Pub Date : 2024-02-29DOI: 10.33127/kdps.2024.45.2.101
Cheol Gyun Hwang
This study examines and applies the diplomatic strategy of Seo Hee, a renowned Goryea diplomat, in resolving Northeast Asian diplomatic challenges that remain unresolved in the 21st century. The examination focuses on Seo Hee’s diplomatic negotiations in the wake of Goryeo’s territorial dispute with the Khitans. Seo Hee’s diplomatic resolution with Khitan general Xiao Sunning, leading to the acquisition of six provinces east of the Aprok River(Yalu River), may offer clues to resolving presentday diplomatic issues in Northeast Asia involving Korea. Based on the framework of Seo Hee’s diplomatic resolution with Xiao Sunning, this study proposes solutions to conflicts over the Northern Limit Line (NLL) interpretation between South Korea and North Korea, territorial claims to Dokdo between South Korea and Japan, and the exclusive economic zone between South Korea and China. Furthermore, the study advocates benchmarking South Korea’s foreign policy and strategy Seo Hee’s diplomatic resolution in the current international politics in the contradiction and persuasion, terming this diplomatic strategy Seo Hee’s diplomatic strategy for the contradiction and persuasion. Two key proposals emerge from Seo Hee’s diplomatic strategy: first, the importance of training and contradiction and persuasion style diplomatic experts; and second, the adoption of a pragmatic foreign policy with a win-win strategy in which the country and its diplomatic counterpart create mutually favorable outcomes together, rather than a one-sided win or loss. The study posits that South Korea’s diplomacy will make further progress with proper application of these proposals.
{"title":"A Study of a Solution to Diplomatic Problems in Northeast Asia Using Seo Hee’s Diplomatic Strategy","authors":"Cheol Gyun Hwang","doi":"10.33127/kdps.2024.45.2.101","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33127/kdps.2024.45.2.101","url":null,"abstract":"This study examines and applies the diplomatic strategy of Seo Hee, a renowned Goryea diplomat, in resolving Northeast Asian diplomatic challenges that remain unresolved in the 21st century. The examination focuses on Seo Hee’s diplomatic negotiations in the wake of Goryeo’s territorial dispute with the Khitans. \u0000Seo Hee’s diplomatic resolution with Khitan general Xiao Sunning, leading to the acquisition of six provinces east of the Aprok River(Yalu River), may offer clues to resolving presentday diplomatic issues in Northeast Asia involving Korea. Based on the framework of Seo Hee’s diplomatic resolution with Xiao Sunning, this study proposes solutions to conflicts over the Northern Limit Line (NLL) interpretation between South Korea and North Korea, territorial claims to Dokdo between South Korea and Japan, and the exclusive economic zone between South Korea and China. \u0000Furthermore, the study advocates benchmarking South Korea’s foreign policy and strategy Seo Hee’s diplomatic resolution in the current international politics in the contradiction and persuasion, terming this diplomatic strategy Seo Hee’s diplomatic strategy for the contradiction and persuasion. Two key proposals emerge from Seo Hee’s diplomatic strategy: first, the importance of training and contradiction and persuasion style diplomatic experts; and second, the adoption of a pragmatic foreign policy with a win-win strategy in which the country and its diplomatic counterpart create mutually favorable outcomes together, rather than a one-sided win or loss. The study posits that South Korea’s diplomacy will make further progress with proper application of these proposals.","PeriodicalId":281089,"journal":{"name":"The Korean Association for Political and Diplomatic History","volume":"1997 4","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140416654","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-02-29DOI: 10.33127/kdps.2024.45.2.75
B. Jo
Marking 70th anniversary of the Armistice Agreement and ROK-US alliance in 2023, this article aims to look back on the development of the alliance and contextualize Yoon Suk Yeol and Biden administration’s recent efforts in strengthening the alliance. In particular, this article focuses on mapping strategic continuity as well as changes embedded in Yoon administration’s ‘global comprehensive strategic alliance.’ This article also delves into strategic implications and progress in Yoon administration’s efforts to promote ‘conventional-nuclear integration(CNI)’ in strengthening US’s extended deterrence commitments. The article is structured as follows. First, building upon previous literatures on the ROK-US alliance, the article analyzes the impact of recent Trump administration on the cohesion of the ROK-US alliance, and how current Yoon-Biden administration has worked to reverse the effects. Second, the article highlights how ROK-US alliance envisions horizontal and vertical deepening of the alliance under the strategic concept of global comprehensive strategic alliance. Third, the article delves into the evolution of ROK-US extended deterrence and implications of CNI. Lastly, the article concludes with alliance’s tasks ahead, with particular emphasis on possible return of Trump administration and its implications on the alliance.
