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Revista de ciencia política (Santiago)最新文献

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Coberturas mediáticas, polarización y reformas educativas en España 西班牙的媒体报道、两极分化和教育改革
Pub Date : 2021-08-01 DOI: 10.4067/s0718-090x2021005000109
Ignacio-Jesús Serrano-Contreras, Javier García-Marín, Ó. G. Luengo
Education laws involve, for all political parties, one of the most visible flagships of their ideological project. In this regard, different governments have made legislative modifications to introduce orientations in this field closer to their partisan interests. Therefore, following existing models of political communication, in Southern European countries the coverage of this information leads to a potential dichotomized media context. The present research displays an analysis of the Spanish case during the last forty years, to verify the influence that educational reforms have provoked in the press coverage. For that purpose, we have used new machine learning methodologies, complemented by the development of self measures, to capture complex social phenomena within semantic variability scenarios. As a result of those processes, findings have evidenced a clear relationship between the ideo- logical proposal of political parties and the editorial line of the printed press, regarding the mentioned educational reforms that were developed under the period of study.
对所有政党来说,教育法都是其意识形态项目中最明显的旗舰之一。在这方面,各国政府都对立法进行了修改,以引入更接近其党派利益的这一领域的取向。因此,按照现有的政治传播模式,在南欧国家,这种信息的报道导致了一种潜在的二分媒体环境。本研究通过对过去四十年西班牙案例的分析,验证了教育改革对新闻报道的影响。为此,我们使用了新的机器学习方法,辅以自我测量的发展,来捕捉语义可变性场景中的复杂社会现象。由于这些过程,调查结果证明,就上述在研究期间制定的教育改革而言,各政党的意识形态建议与印刷媒体的编辑路线之间存在明确的关系。
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引用次数: 0
Documentation Requirements in Political Science Journals: Moving Towards Open Access Practices 政治科学期刊的文献要求:走向开放获取实践
Pub Date : 2021-08-01 DOI: 10.4067/s0718-090x2021005000108
C. Curvale, Gustavo Pérez-Arrobo
This article explores the incidence of open science in academic research in the field of Political Science. Open science’s goal is to shed light on information about data, research procedures, and results of academic work, thus making information accessible to reviewers and the general public. This practice is not prevalent across the social sciences although there is increasing interest on the importance of reproducibility in building or rejecting theory and knowledge. However, important epistemological and methodological debates have evolved around the feasibility and desirability of adopting these practices as a standard in the discipline. This article systematically collects and analyzes data on publishing requirements of the top journals in the fields at point, including pre-registration. We also provide a state of the art on the implementation of these best practices in Latin America.
本文探讨了开放科学在政治学领域学术研究中的发生率。开放科学的目标是揭示有关数据、研究程序和学术工作结果的信息,从而使审稿人和公众能够访问这些信息。这种做法在社会科学中并不普遍,尽管人们对建立或拒绝理论和知识的可重复性的重要性越来越感兴趣。然而,围绕采用这些实践作为学科标准的可行性和可取性,已经形成了重要的认识论和方法论辩论。本文系统地收集和分析了当前该领域顶级期刊的出版需求数据,包括预注册。我们还提供了在拉丁美洲实施这些最佳做法的最新情况。
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引用次数: 0
Loyal to the Executive: The Effect of State Capacity on Local Horizontal Accountability 忠于行政机关:国家能力对地方横向问责制的影响
Pub Date : 2020-08-31 DOI: 10.33774/apsa-2020-70b55
M. Ordonez
The literature suggests that state capacity has a reinforcing effect on democracy. This paper focuses on local democracy and draws on the comparative method to evaluate how bureaucratic capacity and usability can affect a critical component of democracy—horizontal (or intrastate) accountability. Contrasting with the literature, this paper argues that, even in democratic regimes, state capacity can discourage accountability agents that are elected through popular vote. Bureaucracies that are well funded, highly professionalized, and usable can give local executives an ample capacity to discourage accountability agents (municipal councils). When local bureaucracies lack these characteristics, executives can still manage to influence horizontal accountability by exchanging council members’ support for access to municipal resources. Municipal councils’ inclination towards accountability is greater when local bureaucracies are highly capable but not usable. In these cases, the local executive lacks influence on council members’ electoral support and, therefore, on their disposition for accountability.
