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The Public Option 公共选择权
Pub Date : 2022-04-04 DOI: 10.1017/S1358246121000394
D. Coyle
Abstract People value highly the digital technologies that are so pervasive in everyday life and work, certainly as measured by economists. Yet there are also evident harms associated with them, including the likelihood that they are affecting political discourse and choices. The features of digital markets mean they tend toward monopoly, so great economic and political power lies in the hands of a small number of giant companies. While tougher regulation may be one way to tackle the harms they create, it does not get at the structural problem, which is their advertising-driven business model. The hunt for people's attention drives algorithmic promotion of viral content to get ever-more clicks. An alternative policy intervention to reclaim public space would be to create a public service competitor that could drive competition along other dimensions. Online space must be reclaimed as a public space from the privately-owned US and Chinese digital giants.
人们高度重视在日常生活和工作中无处不在的数字技术,这当然是经济学家所衡量的。然而,它们也有明显的危害,包括它们可能影响政治话语和选择。数字市场的特点意味着它们倾向于垄断,因此巨大的经济和政治权力掌握在少数大公司手中。虽然更严格的监管可能是解决它们造成的危害的一种方法,但它并没有解决结构性问题,即它们的广告驱动型商业模式。为了吸引人们的注意力,病毒式内容的算法推广得到了越来越多的点击。收回公共空间的另一种政策干预是创建一个公共服务竞争对手,它可以推动其他领域的竞争。网络空间必须从私有的美国和中国数字巨头手中夺回,成为公共空间。
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引用次数: 0
In Defense of A Mandatory Public Service Requirement 为强制性公共服务要求辩护
Pub Date : 2022-04-04 DOI: 10.1017/S1358246121000370
Debra M. Satz
Abstract This paper defends mandatory national service as a response to democratic decay. Because democracy cannot be maintained by laws and incentives alone, citizens must care about the quality and attitudes of their society's members. In an age of increasing segregation and conflict on the basis of class and race, national service can bring citizens from different walks of life together to interact cooperatively on social problems. It offers a form of ‘forced solidarity’. The final sections of the paper consider objections to this proposal.
摘要本文为强制性国民服役制度辩护,认为它是对民主衰退的回应。由于民主不能仅靠法律和激励来维持,公民必须关心社会成员的素质和态度。在一个以阶级和种族为基础的隔离和冲突日益加剧的时代,国家服务可以把不同阶层的公民聚集在一起,就社会问题进行合作。它提供了一种“强制团结”的形式。论文的最后几节讨论了对这项建议的反对意见。
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引用次数: 0
No More Benefit Cheats 没有更多的福利欺骗
Pub Date : 2022-04-04 DOI: 10.1017/S1358246121000382
Simon B. Duffy, J. Wolff
Abstract The concept of the ‘benefit cheat’ plays a critical role in political rhetoric and public policy and it has been deployed to justify changes to the benefit system that have had a very negative impact on well being and justice. The authors argue that the concept is dangerous, adding to the existing burdens of poverty and exclusion and that it must be eradicated by a reorganisation of the welfare system. Dignity and a spirit of equality must be the starting point for any system of welfare that aims to promote universal well being.
“福利欺骗”的概念在政治修辞和公共政策中起着至关重要的作用,它已被用来证明对福利制度的改变是合理的,这些制度对福祉和正义产生了非常负面的影响。作者认为,这个概念是危险的,会增加现有的贫困和排斥负担,必须通过重组福利制度来消除它。尊严和平等精神必须成为任何旨在促进普遍福祉的福利制度的出发点。
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引用次数: 0
In Defense of Anti-Racist Training 为反种族主义培训辩护
Pub Date : 2022-04-04 DOI: 10.1017/S1358246122000054
M. Cherry
Abstract I will argue for anti-racist training in federal and state funded programs. In order to do so, I will begin by discussing recent events occurring in the United States that have challenged such training. I will analyze criticisms of anti-racist programs, focusing particularly on those that began with the Trump administration and continue today. I will then consider what is happening in response and as a result of these criticisms, as well as make some suggestions for what should happen going forward.
我将主张在联邦和州资助的项目中进行反种族主义培训。为此,我将首先讨论最近在美国发生的对这种训练提出挑战的事件。我将分析对反种族主义项目的批评,特别关注那些从特朗普政府开始并持续到今天的项目。然后,我将考虑这些批评的结果,以及对未来应该发生的事情提出一些建议。
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引用次数: 0
For State-Funded Inter-Religious Education 国家资助的跨宗教教育
Pub Date : 2022-04-04 DOI: 10.1017/S1358246121000424
R. Bhargava
Abstract In this paper I address the vexed question of the relationship between secular states and religious education.
在本文中,我讨论了世俗国家与宗教教育的关系这个棘手的问题。
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引用次数: 0
Radical Democratic Inclusion: Why We Should Lower the Voting Age to 12 激进的民主包容:为什么我们应该把投票年龄降低到12岁
Pub Date : 2022-04-04 DOI: 10.1017/S135824612200008X
M. O'Neill
Abstract Democratic societies such as the United Kingdom have come to fail their young citizens, often sacrificing their interests in a political process that gives much greater weight to the preferences and interests of older citizens. Against this background of intergenerational injustice, this article presents the case for a shift in the political system in the direction of radical democratic inclusion of younger citizens, through reducing the voting age to 12. This change in the voting age can be justified directly, with reference to the status, interests, and capacities of younger citizens, and it can also be justified as a remedy to existing forms of intergenerational injustice. This change in the voting age would require a parallel transformation in the role of secondary schools as part of the ‘critical infrastructure' of a democratic society, which would be part of a broader shift towards a more genuinely democratic political culture. The proposal is defended against less radical alternatives (such as votes at 16) and more radical alternatives (such as votes for younger children). The article concludes with some reflections on democracy and intergenerational justice in light of the Covid pandemic and the climate emergency.