{"title":"Pathway for ROK-US Alliance : Global Comprehensive Strategic Alliance and Conventional-Nuclear Integration(CNI)","authors":"B. Jo","doi":"10.33127/kdps.2024.45.2.75","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33127/kdps.2024.45.2.75","url":null,"abstract":"Marking 70th anniversary of the Armistice Agreement and ROK-US alliance in 2023, this article aims to look back on the development of the alliance and contextualize Yoon Suk Yeol and Biden administration’s recent efforts in strengthening the alliance. In particular, this article focuses on mapping strategic continuity as well as changes embedded in Yoon administration’s ‘global comprehensive strategic alliance.’ This article also delves into strategic implications and progress in Yoon administration’s efforts to promote ‘conventional-nuclear integration(CNI)’ in strengthening US’s extended deterrence commitments. The article is structured as follows. First, building upon previous literatures on the ROK-US alliance, the article analyzes the impact of recent Trump administration on the cohesion of the ROK-US alliance, and how current Yoon-Biden administration has worked to reverse the effects. Second, the article highlights how ROK-US alliance envisions horizontal and vertical deepening of the alliance under the strategic concept of global comprehensive strategic alliance. Third, the article delves into the evolution of ROK-US extended deterrence and implications of CNI. Lastly, the article concludes with alliance’s tasks ahead, with particular emphasis on possible return of Trump administration and its implications on the alliance.","PeriodicalId":281089,"journal":{"name":"The Korean Association for Political and Diplomatic History","volume":"22 8","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140413844","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-02-29DOI: 10.33127/kdps.2024.45.2.5
Bong Jun Kim
In this article tried to interpret Qing Dynasty’s Vassal State & Frontier policy after Emperor Guang-xu ascended to the throne in the context of Maritime Defence Plan. In the 19th century, Qing Dynasty strengthened its influence on the Vassal states and the frontier lands to preserve the mainland. The cabinet members of the Qing Dynasty sought to preserve the mainland, Annam and other vassal countries, Taiwan and Tibet, considering the ever-changing international situation in East Asia, as well as the idea of Maritime Defence. In 19th-mid century, the core of Guang-xu’s Maritime Defence plan was to set Joseon, a vassal country, as “the gate of Eastern” and Taiwan as “the gate of Southern sea” to preserve the mainland of Qing. In the case of Taiwan, which is an inner land, its importance as a military hub was discussed in the Qing Dynasty, which immediately put Taiwan's development into practice. This was one of the key policies of the Maritime Defence of the Guang-xu reign. Antithetically, in the case of Joseon, the Qing Dynasty wanted to create conditions for Joseon to naturally be incorporated into the order of the balance[equilibrium] of power. while guiding trade and negotiations with Western countries. However, in the early 1880s, when a series of introversion broke out in Joseon, the Qing Dynasty abandoned its policy of promoting diplomacy and actively intervened. In addition, Joseon’s problems have changed not only in diplomatic relations but also in many areas such as naval shipbuilding, telecommunications, and boundaries. Also, as Russia came into contact with Joseon and Northeast region of the Qing Dynasty, There was a slow agitation over the Northeast Asia.
