be entitled to his discharge.” Th e wrath of Monty at the idea that he would leave the service on such a pretext, was too great for words. He used none, but simply let fl y with his uninjured right, with such eff ect that his wouldbe consoler promptly measured his length on the ground amid a great applause.4
葛底斯堡杂志,不。当兵并不是“他想象的那样”,他试图安慰受苦的人说,“现在他有资格退伍了。”一想到他要以这样的借口离开军中,蒙蒂的怒火难以言表。他什么也没用,只是用他没受伤的右手飞了起来,结果他的安慰者在一片热烈的掌声中迅速量了量他在地上的长度
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引用次数: 0
If You Want to Go: The Essential Guide to Battlefield Photography 如果你想去:战场摄影的基本指南
Pub Date : 2017-02-24 DOI: 10.1353/GET.2017.0006
Sonny Fulks
with too much about too little. But now, thirty years later, I’m sure that I can assist those who still ask and who recognize me from my relationship with this magazine, without breaking their bank account or their spirit to be creative while they enjoy touring the fi eld. To that end, many people still stop to inquire about what I’m shooting and when it will appear in Gettysburg Magazine. Some with cameras have actually asked if they could make an image of the same scene just to say they were there when the cover photo was taken and to have their own photo by which to compare and remember the day. Th at actually bugs some photographers. I, on the other hand, couldn’t care less. So for those people who enjoy it, I’ve taken the time to make the process simpler for you— a list of things you can use to help make battlefi eld photography both fun and gratifying. Here’s how I think.
太多,太少。但现在,三十年过去了,我确信我可以帮助那些仍然问我的人,那些从我与这本杂志的关系中认出我的人,而不会破坏他们的银行账户,也不会破坏他们在享受实地考察时的创新精神。为此,许多人仍然停下来询问我在拍什么,什么时候会出现在葛底斯堡杂志上。一些有相机的人甚至问他们是否可以拍一张相同场景的照片,只是为了说明拍摄封面照片时他们在那里,并有自己的照片来比较和记住这一天。这实际上让一些摄影师感到困扰。另一方面,我一点也不在乎。因此,对于那些喜欢它的人,我花时间为你简化了这个过程——一个清单,你可以用它来帮助战地摄影既有趣又令人满意。以下是我的想法。
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引用次数: 0
The Discovery of Babcock Rock 巴布科克岩石的发现
Pub Date : 2017-02-24 DOI: 10.1353/GET.2017.0005
B. Isenberg, Richard Rigney
Only two months before the events of this letter, aft er the battle of Chancellorsville, Willis wrote to his father about “leaving the army if he could do so with honor to himself.”2 Samuel thought it best that Willis remain in the ranks, and so Willis stayed. Th e sad tidings received in Major Bradley’s letter refreshed Samuel’s apprehension about the advice he had so recently off ered to his son. He later recalled, “I felt some misgivings over it and wished I had told him to do what he thought best under the circumstances. But that like many other things has passed and cannot be recalled. I thought at the time I did right, but my heart aches now while I think of it.”3 As was the case for thousands of people across the North and South aft er every great battle of the war, the words written by Major Bradley on July 5 set in motion a macabre journey for Mr. Babcock. Th e fi -
就在这封信发生的两个月前,在钱瑟勒斯维尔战役结束后,威利斯写信给他的父亲,说“如果能离开军队,他会为自己赢得荣誉。”撒母耳认为威利斯最好还是留在队伍里,于是他就留下了。从布拉德利少校的信中得知的不幸消息,使塞缪尔重新想起了他不久前给儿子的忠告。他后来回忆说:“我对此感到有些疑虑,并希望我告诉他在这种情况下做他认为最好的事情。但是,就像许多其他事情一样,那已经过去了,不能再回忆了。我当时认为我做得对,但现在一想起来我就心痛。就像每一场大战结束后,南北双方成千上万的人的情况一样,布拉德利少校在7月5日写下的这句话,为巴布科克先生开启了一段可怕的旅程。最后——
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引用次数: 0
