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The Inconvenient Journalist最新文献

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Prologue 序言
Pub Date : 2021-09-15 DOI: 10.7591/cornell/9781501759093.003.0001
Dusko Doder, Louise Branson
This prologue details how the author, a journalist, received a phone call from Bob Kaiser, the new managing editor of the Washington Post. Kaiser announced that Time magazine was preparing a story for the 1992 Christmas issue suggesting the author had become a Soviet agent while serving as the Post's bureau chief in Moscow. The author was on vacation in London after two years of reporting and writing about the violent disintegration of Yugoslavia. He then received another phone call, this time from former Post editor Ben Bradlee, who offered encouragement and his hunch that the CIA was behind the story. The author's theory is that it might be retribution for the scoop that had embarrassed the top CIA brass, the story the author had filed from Moscow on February 10, 1984, indicating that Soviet leader Yuri Andropov might have died.
这段开场白详细描述了作为记者的作者如何接到《华盛顿邮报》新任总编辑鲍勃·凯泽(Bob Kaiser)的电话。凯泽宣布,《时代》杂志正在为1992年的圣诞特刊准备一篇报道,暗示作者在担任《华盛顿邮报》驻莫斯科分社社长期间曾成为苏联特工。在对南斯拉夫的暴力解体进行了两年的报道和写作之后,作者正在伦敦度假。然后他又接到了另一个电话,这次是前《邮报》编辑本·布拉德利打来的,他给了他鼓励,并预感到中情局是幕后主使。作者的理论是,这可能是对1984年2月10日作者在莫斯科报道苏联领导人尤里·安德罗波夫(Yuri Andropov)可能已经死亡的独家新闻的报复,这条新闻曾让中央情报局(CIA)高层感到尴尬。
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引用次数: 0
3. Evading the KGB to Make Contacts 3.。避开克格勃来建立联系
Pub Date : 2021-09-15 DOI: 10.1515/9781501759109-004
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引用次数: 0
The Price for Breaking a Rule of Journalism 打破新闻规则的代价
Pub Date : 2021-09-15 DOI: 10.7591/cornell/9781501759093.003.0010
D. Doder, Louise Branson
This chapter examines the author's experience covering Yuri Andropov's successor, Konstantin Chernenko. Chernenko had won out because the armed forces had backed him, a signal that the old guard was not yet ready to hand power to a new generation or continue Andropov's assault on their privileged way of life. The country was now on autopilot as Chernenko and his men did all they could to return Soviet society to the Brezhnev era. The chapter then looks at the author's interview with Chernenko. Chernenko told the author that he wanted to resume arms talks with the United States but that Ronald Reagan only talked about it without doing anything meaningful, and that although the Reagan administration said it was focused on defensive weapons, the US budget showed a massive buildup of offensive nuclear systems, and he cited several new US strategic weapons systems. He said he wondered why two great countries were not able to do something to secure peace, that it was what kept him up at night. During this time, the author's marriage had collapsed.
本章考察了作者报道尤里·安德罗波夫的继任者康斯坦丁·契尔年科的经历。契尔年科之所以胜出,是因为武装部队支持他,这是一个信号,表明旧势力还没有准备好把权力交给新一代,也没有准备好继续安德罗波夫对他们享有特权的生活方式的攻击。切尔年科和他的手下尽其所能让苏联社会回到勃列日涅夫时代,整个国家都处于自动驾驶状态。这一章接着回顾了作者对契尔年科的采访。切尔年科告诉作者,他想恢复与美国的军备谈判,但罗纳德·里根只是说说而已,没有做任何有意义的事情,尽管里根政府说它专注于防御性武器,但美国的预算显示了进攻性核系统的大规模建设,他引用了几个新的美国战略武器系统。他说,他不明白为什么两个伟大的国家不能为确保和平做点什么,这让他夜不能寐。在此期间,撰文人的婚姻破裂了。
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引用次数: 0
Evading the KGB to Make Contacts 避开克格勃来建立联系
Pub Date : 2021-09-15 DOI: 10.7591/cornell/9781501759093.003.0004
D. Doder, Louise Branson
This chapter evaluates the challenge and danger of making contact with foreign correspondents. One day, Henry Kamm of the New York Times and the author met with the former World War II troop commander Piotr Grigorenko. Despite the pressure and the certainty of surveillance, Grigorenko wanted to talk. Dissent for him, as for others, was directly linked to the suppression of the liberal Czech regime. The Soviet intervention had been followed by massive repression within the Soviet Union. As the two journalists left Grigorenko's apartment, several plainclothes KGB men pushed them roughly aside. Within minutes, they were manhandling Grigorenko past the two, his head pushed down so that he could make no contact. The episode underscored an uncomfortable truth: every time dissidents reached out to foreign journalists, they risked everything, and foreign journalists, by contrast, risked almost nothing. Soviet authorities knew that if they revoked an American journalist's visa, the US would almost certainly retaliate with the expulsion of a Soviet journalist. Besides dissidents, another group that provided unauthorized access into the Soviet was Soviet Jews.