{"title":"The Maritime Defence Plan and Joseon in the 19th century Qing dynasty: Focusing on the Qing Dynasty’s Vassal Policy & “the Gateway Perception”","authors":"Bong Jun Kim","doi":"10.33127/kdps.2024.45.2.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33127/kdps.2024.45.2.5","url":null,"abstract":"In this article tried to interpret Qing Dynasty’s Vassal State & Frontier policy after Emperor Guang-xu ascended to the throne in the context of Maritime Defence Plan. In the 19th century, Qing Dynasty strengthened its influence on the Vassal states and the frontier lands to preserve the mainland. \u0000The cabinet members of the Qing Dynasty sought to preserve the mainland, Annam and other vassal countries, Taiwan and Tibet, considering the ever-changing international situation in East Asia, as well as the idea of Maritime Defence. \u0000In 19th-mid century, the core of Guang-xu’s Maritime Defence plan was to set Joseon, a vassal country, as “the gate of Eastern” and Taiwan as “the gate of Southern sea” to preserve the mainland of Qing. In the case of Taiwan, which is an inner land, its importance as a military hub was discussed in the Qing Dynasty, which immediately put Taiwan's development into practice. This was one of the key policies of the Maritime Defence of the Guang-xu reign. \u0000Antithetically, in the case of Joseon, the Qing Dynasty wanted to create conditions for Joseon to naturally be incorporated into the order of the balance[equilibrium] of power. while guiding trade and negotiations with Western countries. However, in the early 1880s, when a series of introversion broke out in Joseon, the Qing Dynasty abandoned its policy of promoting diplomacy and actively intervened. \u0000In addition, Joseon’s problems have changed not only in diplomatic relations but also in many areas such as naval shipbuilding, telecommunications, and boundaries. Also, as Russia came into contact with Joseon and Northeast region of the Qing Dynasty, There was a slow agitation over the Northeast Asia.","PeriodicalId":281089,"journal":{"name":"The Korean Association for Political and Diplomatic History","volume":"25 43","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140408808","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-02-29DOI: 10.33127/kdps.2024.45.2.41
Chang-Gun Park
The purpose of this study is to shed light on how the perception of the waters around Dokdo in Shimane Prefecture surrounding the Peace Line was expressed. Based on the theoretical background of the politicization of fishing rights, the discussion will focus on the moments that led Shimane Prefecture to transform the issue of captured fishing boats in waters around Dokdo into a sovereignty issue from the declaration of the peace line in January 1952 to the conclusion of the normalization of diplomatic relations between Korea and Japan in June 1965. Shimane Prefecture regarded the declaration of the peace line as a political measure aimed at cracking down on Japanese fishermen in the waters around Dokdo and the fishing grounds on the southern coast of the Korean Peninsula. Above all, Shimane Prefecture recognized the Peace Line as an unreasonable fishing border and argued that the Korean government's seizure of Japanese fishing boats was an illegal act. Moreover, while the Japanese media was raising the illegality of the peace ship, fabricated reports about the capture of Japanese fishing boats that landed on Dokdo provided an excuse to escalate the Dokdo issue. What is noteworthy is that Shimane Prefecture's self-centered perception of the Peace Ship originated from a distortion of the wrong facts resulting from changes in the Japanese government's fishing policy, rather than from a sense of victimization among fishing boats and fishermen captured by Korea. In other words, Shimane Prefecture's perception of the waters around Dokdo surrounding the Peace Line was expressed through the politicization of fishing rights, where the distorted facts of fishermen entrenched by Japan's fisheries policy infiltrated their real lives and escalated beyond securing the right to survive to a question of sovereignty.
