Pub Date : 2023-02-28DOI: 10.33127/kdps.2023.44.2.209
Songwoong Kwak, H. Jang
During the post-Cold War period, North Korea(NK) found an exit from severe diplomatic isolation by improving its relationship with the U.S. and Japan. NK and the U.S. started dialogues as the level of councilor in Beijing in 1988, and they had five meetings in 1991. Both countries maintained continuity of talks at that time. Meanwhile, South Korea(SK) endeavored to ensure that NK-U.S. relationship should not overshadow the SK-NK relationship. In that same year, NK also initiated formal discussions with Japan for the normalization of relations. SK outwardly supported the normalization of NK-Japan. However, SK actually wanted to manage the improvement of the NKJapan relationship through prior consultations with Japan. Normalization of talks between NK-Japan started in January 1991. However, it was recognized that it would be difficult to succeed without the solution to the North Korean nuclear issue. Furthermore, issue, such as NK's abduction of the Japanese, emerged as important dialogue topics. Hence, both states had to be satisfied with the initiation of talks for normalizing the relationship. Eventually, despite its efforts to improve its relationship with U.S. and Japan, NK did not achieve its goals in 1991. In contrast, SK obtained results on the SK-NK relationship and diplomatic competitions of UN during the same period. This study shows two facts of the diplomatic history: first, SK and U.S. fiercely argued about the direction of the North Korea policy under the table in 1991. Second, with regard to the Normalization Talks of NK-Japan in 1991, SK used to SK-USSR economic cooperation as diplomatic means so that Japanese Reparation Policy did not disturb the SK-NK economic cooperation.
{"title":"North Korea’s Attempts to Improve its Relations with the Unit- ed States and Japan and South Korea’s Diplomatic Response: Focused on the South Korean Diplomatic Documents in 1990-1991","authors":"Songwoong Kwak, H. Jang","doi":"10.33127/kdps.2023.44.2.209","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33127/kdps.2023.44.2.209","url":null,"abstract":"During the post-Cold War period, North Korea(NK) found an exit from severe diplomatic isolation by improving its relationship with the U.S. and Japan. NK and the U.S. started dialogues as the level of councilor in Beijing in 1988, and they had five meetings in 1991. Both countries maintained continuity of talks at that time. Meanwhile, South Korea(SK) endeavored to ensure that NK-U.S. relationship should not overshadow the SK-NK relationship. In that same year, NK also initiated formal discussions with Japan for the normalization of relations. SK outwardly supported the normalization of NK-Japan. However, SK actually wanted to manage the improvement of the NKJapan relationship through prior consultations with Japan. Normalization of talks between NK-Japan started in January 1991. However, it was recognized that it would be difficult to succeed without the solution to the North Korean nuclear issue. Furthermore, issue, such as NK's abduction of the Japanese, emerged as important dialogue topics. Hence, both states had to be satisfied with the initiation of talks for normalizing the relationship. Eventually, despite its efforts to improve its relationship with U.S. and Japan, NK did not achieve its goals in 1991. In contrast, SK obtained results on the SK-NK relationship and diplomatic competitions of UN during the same period. This study shows two facts of the diplomatic history: first, SK and U.S. fiercely argued about the direction of the North Korea policy under the table in 1991. Second, with regard to the Normalization Talks of NK-Japan in 1991, SK used to SK-USSR economic cooperation as diplomatic means so that Japanese Reparation Policy did not disturb the SK-NK economic cooperation.","PeriodicalId":281089,"journal":{"name":"The Korean Association for Political and Diplomatic History","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129094529","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-28DOI: 10.33127/kdps.2023.44.2.83
Won-taek Kang, Jin-uk Jeong
This article explores the causes of the unexpected rise of the New Korea Democratic Party (NKDP). In the 1985 National Assembly election, a new party, NKDP emerged as the main opposition party, which led to the collapse of the party system manufactured by the authoritarian regime. We argue that the election results primarily aimed at restructuring the ‘opposition bloc’. The election results were less related with public outcry against the Chun Doo-hwan regime or as a punishment for the ruling Democratic Justice Party. However, the election provided a critical opportunity for the regime-challenging NKDP to unite with young people who were the vanguard of political resistance to the authoritarian regime. In that sense, the 1985 election gave an important momentum for the pro-democracy movement later. In addition, social and economic changes such as urbanization, the rise of young voters in the demographic structure, and the mass production of ‘highly educated voters’ were also important factors for the rise of the NKDP in the 1985 election.