本章评估了与外国记者接触的挑战和危险。一天,《纽约时报》的亨利·卡姆和作者会见了前二战部队指挥官彼得·格里戈连科。尽管面临压力和监视,格里戈连科还是想谈谈。和其他人一样,他的异议与对自由主义捷克政权的镇压直接相关。苏联的干预之后是苏联内部的大规模镇压。当这两名记者离开格里戈连科的公寓时,几名克格勃便衣粗暴地把他们推到一边。几分钟后,他们就粗暴地把格里戈连科从两人身边推了过去,他的头被压得低低的,无法与他们接触。这一事件突显了一个令人不安的事实:每次持不同政见者向外国记者伸出援手时,他们都要冒着一切风险,而相比之下,外国记者几乎没有任何风险。苏联当局知道,如果他们撤销一名美国记者的签证,美国几乎肯定会以驱逐一名苏联记者作为报复。除了持不同政见者,另一个提供未经授权进入苏联的群体是苏联犹太人。
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引用次数: 0
Seeking a New Life in China 在中国寻求新生活
Pub Date : 2021-09-15 DOI: 10.7591/cornell/9781501759093.003.0014
D. Doder, Louise Branson
This chapter details how, though the author loved the Washington Post and could not imagine quitting, his lack of enthusiasm for covering intelligence, the FBI investigation, and the Post's reaction had exhausted him and left him dispirited. Thus, he took a job offer from U.S. News & World Report, when it decided to reopen its Beijing bureau. Though the author had long disliked the group journalism of newsmagazines, this was not his first thought. He immediately saw it as a possible way to be with Louise Branson in China much sooner. The chapter then looks at how the author witnessed the start of the events leading up to the Tiananmen Square uprising and massacre. It all started on April 15, 1989, when the Chinese Politburo member Hu Yaobang died at age seventy-three. With his death, Hu became a symbol of a yearning for Gorbachev-style reforms in China.
这一章详细描述了作者是如何热爱《华盛顿邮报》,无法想象辞职的,但他对报道情报、FBI调查以及《华盛顿邮报》的反应缺乏热情,这让他筋疲力尽,情绪低落。因此,当《美国新闻与世界报道》决定重开北京分社时,他接受了这份工作。虽然作者一直不喜欢新闻杂志的群体性报道,但这并不是他最初的想法。他立刻意识到,这是一个可能的方式,可以更快地与路易丝·布兰森在中国见面。然后,这一章着眼于作者如何目睹导致天安门广场起义和屠杀的事件的开始。随着他的去世,胡成为中国渴望戈尔巴乔夫式改革的象征。
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引用次数: 0
Frontmatter
Pub Date : 2021-09-15 DOI: 10.1515/9781501759109-fm
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引用次数: 0
Assassination by Time Magazine 《时代》杂志暗杀
Pub Date : 2021-09-15 DOI: 10.7591/cornell/9781501759093.003.0016
D. Doder, Louise Branson
This chapter highlights the author's legal battle against Time magazine. Throughout 1993, he was frustrated by delay after delay as it became clear that Time's strategy was to defer proceedings indefinitely, to wear him down and drain not only his resources but his spirit. Another obstacle he encountered was the Washington Post itself. Bob Kaiser, the managing editor, had told the author that the Post would not help him financially if he proceeded to sue Time. When he decided to sue in London, Kaiser said the paper opposed it as a matter of principle because the paper did not agree with British libel laws. Because of this, Washington Post staff were barred from getting involved, which meant that no one could testify on the author's behalf. Nevertheless, the author began to collect witness depositions. Later, the court required discovery, an exchange of information and documents that had been subpoenaed. This revealed that the only outside witnesses to support Time were two former employees of the CIA: Robert Gates and Colin R. Thompson. Finally, Time proposed a settlement that included an apology; the author reluctantly accepted even though he wanted to expose Time's brand of journalism.