{"title":"Shimane Prefecture’s perception of the waters around Dokdo Island surrounding the Peace Line: Politicization of fishing rights","authors":"Chang-Gun Park","doi":"10.33127/kdps.2024.45.2.41","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33127/kdps.2024.45.2.41","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of this study is to shed light on how the perception of the waters around Dokdo in Shimane Prefecture surrounding the Peace Line was expressed. Based on the theoretical background of the politicization of fishing rights, the discussion will focus on the moments that led Shimane Prefecture to transform the issue of captured fishing boats in waters around Dokdo into a sovereignty issue from the declaration of the peace line in January 1952 to the conclusion of the normalization of diplomatic relations between Korea and Japan in June 1965. Shimane Prefecture regarded the declaration of the peace line as a political measure aimed at cracking down on Japanese fishermen in the waters around Dokdo and the fishing grounds on the southern coast of the Korean Peninsula. Above all, Shimane Prefecture recognized the Peace Line as an unreasonable fishing border and argued that the Korean government's seizure of Japanese fishing boats was an illegal act. Moreover, while the Japanese media was raising the illegality of the peace ship, fabricated reports about the capture of Japanese fishing boats that landed on Dokdo provided an excuse to escalate the Dokdo issue. What is noteworthy is that Shimane Prefecture's self-centered perception of the Peace Ship originated from a distortion of the wrong facts resulting from changes in the Japanese government's fishing policy, rather than from a sense of victimization among fishing boats and fishermen captured by Korea. In other words, Shimane Prefecture's perception of the waters around Dokdo surrounding the Peace Line was expressed through the politicization of fishing rights, where the distorted facts of fishermen entrenched by Japan's fisheries policy infiltrated their real lives and escalated beyond securing the right to survive to a question of sovereignty.","PeriodicalId":281089,"journal":{"name":"The Korean Association for Political and Diplomatic History","volume":"156 20 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140415687","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-31DOI: 10.33127/kdps.2023.45.1.49
Myung-soo Park
This paper examines how the March 1st Movement and the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea was affected by the Korean Independence Movement in the United States which started in the aftermath of World War I. Korean immigrants considered the victory of the United States in the war as a victory of democracy and believed that the future independent government of Korean should be modeled upon the American democratic system. This idea was delivered by Rhee Syng-man to Hyun-soon soon after he heard that a provisional government would be established in Shanghai. Rhee emphasized this once again during the First Korean Congress in Philadelphia. These thoughts shared by the Korean immigrants at the time had a great influence on the Provisional Charter of the Republic of Korea. Many scholars have understood the so-called mandatory theory as an argument put forward by Rhee Syng-man and Jeong Han-kyung, but this paper has revealed that this was an official resolution approved by discussions within the Korean National Association. Rhee maintained this position for some time even after the March 1st Movement, but he changed his position and insisted on full independence after hearing that the provisional government would found in Shanghai. This idea was emphasized during the First Korean Congress and also in his letter to President Wilson in April of 1919. The theory that Rhee Syng-man planned the March 1st Movement was a widespread theory argued by advocates of Rhee Syng-man, but there are no evidences that support his planning or direction regarding the March 1st Movement in the Korean peninsula. Nonetheless, many people thought that Rhee had been involved in the movement, which led him to become president of the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea. Rumors have made history.
{"title":"The Influence of the Korean Independence Movement conducted in North America on the March First Movement and the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea","authors":"Myung-soo Park","doi":"10.33127/kdps.2023.45.1.49","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33127/kdps.2023.45.1.49","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines how the March 1st Movement and the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea was affected by the Korean Independence Movement in the United States which started in the aftermath of World War I. Korean immigrants considered the victory of the United States in the war as a victory of democracy and believed that the future independent government of Korean should be modeled upon the American democratic system. This idea was delivered by Rhee Syng-man to Hyun-soon soon after he heard that a provisional government would be established in Shanghai. Rhee emphasized this once again during the First Korean Congress in Philadelphia. These thoughts shared by the Korean immigrants at the time had a great influence on the Provisional Charter of the Republic of Korea. Many scholars have understood the so-called mandatory theory as an argument put forward by Rhee Syng-man and Jeong Han-kyung, but this paper has revealed that this was an official resolution approved by discussions within the Korean National Association. Rhee maintained this position for some time even after the March 1st Movement, but he changed his position and insisted on full independence after hearing that the provisional government would found in Shanghai. This idea was emphasized during the First Korean Congress and also in his letter to President Wilson in April of 1919. The theory that Rhee Syng-man planned the March 1st Movement was a widespread theory argued by advocates of Rhee Syng-man, but there are no evidences that support his planning or direction regarding the March 1st Movement in the Korean peninsula. Nonetheless, many people thought that Rhee had been involved in the movement, which led him to become president of the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea. Rumors have made history.","PeriodicalId":281089,"journal":{"name":"The Korean Association for Political and Diplomatic History","volume":"58 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130271281","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-31DOI: 10.33127/kdps.2023.45.1.97