像英国这样的民主社会已经辜负了他们的年轻公民,经常在政治过程中牺牲他们的利益,而政治过程更重视老年人的偏好和利益。在这种代际不公正的背景下,本文提出了通过将投票年龄降至12岁,使政治制度朝着激进民主包容年轻公民的方向转变的案例。考虑到年轻公民的地位、利益和能力,这种投票年龄的改变可以直接证明是合理的,它也可以被证明是对现有形式的代际不公正的补救措施。投票年龄的改变将要求中学作为民主社会“关键基础设施”的一部分的角色发生平行转变,这将是向更真正的民主政治文化转变的一部分。该提案反对不太激进的替代方案(如16岁投票)和更激进的替代方案(如给更小的孩子投票)。文章最后提出了在新冠疫情和气候紧急情况下对民主和代际正义的一些思考。
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引用次数: 2
PHS volume 91 Cover and Front matter 小灵通卷91封面和前面的问题
Pub Date : 2022-04-04 DOI: 10.1017/s135824612200011x
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引用次数: 0
Irregular Migration, Historical Injustice and the Right to Exclude 非正常移民、历史不公正与排他权
Pub Date : 2022-04-04 DOI: 10.1017/S1358246122000066
Lea Ypi
Abstract This paper makes the case for amnesty of irregular migrants by reflecting on the conditions under which a wrong that is done in the past can be considered superseded. It explores the relation between historical injustice and irregular migration and suggests that we should hold states to the same stringent standards of compliance with just norms that they apply to the assessment of the moral conduct of individual migrants. It concludes that those standards ought to orient migrants and citizens’ moral assessment of how their states handle questions of irregular migration and to inform political initiatives compatible with these moral assessments.
摘要本文通过反思过去所做的错误可以被视为取代的条件,提出了对非正规移民进行大赦的理由。它探讨了历史上的不公正与非正规移民之间的关系,并建议我们应该让国家遵守与评估移民个人道德行为相同的严格标准。它的结论是,这些标准应该引导移民和公民对他们的国家如何处理非正常移民问题的道德评估,并告知与这些道德评估相一致的政治举措。
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引用次数: 1
Philosophical Reflections on the Idea of a Universal Basic Income 全民基本收入理念的哲学思考
Pub Date : 2022-04-04 DOI: 10.1017/s1358246122000029
C. Rowett
Abstract A universal basic income is an unconditional allowance, sufficient to live on, paid in cash to every citizen regardless of income. It has been a Green Party policy for years. But the idea raises many interesting philosophical questions, about fairness, entitlement, desert, stigma and sanctions, the value of unpaid work, the proper ambitions of a good society, and our preconceptions about whether leisure (time for recreation and free creativity) or jobs (working to give the proceeds of our labour and the luxury of free time to someone else) are the thing we should prize above all for free citizens. Coming from the perspective of ancient philosophy, I consider the answers offered in the ancient world to some of these questions, and how we might learn from rethinking our notions of how to create a good society in which people can be free and realise their creative and intellectual potential.
全民基本收入是一种无条件的津贴,足以维持每个公民的生活,以现金形式支付给每个公民,无论其收入如何。这是绿党多年来的政策。但这一观点提出了许多有趣的哲学问题,涉及到公平、权利、应得、耻辱和制裁、无偿工作的价值、对美好社会的应有抱负,以及我们对休闲(娱乐和自由创造的时间)还是工作(将我们的劳动收益和自由时间的奢侈给予他人)是我们应该优先考虑的自由公民的先入之见。我从古代哲学的角度出发,思考古代世界对其中一些问题提供的答案,以及我们如何从重新思考我们的观念中学习,如何创造一个美好的社会,在这个社会中,人们可以自由地实现他们的创造力和智力潜力。
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引用次数: 0
Membership Rights for Animals 动物的会员权利
Pub Date : 2022-04-04 DOI: 10.1017/S1358246122000078
W. Kymlicka
Abstract It is increasingly acknowledged that animals have an intrinsic moral status, in part due to the influential work of many moral philosophers. However, surprisingly little has been written by philosophers on whether animals are owed social membership and the rights that attach to membership in society. In this paper, I explore why the idea of social membership matters, particularly in relation to domesticated animals, and how it can guide legal and political reforms. Focusing on social membership identifies neglected avenues for transformative change, and offers new ways of challenging the deeply-embedded ‘human use typologies' that currently govern our relations to domesticated animals. It also raises fascinating philosophical questions about the definition of ‘society' and the role of an ethics of membership. Ultimately, we will need to develop a new philosophy of interspecies society.
越来越多的人认识到动物具有内在的道德地位,部分原因是由于许多道德哲学家的影响。然而,令人惊讶的是,哲学家们几乎没有写过关于动物是否有社会成员资格以及社会成员资格所附带的权利的文章。在本文中,我探讨了为什么社会成员的概念很重要,特别是与家养动物有关,以及它如何指导法律和政治改革。关注社会成员身份确定了被忽视的变革途径,并提供了挑战根深蒂固的“人类使用类型学”的新方法,这种类型学目前支配着我们与家养动物的关系。它还提出了关于“社会”的定义和成员道德的作用的引人入胜的哲学问题。最终,我们需要发展一种新的跨物种社会哲学。
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引用次数: 2
期刊
Royal Institute of Philosophy Supplement
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