文献表明,国家能力对民主具有强化作用。本文关注地方民主,并采用比较方法来评估官僚能力和可用性如何影响民主的一个关键组成部分——横向(或内部)问责制。与文献相比,本文认为,即使在民主政体中,国家能力也会阻碍通过普选产生的问责代理人。资金充足、高度专业化和可用的官僚机构可以使地方行政人员有足够的能力阻止问责机构(市议会)。当地方官僚机构缺乏这些特征时,高管们仍然可以通过交换理事会成员的支持来获得市政资源,从而影响横向问责制。当地方官僚机构能力很强但不能使用时,市政委员会更倾向于问责。在这些情况下,地方行政部门对议会成员的选举支持缺乏影响力,因此对他们对问责的处置也缺乏影响力。
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引用次数: 1
Recalibrating the Classic Models of Mediation: Former Leaders and Hybrid Personality-Network Driven Initiatives in the Venezuela Crisis 重新校准调解的经典模式:委内瑞拉危机中的前领导人和混合人格-网络驱动的倡议
Pub Date : 2020-04-01 DOI: 10.4067/s0718-090x2020000100027
A. Cooper
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引用次数: 0
Colombia en 2018: entre el fracaso de la paz y el inicio de la política programática 2018年哥伦比亚:在和平失败和方案政治开始之间
Pub Date : 2019-12-03 DOI: 10.4067/s0718-090x2019000200217
María Paula Saffon Sanín, D. I. Gómez
In 2018, the Colombian right’s consolidation of power minimized the peace process by blocking the transformative aspirations of the 2016 peace agreement. However, the transformative promises of peace came back to the political arena during the presidential elections, when an ample coalition of leftist parties and grassroots movements supported Petro’s candidacy. This suggests that, despite the multiple obstacles, power asymmetries, and the continuous influence of violence, the Colombian peace agreement is responsible for something that no other political event—not even the momentous 1991 Constitution—has yet achieved: the existence of a programmatic discussion between the left and the right
2018年,哥伦比亚右翼对权力的巩固阻碍了2016年和平协议的变革愿望,使和平进程最小化。然而,在总统选举期间,和平的变革承诺又回到了政治舞台,左翼政党和基层运动组成了一个广泛的联盟,支持佩特罗的候选人资格。这表明,尽管存在多重障碍、权力不对称和暴力的持续影响,但哥伦比亚和平协议带来了其他政治事件——甚至是重要的1991年宪法——都没有做到的事情:左翼和右翼之间存在着程序性的讨论
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引用次数: 2
Chile 2018: desafíos al poder de género desde la calle hasta La Moneda 2018年智利:从街头到货币对性别力量的挑战
Pub Date : 2019-09-24 DOI: 10.4067/s0718-090x2019000200191
Catherine Reyes-Housholder, Beatriz Roque
Focusing on feminism, this article describes the political, social and economic situation in Chile throughout 2018. We argue that during this year, the way in which power is structured between men and women was questioned in diverse spaces of Chilean society. This third wave of feminist protest, instigated primarily by female university students in 2018, possibly constitutes the largest wave of feminism in Chilean history. These events forced political actors in both the legislative and executive branches to improve the participation and representation of group that are historically marginalized according to gender. We conclude that an analysis of the origins and consequences of the “year of feminism” could enrich current debates on the quality of democracy in Chile.
本文聚焦女权主义,描述智利2018年全年的政治、社会和经济状况。我们认为,在这一年中,在智利社会的不同空间中,男女之间的权力结构方式受到质疑。2018年,女权主义抗议的第三波浪潮主要由女大学生发起,可能是智利历史上最大的女权主义浪潮。这些事件迫使立法和行政部门的政治行为者改善历史上因性别而被边缘化的群体的参与和代表性。我们的结论是,对“女权年”的起源和后果的分析可以丰富目前关于智利民主质量的辩论。
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引用次数: 21
Paraguay en un año electoral (2018): trayectorias económicas, políticas y sociales en la transición entre el gobierno colorado saliente y el entrante 选举年的巴拉圭(2018年):即将离任的科罗拉多政府和即将上任的科罗拉多政府之间过渡的经济、政治和社会轨迹
Pub Date : 2019-09-24 DOI: 10.4067/s0718-090x2019000200313
Magdalena López
This article analyzes the main events that occurred in Paraguay during 2018. First, the general elections confirmed the hegemony of the Colorado Party, even in the unusual situation of internal conflict. Second, a woman was elected vice-president for the first time in the country s recent history. That is a significative political outcome even when it can be interpreted as the outcome of President Cartes political maneuvering to remain as an active Senator. Third, in 2018, the Paraguayan economy registered controlled inflation, moderate debt growth, and sustained economic growth, which provide macroeconomic stability in the country. Finally, extreme and general poverty remained within the same levels than the previous year. Economic development has not improved the quality of life of the most vulnerable members of Paraguayan s society.