{"title":"The Rise of the New Korea Democratic Party in the 1985 National Assembly Election in South Korea","authors":"Won-taek Kang, Jin-uk Jeong","doi":"10.33127/kdps.2023.44.2.83","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33127/kdps.2023.44.2.83","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores the causes of the unexpected rise of the New Korea Democratic Party (NKDP). In the 1985 National Assembly election, a new party, NKDP emerged as the main opposition party, which led to the collapse of the party system manufactured by the authoritarian regime. We argue that the election results primarily aimed at restructuring the ‘opposition bloc’. The election results were less related with public outcry against the Chun Doo-hwan regime or as a punishment for the ruling Democratic Justice Party. However, the election provided a critical opportunity for the regime-challenging NKDP to unite with young people who were the vanguard of political resistance to the authoritarian regime. In that sense, the 1985 election gave an important momentum for the pro-democracy movement later. In addition, social and economic changes such as urbanization, the rise of young voters in the demographic structure, and the mass production of ‘highly educated voters’ were also important factors for the rise of the NKDP in the 1985 election.","PeriodicalId":281089,"journal":{"name":"The Korean Association for Political and Diplomatic History","volume":"47 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127847564","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-28DOI: 10.33127/kdps.2023.44.2.139
Soong-bae Kim
This study examined the Security Treaty Between the United States and Japan, which was born in 1951, and the Mutual Defense Treaty Between the Republic of Korea and the United States of America, which was born in 1953, from the viewpoint of connection-comparison. First, in the background of the two treaties was the emphasis laid on the United Nations Charter, which advocated internationalism. Second, there was a difference in the concept of defense between the two treaties. The Security Treaty Between the United States and Japan was conscious of international communism, but placed more weight on securing the autonomy of US forces in Japan than on defense of Japan. On the other hand, the Mutual Defense Treaty Between the Republic of Korea and the United States of America, which declared joint defense and mutual aid, had a device to block international communism, Japanese right-wing totalitarianism, and South Korea's reunification of the North but there was a crack where the function of the Security Treaty Between the United States and Japan, which was concluded earlier, was added. Third, before signing the Security Treaty Between the United States and Japan, Shigeru Yoshida envisioned a regional security that would prohibit South Korea from possessing military power at the same level as Japan, which cannot have military power due to the Peace Constitution. To him, Korea was a buffer zone. Meanwhile, Syngman Rhee's multilateral regional security initiative also foundered, but his hope for a stronger treaty than the Security Treaty Between the United States and Japan was relatively fulfilled. However, even after the birth of the Mutual Defense Treaty Between the Republic of Korea and the United States of America, Syngman Rhee viewed Japan as a threatening country, and Yoshida viewed the power of the Security Treaty Between the United States and Japan as useful against Korea as well.