JinBae Choi
For all an era of domination under the Manchu immigrants Qing history is recognized as a part of Chinese history with a scheme of “unitary multi-national state.” Beyond the traditional Hanhwa idea, which refers to Sinicization of non-Han groups, this involves a new idea of historical formation of the ‘Chinese Nation’ out of historical unifying process of Han and non- Han ethnic groups including Manchus. The Qing fashioned its national identity as a ruling group through a unique organization called the Palgi (Eight Flags) system, and assumed the leadership of broad nomad area from Manchuria to Central Asia. The Qing also constructed a governance system in China where majority of population was Han Chinese based on the traditional Chinese culture. However, the problem of the Palgi system became salient through the Opium War and the Taiping rebellion, and the Qing Dynasty formed a virtual Manch-Han coalition government for its modernization push through the Yangwu and the Bianfa movements. Yet, the coalition regime collapsed by the revolution of 1911. The new republic promoted the “Five Nation Republic” scheme, which included various non- Chinese groups within the Qing Empire as its citizens. This was not because the Han and non-Han ethnic groups had a common identity as the “Chinese people,” but because they wanted to form the territory of the new Republic following the broad areas of Qing Empire. The problem is that the scheme accepts those non-Han ethnic groups on the Sinicization premise which supposes full cultural enlightenment of Chinese authenticity, and denies the political recognition that they got under the Qing Empire. This means that the framework of China’s “unitary multi-national state” needs close review process.
{"title":"The Qing Dynasty’s Empire Governance, the Revolution of 1911, and China’s Unitary Multinational State Theory","authors":"JinBae Choi","doi":"10.33127/kdps.2023.45.1.97","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33127/kdps.2023.45.1.97","url":null,"abstract":"For all an era of domination under the Manchu immigrants Qing history is recognized as a part of Chinese history with a scheme of “unitary multi-national state.” Beyond the traditional Hanhwa idea, which refers to Sinicization of non-Han groups, this involves a new idea of historical formation of the ‘Chinese Nation’ out of historical unifying process of Han and non- Han ethnic groups including Manchus. The Qing fashioned its national identity as a ruling group through a unique organization called the Palgi (Eight Flags) system, and assumed the leadership of broad nomad area from Manchuria to Central Asia. The Qing also constructed a governance system in China where majority of population was Han Chinese based on the traditional Chinese culture. However, the problem of the Palgi system became salient through the Opium War and the Taiping rebellion, and the Qing Dynasty formed a virtual Manch-Han coalition government for its modernization push through the Yangwu and the Bianfa movements. Yet, the coalition regime collapsed by the revolution of 1911. The new republic promoted the “Five Nation Republic” scheme, which included various non- Chinese groups within the Qing Empire as its citizens. This was not because the Han and non-Han ethnic groups had a common identity as the “Chinese people,” but because they wanted to form the territory of the new Republic following the broad areas of Qing Empire. The problem is that the scheme accepts those non-Han ethnic groups on the Sinicization premise which supposes full cultural enlightenment of Chinese authenticity, and denies the political recognition that they got under the Qing Empire. This means that the framework of China’s “unitary multi-national state” needs close review process.","PeriodicalId":281089,"journal":{"name":"The Korean Association for Political and Diplomatic History","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130215520","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-31DOI: 10.33127/kdps.2023.45.1.5
Young-jin Choi
This study aims to outline the results and factors of the eight presidential elections held by the Republic of Korea over the past 35 years since democratization in 1987. Since the election analysis so far has focused on individual factors or specific elections, it is insufficient to show the main factors that run through the entire elections, and their correlations. This study comprehensively examines the characteristics of the presidential elections after democratization focusing on regionalistic voting behavior, election competition structure, regional election coalition, political situation, and candidate factor which have been pointed out as major factors in the presidential election. Through this, it is possible to discover several principles of competition that commonly worked in the presidential elections. First, it is an advantageous structure for candidates from Gyeongsang-do to win in a situation where regionalism is dominant. Second, it is difficult to win if candidates divide, whether conservative or liberal. Third, in the election coalition, the outcome is determined by who makes political coalition with Chungcheong-do . Fourth, the greater the disappointment with the incumbent government, the greater the pressure for regime change, and the disadvantage of the ruling party candidate. Finally, voters generally prefer presidential candidates who are far from Yeouido politics . The outcome of the election was determined by the interaction of these factors.