The Sunrise Hours at Gettysburg, July 2, 1863 葛底斯堡日出时刻(1863年7月2日
Pub Date : 2017-02-24 DOI: 10.1353/GET.2017.0001
D. Shultz, Scott L. Mingus
The Evening of July 1 Missed Opportunities and Fresh Planning During the predawn sunrise hours of July 2, 1863, Gen. Robert E. Lee, commanding the Confederate Army of Northern Virginia, and Maj. Gen. George G. Meade, the newly appointed commander of the Union Army of the Potomac, began considering changing the tactics they had already planned and set in motion— Lee, the previous evening and Meade, shortly aft er midnight. Lee’s inclination this cloudy Th ursday morning was to strike the enemy as early as possible, “if they were still there,” while Meade repositioned his defensive perimeter aft er a thorough examination along his westfacing front. It was nearly dawn when both army commanders reconsidered their initial general plans, this change of tactics coming aft er top subordinates presented diff erent ideas as to how to handle the imminent battle. Th ose senior offi cers trying to infl uence their respective leaders included Lt. Gen. James Longstreet, commanding the Confederate First Army Corps, and Union Twelft h Corps commander Maj. Gen. Henry W. Slocum. Th eir disingenuous attitudes and problematic demeanors at this early hour proved questionable, with the latter’s demands somewhat more strategically practical than Longstreet’s. Th eir continuous disagreeing and prodding with their superiors would force Lee and Meade
错过的机会和新的计划1863年7月2日黎明前,指挥北弗吉尼亚邦联军队的罗伯特·e·李将军和新任命的波托马克联邦军司令乔治·g·米德少将开始考虑改变他们已经计划和实施的战术——李是在前一天晚上,米德是在午夜后不久。在这个多云的星期四早晨,李将军倾向于尽早打击敌人,“如果他们还在的话”,而米德则在彻底检查了他的西线后重新部署了他的防御外围。将近黎明时分,两位军队指挥官重新考虑了他们最初的总体计划,在高层下属就如何应对即将到来的战斗提出了不同的想法之后,战术发生了变化。那些试图影响各自领导人的高级军官包括指挥邦联第一军团的詹姆斯·朗斯特里特中将和联邦第十二军团指挥官亨利·w·斯洛克姆少将。他们在这么早的时候虚伪的态度和有问题的举止令人怀疑,因为后者的要求在战略上比朗斯特里特的要求更实际一些。李和米德与上级之间不断的分歧和催促迫使他们
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引用次数: 0
“I Cannot Think What Has Become of Stuart”: The Impact of Stuart’s Absence on Confederate Operations, June 25 to July 2, 1863 1863年6月25日至7月2日,“我无法想象斯图亚特的情况”:斯图亚特的缺席对邦联作战的影响
Pub Date : 2017-02-24 DOI: 10.1353/GET.2017.0002
C. Norville
“I Cannot Think What Has Become of Stuart” spy, not from his trusted cavalry chief, Maj. Gen. J. E. B. Stuart. Stuart had ridden off with three cavalry brigades on June 25 and had not been heard from since, leaving Lee to wonder where he was, what the Federals were up to, and why he had not heard from his cavalry. In the absence of detailed information concerning Union troop movements, Lee’s tactical options immediately narrowed, forcing him to radically change his plans and compelling him to operate in an information vacuum that would grow worse in the coming days. Entire volumes and countless articles have already minutely examined the question of the responsibility for Stuart’s absence.1 Rather than retreading that ground, this brief article examines the implications of Stuart’s absence on Lee’s decisionmaking process and how his tactical options were both limited and hindered during the critical period from June 25, when Stuart began his ride around the Union army, to July 2, when Stuart rejoined the Army of Northern Virginia, which was already engaged at Gettysburg.