{"title":"The Birth of Regional Arrangements and the Intersec- tion of Mutual Recognition: Connection-Comparison between the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty (1951) and the ROK-U.S. Mutual Defense Treaty (1953)","authors":"Soong-bae Kim","doi":"10.33127/kdps.2023.44.2.139","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33127/kdps.2023.44.2.139","url":null,"abstract":"This study examined the Security Treaty Between the United States and Japan, which was born in 1951, and the Mutual Defense Treaty Between the Republic of Korea and the United States of America, which was born in 1953, from the viewpoint of connection-comparison. First, in the background of the two treaties was the emphasis laid on the United Nations Charter, which advocated internationalism. Second, there was a difference in the concept of defense between the two treaties. The Security Treaty Between the United States and Japan was conscious of international communism, but placed more weight on securing the autonomy of US forces in Japan than on defense of Japan. On the other hand, the Mutual Defense Treaty Between the Republic of Korea and the United States of America, which declared joint defense and mutual aid, had a device to block international communism, Japanese right-wing totalitarianism, and South Korea's reunification of the North but there was a crack where the function of the Security Treaty Between the United States and Japan, which was concluded earlier, was added. Third, before signing the Security Treaty Between the United States and Japan, Shigeru Yoshida envisioned a regional security that would prohibit South Korea from possessing military power at the same level as Japan, which cannot have military power due to the Peace Constitution. To him, Korea was a buffer zone. Meanwhile, Syngman Rhee's multilateral regional security initiative also foundered, but his hope for a stronger treaty than the Security Treaty Between the United States and Japan was relatively fulfilled. However, even after the birth of the Mutual Defense Treaty Between the Republic of Korea and the United States of America, Syngman Rhee viewed Japan as a threatening country, and Yoshida viewed the power of the Security Treaty Between the United States and Japan as useful against Korea as well.","PeriodicalId":281089,"journal":{"name":"The Korean Association for Political and Diplomatic History","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117095305","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-28DOI: 10.33127/kdps.2023.44.2.5
joo-seok Yang
This study analyzes the process and significance of the Czechoslovakian Orszag exile case (1981), the Soviet Union Matuzok exile case (1984), and the Zuo Shiokai exile case (1989) that took place at Panmunjom in the 1980s. As a characteristic shared by the three exile cases, first, the three people from communist countries attempted to escape the communist camp through the experience of détente and free will despite the intensification of the second cold war and chose Panmunjom as the escape route to the United States, their final destination. Second, following the unprecedented escape from the communist camp, an international mechanism for the transfer of refugees was was established through an initial issue that connected the Republic of Korea, the United States, and the United Nations. Third, despite the intense fighting in Panmunjom, the global shifts brought about by the collapse of the bipolar Cold War system, hosting of the Seoul Olympics, and the continuation of inter-Korean dialogue for humanitarian projects and economic exchanges prevented the exile cases from escalating into a serious confrontation. During the Cold War, Panmunjom served as both a place for dialogue and an exit to freedom.
{"title":"Panmunjom as an Escape Route to Freedom during the Cold War: Examining the Cases of Exile from the Communist Camp in the 1980s","authors":"joo-seok Yang","doi":"10.33127/kdps.2023.44.2.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33127/kdps.2023.44.2.5","url":null,"abstract":"This study analyzes the process and significance of the Czechoslovakian Orszag exile case (1981), the Soviet Union Matuzok exile case (1984), and the Zuo Shiokai exile case (1989) that took place at Panmunjom in the 1980s. As a characteristic shared by the three exile cases, first, the three people from communist countries attempted to escape the communist camp through the experience of détente and free will despite the intensification of the second cold war and chose Panmunjom as the escape route to the United States, their final destination. Second, following the unprecedented escape from the communist camp, an international mechanism for the transfer of refugees was was established through an initial issue that connected the Republic of Korea, the United States, and the United Nations. Third, despite the intense fighting in Panmunjom, the global shifts brought about by the collapse of the bipolar Cold War system, hosting of the Seoul Olympics, and the continuation of inter-Korean dialogue for humanitarian projects and economic exchanges prevented the exile cases from escalating into a serious confrontation. During the Cold War, Panmunjom served as both a place for dialogue and an exit to freedom.","PeriodicalId":281089,"journal":{"name":"The Korean Association for Political and Diplomatic History","volume":"24 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131188164","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-30DOI: 10.33127/kdps.2022.44.1.85
Jooyung Hong
What makes ‘the trilateral cooperation’ possible? What were the factors that enable the formation or development of cooperation among Korea, China, and Japan? And did the trilateral cooperation stagnate when there were insufficient factors to increase cooperation? In response to this question, this study examines the development of regional politics in East Asia concretely, and pays attention to the chain of East Asian cooperation and how the trilateral cooperation mechanism among Korea, China, and Japan was formed in the process. Although it has not established an integrated organization in East Asia like EU, there has been various attempts to expand and promote regional cooperation system from ASPAC to ASEAN, APEC, ARF, ASEM, ASEAN+3(APT), EAS and TCS. From the Cold War until now, East Asian regionalism is trying to evolve into institutionalization through diplomatic initiatives and strategies of countries in the region. This paper analyzes the mechanism of trilateral cooperation was enabled by the overlapping of membership of the East Asian Regional cooperation, and the fluctuation of dynamics in East Asia can be repeatedly appeared depending on the direction of diplomatic strategy for regional cooperation.
