The Stata package ebalance implements entropy balancing, a multivariate reweighting method described in Hainmueller (2012) that allows users to reweight a dataset such that the covariate distributions in the reweighted data satisfy a set of specied moment conditions. This can be useful to create balanced samples in observational studies with a binary treatment where the control group data can be reweighted to match the covariate moments in the treatment group. Entropy balancing can also be used to reweight a survey sample to known characteristics from a target population.
{"title":"Ebalance: A Stata Package for Entropy Balancing","authors":"Jens Hainmueller, Yiqing Xu","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.1943090","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.1943090","url":null,"abstract":"The Stata package ebalance implements entropy balancing, a multivariate reweighting method described in Hainmueller (2012) that allows users to reweight a dataset such that the covariate distributions in the reweighted data satisfy a set of specied moment conditions. This can be useful to create balanced samples in observational studies with a binary treatment where the control group data can be reweighted to match the covariate moments in the treatment group. Entropy balancing can also be used to reweight a survey sample to known characteristics from a target population.","PeriodicalId":289975,"journal":{"name":"MIT Political Science Department Research Paper Series","volume":"34 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127906995","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Three related trends in world politics – shifting in power relations, increased diversity of actors and entities, and the growing mobilization and politicization of global constituencies are contributing to a global “tussle” which threatens to erupt in a full-fledged international confrontation. Such contests may well reinforce the potentially powerful cleavages, such as those that became evident before, during, and after the World Conference on Information Technology, WCIT-2012. If present trends continue, it is unlikely that WCIT-2013 will reduce the cleavages and resolve the contentions.
{"title":"Resilient Mechanism Design Foundations for Governance of Cyberspace: Exploration in Theory, Strategy, and Policy","authors":"S. Micali, N. Choucri, J. Chen, Cindy Williams","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2317524","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2317524","url":null,"abstract":"Three related trends in world politics – shifting in power relations, increased diversity of actors and entities, and the growing mobilization and politicization of global constituencies are contributing to a global “tussle” which threatens to erupt in a full-fledged international confrontation. Such contests may well reinforce the potentially powerful cleavages, such as those that became evident before, during, and after the World Conference on Information Technology, WCIT-2012. If present trends continue, it is unlikely that WCIT-2013 will reduce the cleavages and resolve the contentions.","PeriodicalId":289975,"journal":{"name":"MIT Political Science Department Research Paper Series","volume":"57 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124675556","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The United States’ ability to command the global commons – the sea, air, and space domains through which goods, people, and information flow – has been a pillar of United States national security for the last thirty years. The United States has ensured its command by pursuing what we term control of the commons: preventing the emergence of plausible threats to U.S. military dominance by state and non-state actors alike, well ahead of their actual manifestation. At a time when budgets are being cut and new great powers exert increasing influence in international affairs, control of the commons is increasingly unsustainable.In its stead, this paper advocates for a new approach to retaining command of the commons, what we term “security of the commons.” Focusing on the maritime domain, we first argue that the global maritime commons is far more resilient than many recognize: potential threats to the commons are overstated as other actors lack sufficient means or incentives to severely disrupt U.S. command. As a result, there is significant room for the United States to reduce its military footprint while retaining command. Thus, the security-based approach we advocate calls for the United States to reduce its military presence around the world as part of a move towards an over-the-horizon strategic presence. This change would reduce the problem of free-riding and the risk of spirals of insecurity with other powerful actors while leaving the United States a significant capacity – on its own and in partnership with other nations – to defeat threats to the commons if and when they manifest. This approach will also allow the United States to reinvest in the sources of American power that will sustain its position in the global order.
{"title":"Whither Command of the Commons? Choosing Security over Control","authors":"Sameer P. Lalwani, Joshua R. Shifrinson","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2256101","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2256101","url":null,"abstract":"The United States’ ability to command the global commons – the sea, air, and space domains through which goods, people, and information flow – has been a pillar of United States national security for the last thirty years. The United States has ensured its command by pursuing what we term control of the commons: preventing the emergence of plausible threats to U.S. military dominance by state and non-state actors alike, well ahead of their actual manifestation. At a time when budgets are being cut and new great powers exert increasing influence in international affairs, control of the commons is increasingly unsustainable.In its stead, this paper advocates for a new approach to retaining command of the commons, what we term “security of the commons.” Focusing on the maritime domain, we first argue that the global maritime commons is far more resilient than many recognize: potential threats to the commons are overstated as other actors lack sufficient means or incentives to severely disrupt U.S. command. As a result, there is significant room for the United States to reduce its military footprint while retaining command. Thus, the security-based approach we advocate calls for the United States to reduce its military presence around the world as part of a move towards an over-the-horizon strategic presence. This change would reduce the problem of free-riding and the risk of spirals of insecurity with other powerful actors while leaving the United States a significant capacity – on its own and in partnership with other nations – to defeat threats to the commons if and when they manifest. This approach will also allow the United States to reinvest in the sources of American power that will sustain its position in the global order.","PeriodicalId":289975,"journal":{"name":"MIT Political Science Department Research Paper Series","volume":"16 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123344762","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper looks at regional variation in industrial restructuring and ownership change in China’s coal industry. A growing literature exists on Chinese industrial policy, state efforts to carry out industrial restructuring, and “Chinese state capitalism”. Coal mining presents an interesting case for this research agenda. Contrary to what the literature would suggest, the industry has undergone extensive and from the Center’s perspective, successful, state-led restructuring and has also seen large-scale changes to ownership structures, at least in some provinces. I argue that three variables are key to explaining these changes. Two – geology and path-dependent legacies qua presence or absence of provincial-owned SOEs – are unsurprising. The third – political pressure over mining accidents and the Chinese media’s role in generating this pressure – is unexpected. Restructuring only happened after extensive media coverage of mining accidents converted the industry’s structural problems from a technical, industrial-policy problem into a political problem of wider significance, and restructuring went furthest and ownership changes were most drastic and conflictual where media coverage of accidents and thus political pressure thereover was greatest. In the rest of this paper I first look at the question of restructuring and private ownership in China’s strategic industries. Secondly, I lay out the structural changes coal mining underwent in the past 20 years and lay out the provincial variation. Third, I discuss the interests of local (subprovincial) governments that have led them to take a fairly protective stance towards the private mines. Fourth, I explain how media pressure over accidents reshaped these interests in the 2000s. Fifth, I lay out how these pressures and interests led to varying restructuring patterns in different provinces.