“我不知道斯图尔特怎么样了”的间谍,而不是他信任的骑兵队长j·e·b·斯图尔特少将。6月25日,斯图尔特率领三个骑兵旅离开了,此后一直杳无音信,这使李将军很想知道他在哪里,联邦军在做什么,为什么他没有收到骑兵的消息。由于缺乏有关联军部队动向的详细信息,李将军的战术选择立即缩小,迫使他从根本上改变他的计划,迫使他在信息真空的情况下作战,这种情况在接下来的日子里会变得更糟。关于斯图亚特缺席的责任问题,已经有好几卷书和数不清的文章详细地研究过了这篇简短的文章并没有重述这一观点,而是考察了斯图尔特的缺席对李将军决策过程的影响,以及他的战术选择在关键时期是如何受到限制和阻碍的,从6月25日斯图尔特开始在联邦军周围作战,到7月2日斯图尔特重新加入已经在葛底斯堡交战的北弗吉尼亚军队。
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引用次数: 0
The Second Day at Gettysburg: The Attack and Defense of Cemetery Ridge, July 2, 1863 by David L. Shultz and Scott L. Mingus (review) 葛底斯堡战役的第二天:墓地岭的进攻与防御,1863年7月2日,大卫·l·舒尔茨和斯科特·l·明格斯著(书评)
Pub Date : 2017-02-24 DOI: 10.1353/get.2017.0008
Robert Grandchamp
depicts a Confederate reenactor’s head splitting open, presumably at the moment it is struck by an artillery fragment. Undoubtedly, the author hoped these images would remind the reader of war’s baseness and cruelty; however, many readers will surely consider these images to be tasteless or even a glorifi cation of the violence that occurred on July 1– 3, 1863. Of course, judging the appropriateness of placing digitally eviscerated reenactors into a picture book belongs to the discretion of the individual reader, but prospective buyers should be encouraged to preview the images fi rst, as some will fi nd them disturbing, revolting, or off ensive. In short, Seething Hell is a lengthy anthology of wellknown fi rsthand accounts, speckled with computergenerated blood and gore. Timothy J. Orr Old Dominion University
这幅画描绘了一个南方邦联重演者的头裂开,大概是在被炮弹碎片击中的那一刻。毫无疑问,作者希望这些画面能提醒读者战争的卑劣和残酷;然而,许多读者肯定会认为这些图片毫无品味,甚至是对1863年7月1日至3日发生的暴力事件的美化。当然,判断将数字剔除的再现者放入图画书的适当性属于个人读者的自由裁量权,但应该鼓励潜在的买家首先预览这些图像,因为有些人会觉得它们令人不安,令人反感或令人反感。简而言之,《沸腾的地狱》是一部冗长的选集,收录了著名的第一手资料,点缀着电脑生成的血腥和血腥。Timothy J. Orr Old Dominion University
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引用次数: 0
Fight like the Devil: The First Day at Gettysburg, July 1, 1863 by Chris Mackowski, Kristopher D. White, and Daniel T. Davis (review) 《像魔鬼一样战斗:葛底斯堡第一天》,1863年7月1日,克里斯·麦考斯基、克里斯托弗·d·怀特和丹尼尔·t·戴维斯著(书评)
Pub Date : 2016-07-31 DOI: 10.1353/get.2016.0023
Robert M. Dunkerly
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引用次数: 0
The Gettysburg Cyclorama: The Turning Point of the Civil War on Canvas by Chris Brenneman and Sue Boardman (review) 《葛底斯堡的环环画:内战的转折点》克里斯·布伦内曼、苏·博德曼著(书评)
Pub Date : 2016-07-31 DOI: 10.1353/GET.2016.0015
Jonathan M. Steplyk
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引用次数: 0
James Longstreet and the Famous “Order to Attack” 詹姆斯·朗斯特里特和著名的“进攻命令”
Pub Date : 2016-07-31 DOI: 10.1353/GET.2016.0016
H. Florence
Gettysburg Magazine, no. 55 the turning point of the war. Following three days of confl ict, the Confederate retreat on July 4, 1863, marked the beginning of the end for Lee’s army. Th e Army of Northern Virginia never regained the prowess, strength, and eff ectiveness that it possessed immediately following its victory at Chancellorsville. In fact, the army never again entered Union territory, and Lee’s surrender at Appomattox Court House in April 1865 disbanded his army and eff ectively ended the American Civil War. Lee’s army lost the battle for a number of reasons, perhaps. However, one particular aspect of Gettysburg that has fostered much debate is the timing of Gen. James Longstreet’s July 2 attack on the Federal left . Some say Lee ordered Longstreet to attack at sunrise, while others argue Lee ordered