{"title":"East Asian Regionalism and the Trilateral Cooperation among South Korea, China and Japan","authors":"Jooyung Hong","doi":"10.33127/kdps.2022.44.1.85","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33127/kdps.2022.44.1.85","url":null,"abstract":"What makes ‘the trilateral cooperation’ possible? What were the factors that enable the formation or development of cooperation among Korea, China, and Japan? And did the trilateral cooperation stagnate when there were insufficient factors to increase cooperation? In response to this question, this study examines the development of regional politics in East Asia concretely, and pays attention to the chain of East Asian cooperation and how the trilateral cooperation mechanism among Korea, China, and Japan was formed in the process. \u0000Although it has not established an integrated organization in East Asia like EU, there has been various attempts to expand and promote regional cooperation system from ASPAC to ASEAN, APEC, ARF, ASEM, ASEAN+3(APT), EAS and TCS. From the Cold War until now, East Asian regionalism is trying to evolve into institutionalization through diplomatic initiatives and strategies of countries in the region. \u0000This paper analyzes the mechanism of trilateral cooperation was enabled by the overlapping of membership of the East Asian Regional cooperation, and the fluctuation of dynamics in East Asia can be repeatedly appeared depending on the direction of diplomatic strategy for regional cooperation.","PeriodicalId":281089,"journal":{"name":"The Korean Association for Political and Diplomatic History","volume":"28 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121680067","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-30DOI: 10.33127/kdps.2022.44.1.53
Myung Koo Suh
The Catholic Church had not adapted successfully to the liberal democracy until World War Ⅱ. After the German Unification in 1870, Christian Democracy was initiated by the confessional party which was made by a historical accident. And its thought was developed based on the non-liberal ‘communitarian personalism’ in the inter-war period. After the World War II, the Christian Democratic Party appeared on the idea of ‘Ordo Liberalism’ and the ‘Social Market Economy’. They took the lead of the reconstruction of liberal democracy and the economic miracle of the Western European States. After the end of cold war Christian Democracy fell in danger but successfully recovered. This paper shows the prospects that the Christian Democracy based on the communitarian personality will play a major role in today’s crisis of liberal democracy.
{"title":"The Historical Contribution and Its Limitation of Christian Democracy in the Western European States: an Analysis of Personalism and Ordo Liberalism","authors":"Myung Koo Suh","doi":"10.33127/kdps.2022.44.1.53","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33127/kdps.2022.44.1.53","url":null,"abstract":"The Catholic Church had not adapted successfully to the liberal democracy until World War Ⅱ. After the German Unification in 1870, Christian Democracy was initiated by the confessional party which was made by a historical accident. And its thought was developed based on the non-liberal ‘communitarian personalism’ in the inter-war period. \u0000After the World War II, the Christian Democratic Party appeared on the idea of ‘Ordo Liberalism’ and the ‘Social Market Economy’. They took the lead of the reconstruction of liberal democracy and the economic miracle of the Western European States. After the end of cold war Christian Democracy fell in danger but successfully recovered. This paper shows the prospects that the Christian Democracy based on the communitarian personality will play a major role in today’s crisis of liberal democracy.","PeriodicalId":281089,"journal":{"name":"The Korean Association for Political and Diplomatic History","volume":"35 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116801401","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-30DOI: 10.33127/kdps.2022.44.1.5
Dong-eun Kim
China’s rapid rise since the 2010s threatens a global hegemony of the United States, which seemed to become a permanent superpower after the post-Cold War following the collapse of the Soviet Union. Just like the United States at the beginning of the 20th century, China is building an aggressive foreign policy and a strong naval force to support it. The U.S. is also making various efforts to counter the rise of China and to deter the challenge of hegemony. The U.S. efforts and grand strategic origins in the Asia- Pacific region were the geopolitical threat perception and foreign policy theory of Alfred T. Mahan, one of America’s leading maritime geopolitical scholars and maritime strategists. Although the specific form and method have changed little by little according to the changes of the times, it is true that the actual grand strategic essence has not changed significantly in the early 20th century or in the modern era beyond the 2020s. Therefore, the Republic of Korea, which takes the R.O.K-U.S. alliance as the basis of national security, should pay attention to Mahan's perception of geopolitical threat and foreign policy theory in its historical essence in order to accurately and soberly recognize the grand strategic origins of U.S. foreign policy. Through this, we will be able to get a little closer to what the fundamental grand strategic origins of the U.S. are and what their essence is, beyond the simple recognition of the current status quo of the U.S. foreign policy.