{"title":"Safety, Media Coverage and Provincial SOEs: Explaining Ownership Variation in Chinese Coal-Industry Restructuring","authors":"Nicholas Martin","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2351473","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2351473","url":null,"abstract":"This paper looks at regional variation in industrial restructuring and ownership change in China’s coal industry. A growing literature exists on Chinese industrial policy, state efforts to carry out industrial restructuring, and “Chinese state capitalism”. Coal mining presents an interesting case for this research agenda. Contrary to what the literature would suggest, the industry has undergone extensive and from the Center’s perspective, successful, state-led restructuring and has also seen large-scale changes to ownership structures, at least in some provinces. I argue that three variables are key to explaining these changes. Two – geology and path-dependent legacies qua presence or absence of provincial-owned SOEs – are unsurprising. The third – political pressure over mining accidents and the Chinese media’s role in generating this pressure – is unexpected. Restructuring only happened after extensive media coverage of mining accidents converted the industry’s structural problems from a technical, industrial-policy problem into a political problem of wider significance, and restructuring went furthest and ownership changes were most drastic and conflictual where media coverage of accidents and thus political pressure thereover was greatest. In the rest of this paper I first look at the question of restructuring and private ownership in China’s strategic industries. Secondly, I lay out the structural changes coal mining underwent in the past 20 years and lay out the provincial variation. Third, I discuss the interests of local (subprovincial) governments that have led them to take a fairly protective stance towards the private mines. Fourth, I explain how media pressure over accidents reshaped these interests in the 2000s. Fifth, I lay out how these pressures and interests led to varying restructuring patterns in different provinces.","PeriodicalId":289975,"journal":{"name":"MIT Political Science Department Research Paper Series","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-03-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121866122","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The paper uses new data on congressional fundraising networks to test whether network structure influences fundraising performance. The results are consistent with two predictions of ``middleman'' models of network formation: first, fundraising networks are characterized by high levels of inequality; second, fundraising performance and network centrality are positively related. Employing a spatial IV strategy that controls for the endogeneity of network formation and endogenous social effects, I find that a one percent increase in a legislator's centrality yields a 0.627% increase in funds raised. The IV estimate is within one standard deviation of the nonspatial OLS estimate and is robust to alternative methods of estimation.
{"title":"Political Fundraising Networks","authors":"Jason Poulos","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2171918","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2171918","url":null,"abstract":"The paper uses new data on congressional fundraising networks to test whether network structure influences fundraising performance. The results are consistent with two predictions of ``middleman'' models of network formation: first, fundraising networks are characterized by high levels of inequality; second, fundraising performance and network centrality are positively related. Employing a spatial IV strategy that controls for the endogeneity of network formation and endogenous social effects, I find that a one percent increase in a legislator's centrality yields a 0.627% increase in funds raised. The IV estimate is within one standard deviation of the nonspatial OLS estimate and is robust to alternative methods of estimation.","PeriodicalId":289975,"journal":{"name":"MIT Political Science Department Research Paper Series","volume":"60 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-11-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126816402","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Federal Act on the Restitution of Assets of Politically Exposed Persons Obtained by Unlawful Means (RIAA). As a result of these act, Switzerland is today one of the world’s leading Countries when it comes to the restitution of the assets of politically exposed persons. In a series of well reported cases, Switzerland has shown that the measures adopted have been very effective. Switzerland has returned far more money to the countries of origin than any other financial centre, amounting to a total of CHF 1.7 billion. but the measures will be more completed after the Arabic spring. Egyptian revelation will be a much hared exam for the Switzerland financial institute creditability.
{"title":"The Federal Act on the Restitution of Assets of Politically Exposed Persons Obtained by Unlawful Means (RIAA)","authors":"H. Elsheshtawy","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.1872826","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.1872826","url":null,"abstract":"The Federal Act on the Restitution of Assets of Politically Exposed Persons Obtained by Unlawful Means (RIAA). As a result of these act, Switzerland is today one of the world’s leading Countries when it comes to the restitution of the assets of politically exposed persons. In a series of well reported cases, Switzerland has shown that the measures adopted have been very effective. Switzerland has returned far more money to the countries of origin than any other financial centre, amounting to a total of CHF 1.7 billion. but the measures will be more completed after the Arabic spring. Egyptian revelation will be a much hared exam for the Switzerland financial institute creditability.","PeriodicalId":289975,"journal":{"name":"MIT Political Science Department Research Paper Series","volume":"105 4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1900-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115762819","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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