本章重点介绍了作者与《时代》杂志的法律斗争。在整个1993年,他对一次又一次的拖延感到沮丧,因为很明显,《时代》杂志的策略是无限期地拖延程序,使他精疲力竭,不仅耗尽他的资源,而且耗尽他的精神。他遇到的另一个障碍是《华盛顿邮报》本身。总编辑鲍勃·凯泽(Bob Kaiser)告诉作者,如果他继续起诉《时代》,《华盛顿邮报》将不会在经济上帮助他。当他决定在伦敦提起诉讼时,凯泽说,《纽约时报》出于原则反对,因为该报不同意英国的诽谤法。正因为如此,《华盛顿邮报》的工作人员被禁止参与其中,这意味着没有人能代表作者作证。然而,发件人开始收集证人的证词。后来,法院要求发现,交换已被传唤的信息和文件。这表明,唯一支持《时代》周刊的外部证人是两名前中情局雇员:罗伯特·盖茨和科林·r·汤普森。最后,《时代》杂志提出了包括道歉在内的和解方案;尽管作者想揭露《时代》杂志的新闻招牌,但他还是勉强接受了。
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引用次数: 0
Epilogue 后记
Pub Date : 2021-09-15 DOI: 10.7591/cornell/9781501759093.003.0017
Dusko Doder, Louise Branson
This epilogue reflects on the author's biggest regret: that he sacrificed his first wife and his son to his ambition. He also regrets subjecting his second wife, Louise Branson, to decades of standing by him as he insisted on quitting the Washington Post, as he lost his way as a journalist, fought the Time allegations and risked their financial ruin, and descended into lengthy bouts of depression. Nevertheless, he considers himself one of the luckiest men in the world to have reported for a great newspaper with a self-confident editor who embodied everything he felt journalism meant: being bold, speaking truth to power, telling it like it is. Today, with the plethora of media outlets and with social media liberally spewing out rumors, opinions, and propaganda that are not edited or fact checked, the author is reminded of the distortions of the Soviet propaganda machine or the wild ravings in the Yugoslav media before that country's collapse. Many news outlets, including the Post and the New York Times, continue to adhere to good journalistic principles, but with so much less influence in today's fractured society.
这篇结语反映了作者最大的遗憾:他为了自己的野心牺牲了第一任妻子和儿子。他还后悔让第二任妻子路易丝·布兰森(Louise Branson)几十年来一直支持他,在他坚持退出《华盛顿邮报》的过程中,在他迷失了记者的道路、与《时代》杂志的指控抗争、冒着财务破产的风险、陷入长期抑郁症的过程中。尽管如此,他认为自己是世界上最幸运的人之一,因为他为一家伟大的报纸做报道,而他的编辑自信满满,体现了他认为新闻业的一切意义:大胆、对权力说真话、实事求是。今天,大量的媒体和社交媒体肆意散布未经编辑或事实核查的谣言、观点和宣传,让作者想起了苏联宣传机器的扭曲,或者南斯拉夫媒体在该国崩溃前的疯狂胡言乱语。包括《华盛顿邮报》和《纽约时报》在内的许多新闻媒体仍在坚持良好的新闻原则,但在当今支离破碎的社会中,它们的影响力要小得多。
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引用次数: 0
Casey’s Revenge
Pub Date : 2021-09-15 DOI: 10.7591/cornell/9781501759093.003.0013
Dusko Doder, Louise Branson
This chapter describes how the author's first story on the intelligence beat not only put him in the middle of a vicious turf war between the two most powerful figures in the Reagan administration for control over US foreign policy, but it unleashed the intelligence community's retribution on him for reporting that embarrassed them. Secretary of State George Shultz, believing the United States should deal with the new Soviet leader, was pushing for a summit meeting between Reagan and Gorbachev. CIA director William Casey, who had managed Reagan's reelection campaign and who, like Reagan, was deeply anti-Communist, was doing all he could to derail any meeting. In early August of 1986, just as Shultz was about to announce that a Reagan–Gorbachev summit would be held in Reykjavik on October 11–12, a Russian diplomat was arrested in a sting operation in New York. The Russians immediately retaliated with a sting of their own and arrested the U.S. News & World Report Moscow correspondent Nick Daniloff on espionage charges.