{"title":"Alfred T. Mahan’s Geopolitical Threat Perception and Thought of Foreign Policy and Changes on U.S. Foreign Policy in the Early 20th Century","authors":"Dong-eun Kim","doi":"10.33127/kdps.2022.44.1.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33127/kdps.2022.44.1.5","url":null,"abstract":"China’s rapid rise since the 2010s threatens a global hegemony of the United States, which seemed to become a permanent superpower after the post-Cold War following the collapse of the Soviet Union. Just like the United States at the beginning of the 20th century, China is building an aggressive foreign policy and a strong naval force to support it. The U.S. is also making various efforts to counter the rise of China and to deter the challenge of hegemony. \u0000The U.S. efforts and grand strategic origins in the Asia- Pacific region were the geopolitical threat perception and foreign policy theory of Alfred T. Mahan, one of America’s leading maritime geopolitical scholars and maritime strategists. Although the specific form and method have changed little by little according to the changes of the times, it is true that the actual grand strategic essence has not changed significantly in the early 20th century or in the modern era beyond the 2020s. \u0000Therefore, the Republic of Korea, which takes the R.O.K-U.S. alliance as the basis of national security, should pay attention to Mahan's perception of geopolitical threat and foreign policy theory in its historical essence in order to accurately and soberly recognize the grand strategic origins of U.S. foreign policy. Through this, we will be able to get a little closer to what the fundamental grand strategic origins of the U.S. are and what their essence is, beyond the simple recognition of the current status quo of the U.S. foreign policy.","PeriodicalId":281089,"journal":{"name":"The Korean Association for Political and Diplomatic History","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123147986","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-28DOI: 10.33127/kdps.2022.43.2.73
학준 김
{"title":"새 정부 출범을 앞두고 대북·통일정책을 다시 생각한다 : 주제와 관련한 2000년대 출판물을 중심으로","authors":"학준 김","doi":"10.33127/kdps.2022.43.2.73","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33127/kdps.2022.43.2.73","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":281089,"journal":{"name":"The Korean Association for Political and Diplomatic History","volume":"73 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128562937","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-28DOI: 10.33127/kdps.2022.43.2.5
Jeongho Kim
{"title":"Hae-wei Yun Posun and the Provisional Government of Shanghai","authors":"Jeongho Kim","doi":"10.33127/kdps.2022.43.2.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33127/kdps.2022.43.2.5","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":281089,"journal":{"name":"The Korean Association for Political and Diplomatic History","volume":"26 1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126151604","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-28DOI: 10.33127/kdps.2022.43.2.41
Songwoong Kwak
{"title":"A Study on the Influence of Economic Cooperation on the Rapid Progress of Soviet-South Korean Relation: Focusing on the Latest Released Diplomatic Documents of the Republic of Korea Volume 1990","authors":"Songwoong Kwak","doi":"10.33127/kdps.2022.43.2.41","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33127/kdps.2022.43.2.41","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":281089,"journal":{"name":"The Korean Association for Political and Diplomatic History","volume":"21 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134628525","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：