{"title":"Presidential Elections in Post-Democratic Korea: History and the Principles of Competition","authors":"Young-jin Choi","doi":"10.33127/kdps.2023.45.1.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33127/kdps.2023.45.1.5","url":null,"abstract":"This study aims to outline the results and factors of the eight presidential elections held by the Republic of Korea over the past 35 years since democratization in 1987. Since the election analysis so far has focused on individual factors or specific elections, it is insufficient to show the main factors that run through the entire elections, and their correlations. This study comprehensively examines the characteristics of the presidential elections after democratization focusing on regionalistic voting behavior, election competition structure, regional election coalition, political situation, and candidate factor which have been pointed out as major factors in the presidential election. Through this, it is possible to discover several principles of competition that commonly worked in the presidential elections. First, it is an advantageous structure for candidates from Gyeongsang-do to win in a situation where regionalism is dominant. Second, it is difficult to win if candidates divide, whether conservative or liberal. Third, in the election coalition, the outcome is determined by who makes political coalition with Chungcheong-do . Fourth, the greater the disappointment with the incumbent government, the greater the pressure for regime change, and the disadvantage of the ruling party candidate. Finally, voters generally prefer presidential candidates who are far from Yeouido politics . The outcome of the election was determined by the interaction of these factors.","PeriodicalId":281089,"journal":{"name":"The Korean Association for Political and Diplomatic History","volume":"141 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-08-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127298902","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-28DOI: 10.33127/kdps.2023.44.2.117
Y. Kang
This study analyzes the policy of the Syngman Rhee administration and the US policy before the Calcutta Agreement in August 1959 concerning the Repatriation of Koreans in Japan to North Korea. This paper’s question is, ‘How did the ROK-the US conflict develop before the Calcutta Agreement in August 1959 regarding the Repatriation of Koreans in Japan to North Korea?’ This study suggests two answers. First, the Syngman Rhee administration misunderstood the International Committee of the Red Cross, acted independently and had difficulty communicating with the US. Second, the US made various efforts to make the Syngman Rhee administration aware of the reality to prevent the deterioration of the ROK-Japan relations due to the progress of the Repatriation of Koreans in Japan to North Korea. The conflict between the ROK and the US became severe from late June to July 1959. On August 13 of the same year, the Calcutta Agreement between the Japanese Red Cross and the North Korean Red Cross was signed.