这一章描述了作者关于情报部门的第一篇报道是如何使他置身于里根政府中两个最有权势的人物之间为控制美国外交政策而展开的激烈地盘争夺战之中,而且还引发了情报界对他的报复,因为他的报道令他们感到尴尬。国务卿乔治·舒尔茨(George Shultz)认为美国应该与这位苏联新领导人打交道,他正在推动里根和戈尔巴乔夫举行峰会。中央情报局局长威廉·凯西(William Casey)曾负责里根的连任竞选活动,和里根一样,他也是强烈的反共主义者,他尽其所能破坏任何会议。1986年8月初,就在舒尔茨即将宣布里根-戈尔巴乔夫峰会将于10月11日至12日在雷克雅未克举行之际,一名俄罗斯外交官在纽约的一次诱捕行动中被捕。俄罗斯人立即采取报复行动,以间谍罪逮捕了《美国新闻与世界报道》驻莫斯科记者尼克·丹尼洛夫。
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引用次数: 0
Covering Russia’s KGB Tsar 报道俄罗斯的克格勃沙皇
Pub Date : 2021-09-15 DOI: 10.7591/cornell/9781501759093.003.0009
D. Doder, Louise Branson
This chapter discusses the author's experience covering Russia's new tsar after the first handover of power in the Soviet Union since 1964. As the sole correspondent for the Washington Post in Moscow, the author felt under even more pressure. Yuri Andropov admitted that the Soviet economy had failed to meet its targets for the past two years, blamed “inertia” and “adherence to old ways,” and characterized many Communist Party objectives as containing “elements of separation from reality.” Andropov also oversaw a limited debate on economic reforms and talked about greater discipline and material incentives for better performance. The author's stories detailed how Andropov set about replacing Leonid Brezhnev's bloated secretariat with aides from the KGB, moved KGB personnel into political jobs, and sent many of the old guard into retirement. The main obstacle was that although Andropov appeared to have consolidated his personal authority with the support of the military and the KGB, he had yet to gain control over the party bureaucracy and the approximately eighteen million Communist Party members accustomed to privileges that they did not want to lose.
这一章讨论了作者在1964年苏联第一次权力移交后报道俄罗斯新沙皇的经历。作为《华盛顿邮报》在莫斯科的唯一记者,作者感到了更大的压力。尤里·安德罗波夫(Yuri Andropov)承认,过去两年苏联经济未能实现目标,他将其归咎于“惰性”和“老一套”,并将共产党的许多目标描述为包含“与现实脱节的因素”。安德罗波夫还主持了一场关于经济改革的有限辩论,并谈到了加强纪律和提高绩效的物质激励。作者的故事详细描述了安德罗波夫如何着手用克格勃的助手取代勃列日涅夫臃肿的秘书处,将克格勃人员调入政治岗位,并让许多老卫兵退休。主要的障碍是,尽管安德罗波夫似乎在军队和克格勃的支持下巩固了自己的个人权威,但他还没有控制住党内官僚机构和大约1800万党员,这些党员习惯了他们不想失去的特权。
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引用次数: 0
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The Inconvenient Journalist
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