本文分析了2018年巴拉圭发生的主要事件。首先,议会选举确认了科罗拉多党的霸权,即使在内部冲突的不寻常的情况下。其次,在近代历史上首次出现了女性副总统。这是一个具有重大意义的政治结果,即使它可以被解释为卡特总统为继续担任活跃的参议员而进行政治操作的结果。第三,2018年,巴拉圭经济实现了可控的通货膨胀、适度的债务增长和持续的经济增长,为该国提供了宏观经济稳定。最后,极端贫穷和一般贫穷仍与前一年持平。经济发展并没有改善巴拉圭社会中最弱势群体的生活质量。
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引用次数: 0
Mexico 2018: AMLO's hour 墨西哥2018:奥夫拉多尔的时刻
Pub Date : 2019-09-24 DOI: 10.4067/s0718-090x2019000200285
Shannan L. Mattiace
In July 2018, Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador (AMLO) was elected President of Mexico in the largest electoral landslide in Mexico’s democratic history. As a self-proclaimed transformational candidate, AMLO made big promises in areas of great concern for Mexican citizens: anti-corruption, criminal violence and security, and the economy. Support for AMLO remained extremely strong in 2018; however, to retain that support he will need to make concrete progress in these areas. AMLO and his party coalition face formidable challenges, not the least of which are high expectations from citizens bent on major changes in governance and policy outcomes. Critics are concerned about a united executive and legislative coalition unchecked by countervailing powers, threatening a potential return to the presidencialismo of the twentieth century.
2018年7月,安德烈斯·曼努埃尔·洛佩斯·奥夫拉多尔(AMLO)以墨西哥民主历史上最大的压倒性优势当选墨西哥总统。作为一个自诩改革派的候选人,奥夫拉多在墨西哥公民非常关心的领域做出了重大承诺:反腐败、犯罪暴力和安全,以及经济。2018年,对AMLO的支持仍然非常强劲;然而,为了保持这种支持,他将需要在这些领域取得具体进展。奥夫拉多尔和他的政党联盟面临着艰巨的挑战,其中最重要的挑战是公民对治理和政策结果发生重大变化的高期望。批评人士担心,一个统一的行政和立法联盟不受制衡权力的制约,有可能回到20世纪的总统主义。
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引用次数: 3
Reto económico, valores y religión en las elecciones nacionales de Costa Rica 2018 2018年哥斯达黎加全国选举中的经济挑战、价值观和宗教
Pub Date : 2019-09-24 DOI: 10.4067/s0718-090x2019000200239
A. Pignataro, Ilka Treminio
In 2018 Costa Rica faced unprecedented elections due to the radicalization of the party supply, the diminished role of the traditional parties, and the unexpected continuity in government of the incumbent party with the presidency of Carlos Alvarado. During the campaign, the focus shifted from economic to self-expression issues (sexual education, equal marriage, abortion). Together with sociodemographic variables and the evaluation of the incumbent government, religion had an important explanatory weight on vote choice, especially after the advisory opinion of the Inter-American Court that recognized the fundamental rights of LGBTI people during the campaign. We discuss the consequences for the current government and the future elections.
2018年,由于政党供应的激进化、传统政党的作用减弱,以及现任政党卡洛斯·阿尔瓦拉多(Carlos Alvarado)出人意料地继续执政,哥斯达黎加面临着前所未有的选举。在竞选期间,焦点从经济问题转向自我表达问题(性教育、平等婚姻、堕胎)。宗教与社会人口学变量和现任政府的评价一起,对投票选择具有重要的解释力,特别是在美洲法院在竞选期间承认LGBTI人群的基本权利的咨询意见之后。我们讨论了当前政府和未来选举的后果。
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引用次数: 15
Neopluralismo “a la chilena”. Grupos de interés en el proceso legislativo “智利的新多元主义”。立法过程中的利益集团
Pub Date : 2019-06-27 DOI: 10.4067/S0718-090X2019000100025
Carolina Segovia, R. Gamboa
This paper examines the characteristics of interest group representation in Chile through an analysis of the participation of interest groups in the legislative process (2006-2014). We argue that the Chilean system could be qualified as a “semi-neopluralism” or as “neopluralism a la chilena.” We show, first, that there is participation from different types of groups, although at the same time we observe an unbalanced representation in favour of business interests. Second, the level of participation is low, even though it is higher when economic bills are discussed. Therefore, there is scarce competition among groups. Third, the evidence indicates that IG participation is highly specialized, but in a context where most groups participated only once during the period covered by this study.
本文通过分析智利利益集团在立法过程中的参与情况(2006-2014),考察了智利利益集团代表的特征。我们认为,智利的制度可以被称为“半新多元主义”或“智利的新多元主义”。首先,我们发现有来自不同类型群体的参与,尽管与此同时,我们观察到有利于商业利益的不平衡代表。其次,尽管在讨论经济法案时参与率较高,但参与率较低。因此,群体之间几乎没有竞争。第三,有证据表明,IG的参与是高度专业化的,但在本研究覆盖的时间段内,大多数群体只参与了一次。
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引用次数: 1
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Revista de ciencia política (Santiago)
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