{"title":"ROK-US Conflicts during the Early Cold War: Focusing on the Syngman Rhee Administration and the US before the Signing of the Calcutta Agreement in 1959","authors":"Y. Kang","doi":"10.33127/kdps.2023.44.2.117","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33127/kdps.2023.44.2.117","url":null,"abstract":"This study analyzes the policy of the Syngman Rhee administration and the US policy before the Calcutta Agreement in August 1959 concerning the Repatriation of Koreans in Japan to North Korea. This paper’s question is, ‘How did the ROK-the US conflict develop before the Calcutta Agreement in August 1959 regarding the Repatriation of Koreans in Japan to North Korea?’ This study suggests two answers. First, the Syngman Rhee administration misunderstood the International Committee of the Red Cross, acted independently and had difficulty communicating with the US. Second, the US made various efforts to make the Syngman Rhee administration aware of the reality to prevent the deterioration of the ROK-Japan relations due to the progress of the Repatriation of Koreans in Japan to North Korea. The conflict between the ROK and the US became severe from late June to July 1959. On August 13 of the same year, the Calcutta Agreement between the Japanese Red Cross and the North Korean Red Cross was signed.","PeriodicalId":281089,"journal":{"name":"The Korean Association for Political and Diplomatic History","volume":"35 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128903708","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-28DOI: 10.33127/kdps.2023.44.2.47
Young-june Park
This paper tries to shed light on the first Sino-Japanese war(1894-1895) from the perspective of hegemonic war. Generally, hegemonic war theories emphasizes differential growth of national power among great powers as one cause of major war. However, some theorists pointed out that foreign policies of middle powers in the midst of great power rivalry can ignite direct confrontation between two powers. Based on this observation, this paper explains what policy did Joseon dynasty take during the power rivalry between Qing Empire and Meiji Japan in the late 19th century. In the face of growing rivalry between Meiji Japan and Qing Empire, politicians in Joseon dynasty began to be divided into pro-Japan faction and pro-Qing faction each other; eventually two factions harshly confronted through Imo military rebellion(壬午軍亂) and Kapsin political upheaval(甲申政變). These internal political clash invited neighboring powers intervention into Joseon’s politics and ignited two powers’ direct confrontation over Korean peninsula’s dominance. Joseon’s younger intellectual Yun Chi- ho’s diary illustrated well how did Joseon’s junior politicians lose the vision of their dynasty’s future and expected advanced foreign countries’ intervention into Joseon’s internal politics.
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Pub Date : 2023-02-28DOI: 10.33127/kdps.2023.44.2.173
Hee-eul Lee
Kwon Oh-seol, who participated in the national liberation movement led by the communist group in Colonial Joseon in the 1920s, participated in the enlightenment movement before accepting socialism. Previous studies have identified his activities as influenced by the national independence movement in the 1910s, but did not to elaborate on his acceptance of socialism and the development of the national liberation movement centered on the popular movement. this paper tried to clarify the relationship between his activities and the national liberation movement by specifically reviewing his growth background and acceptance of socialism, and the theory of national revolutionary movement. Kwon Oh-seol was able to forming an enlightened consciousness of life improvement and a revolutionary class consciousness and possible to participate in the national liberation movement based on the national revolutionary movement. he planned The 6·10 National Movement in 1926 and tried to embrace the Old faction of Cheondogyo and the student class while attempting to raise the public’s consciousness of national liberation. Kwon Oh-seol’s national liberation movement were formed based on the consciousness of life improvement and Comintern’s theory of the National Revolutionary Movement.
{"title":"Kwon Oh-seol’s Acceptance of National Revolutionary Move- ment Discourse and Tactics of National Liberation Movement","authors":"Hee-eul Lee","doi":"10.33127/kdps.2023.44.2.173","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33127/kdps.2023.44.2.173","url":null,"abstract":"Kwon Oh-seol, who participated in the national liberation movement led by the communist group in Colonial Joseon in the 1920s, participated in the enlightenment movement before accepting socialism. Previous studies have identified his activities as influenced by the national independence movement in the 1910s, but did not to elaborate on his acceptance of socialism and the development of the national liberation movement centered on the popular movement. this paper tried to clarify the relationship between his activities and the national liberation movement by specifically reviewing his growth background and acceptance of socialism, and the theory of national revolutionary movement. Kwon Oh-seol was able to forming an enlightened consciousness of life improvement and a revolutionary class consciousness and possible to participate in the national liberation movement based on the national revolutionary movement. he planned The 6·10 National Movement in 1926 and tried to embrace the Old faction of Cheondogyo and the student class while attempting to raise the public’s consciousness of national liberation. Kwon Oh-seol’s national liberation movement were formed based on the consciousness of life improvement and Comintern’s theory of the National Revolutionary Movement.","PeriodicalId":281089,"journal":{"name":"The Korean Association for Political and Diplomatic History","volume":"46 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129871295","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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