Longstreet’s attack well into the morning. Underpinning this debate— which might otherwise appear a pedantic point devoid of practical consequence— is the historical inquiry concerning who remains responsible for the Confederate defeat on July 2. Th at is, the assignment of blame might shift from Longstreet to Lee, or vice versa, depending on the time at which Lee issued his attack orders to his subordinate, Longstreet. Many fi nd Longstreet at fault, while others blame Gen. J. E. B. Stuart and the absence of his cavalry as the primary reason. Moreover, some contend that General Lee’s wanting generalship was paramount to all other errors. Of course, it is also quite possible that there is plenty of blame to go around, with each candidate contributing, to diff erent degrees, to the Confederacy’s battlefi eld demise at Gettysburg. Upon review of offi cial records and numerous contemporaneous accounts, the historical record In the months leading to the Battle of Gettysburg, Gen. Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia enjoyed considerable success on the battlefi eld. In December 1862 Lee repelled the Federal assault at Fredericksburg in decisive fashion. Of Fredericksburg, one participant wrote that the Federal soldiers melted “like snow coming down on warm ground” as they rushed the wellfortifi ed Confederate line.1 A few months later, in April and May 1863, Lee’s army defeated the Army of the Potomac at Chancellorsville. Here, considered his greatest victory, Lee, outnumbered by two to one, delivered a crushing defeat to the betterequipped and bettersupplied enemy.2 With these victories in mind, an optimistic Lee, believing his army nearly invincible, planned his invasion.3 Intending to transfer hostilities to the North, free Virginia from enemy presence, break up the Federal’s summer campaign plan, and achieve a decisive Confederate victory on Union soil, Lee’s army crossed the Potomac in early June 1863.4 Upon locating the Federal army, Lee crossed his troops into Pennsylvania, hoping similar results awaited him. However, the Battle of Gettysburg proved to be
葛底斯堡杂志,不。战争的转折点。经过三天的冲突,南方联盟于1863年7月4日撤退,标志着李将军军队的终结。北弗吉尼亚军队再也没有恢复在钱瑟勒斯维尔取得胜利后所拥有的勇猛、力量和战斗力。事实上,军队再也没有进入联邦领土,李将军于1865年4月在阿波马托克斯法院投降,解散了他的军队,有效地结束了美国内战。李将军的军队输掉了这场战役,原因可能有很多。然而,葛底斯堡的一个特别方面引发了很多争论,那就是詹姆斯·朗斯特里特将军7月2日攻击联邦左翼的时间。有人说,李将军命令朗斯特里特在日出时进攻,而另一些人则认为,李将军命令朗斯特里特一直进攻到凌晨。支持这一争论的是关于谁应该为7月2日邦联的失败负责的历史调查,否则这可能是一个没有实际意义的迂腐观点。也就是说,责任可能会从朗斯特里特转移到李身上,反之亦然,这取决于李向他的下属朗斯特里特发出攻击命令的时间。许多人认为是朗斯特里特的错,而另一些人则指责j·e·b·斯图尔特将军和他的骑兵缺席是主要原因。此外,一些人认为,李将军想当上将是所有其他错误的首要原因。当然,也很有可能有很多责任可以推卸,因为每位候选人都在不同程度上对邦联在葛底斯堡的失败负有责任。在葛底斯堡战役前的几个月里,罗伯特·e·李将军的北弗吉尼亚军队在战场上取得了相当大的成功。1862年12月,李将军在弗雷德里克斯堡以决定性的方式击退了联邦军队的进攻。关于弗雷德里克斯堡,一位参与者写道,当联邦士兵冲向防御工事严密的邦联防线时,他们“就像雪落在温暖的地面上一样”融化了几个月后,在1863年4月和5月,李的军队在钱瑟勒斯维尔击败了波托马克军队。在这里,被认为是他最伟大的胜利,李在人数上以二比一的劣势,给装备和供应都更好的敌人带来了毁灭性的打击怀着这些胜利的心情,乐观的李将军,相信他的军队几乎是不可战胜的,计划着他的入侵为了将敌对状态转移到北方,将弗吉尼亚从敌人的控制下解放出来,打破联邦的夏季战役计划,并在联邦的土地上取得决定性的胜利,李将军的军队于1863年6月初越过波托马克河,在找到联邦军队后,李将军越过他的部队进入宾夕法尼亚,希望同样的结果等待着他。然而,葛底斯堡战役证明了这一点
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引用次数: 0
The Gettysburg Address: Perspectives on Lincoln’s Greatest Speech ed. by Sean Conant (review) 葛底斯堡演说:对林肯最伟大演讲的看法作者:肖恩·科南特
Pub Date : 2016-07-31 DOI: 10.1353/GET.2016.0013
B. Jordan
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Gettysburg Magazine
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