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Philip Nash, 2020. Breaking Protocol: America’s First Female Ambassadors, 1933–1964 菲利普·纳什,2020。打破礼仪:美国第一位女大使,1933年至1964年
IF 0.8 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-03-23 DOI: 10.1163/25891774-bja10076
Stefanie M. Schuster
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引用次数: 0
Sinja Graf, 2021. The Humanity of Universal Crime: Inclusion, Inequality and Intervention in International Political Thought Sinja Graf,2021。普遍犯罪的人性:国际政治思想中的包容、不平等与干预
IF 0.8 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-03-23 DOI: 10.1163/25891774-bja10075
K. Schweizer
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引用次数: 3
Laurence Badel, 2021. Diplomaties européennes. XIXe-XXIe siècle 劳伦斯·巴德尔,2021年。欧洲外交。19-21世纪
IF 0.8 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-03-23 DOI: 10.1163/25891774-04010001
L. Clerc
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引用次数: 0
“Easily Emotional” and “Always Inclined to Extremes.” Ambassador Herman van Roijen and Dutch Anxiety about American Anti-Communism, 1947–53 “容易情绪化”和“总是倾向于极端主义”。大使赫尔曼·范·罗金和荷兰人对美国反共主义的焦虑,1947–53
IF 0.8 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-03-23 DOI: 10.1163/25891774-bja10063
Rimko van der Maar
This article presents anti-communism as a flexible, chameleon-like phenomenon that took on various guises in different countries, depending on their specific domestic circumstances. Historical scholarship remembers both the Netherlands and the United States as strongly anti-communist. However, in the 1950s Dutch officials contrasted their own supposedly sober-minded approach to communism with what they regarded as emotional responses to communism in America. Based on the private correspondence of Dutch ambassador in Washington, Herman van Roijen, and his interactions with The Hague, it is argued that the Red Scare in the United States (1947–54) unsettled Dutch policymakers and diplomats. The initial phase of the transatlantic alliance was complicated by disagreements between allies about geostrategy and budgetary questions, but also by anti-communism, which revealed a deep cultural divide between Europe and the United States and tested allied relations from the outset.
这篇文章将反共描述为一种灵活的、变色龙般的现象,在不同的国家,根据其具体的国内情况,表现出不同的伪装。历史学者记得荷兰和美国都强烈反对共产主义。然而,在20世纪50年代,荷兰官员将他们自己所谓的对共产主义的清醒态度与他们认为的对美国共产主义的情感反应进行了对比。根据荷兰驻华盛顿大使Herman van Roijen的私人信件以及他与海牙的互动,有人认为美国的红色恐慌(1947–54)让荷兰的政策制定者和外交官感到不安。跨大西洋联盟的最初阶段因盟友之间在地缘战略和预算问题上的分歧而变得复杂,但也因反共而变得复杂。反共暴露了欧洲和美国之间深刻的文化分歧,并从一开始就考验着盟友关系。
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引用次数: 0
Nicolas Drocourt and Élisabeth Malamut (eds.), 2020. La diplomatie byzantine, de l’Empire romain aux confins de l’Europe (Ve-XVe s.) Nicolas Drocourt和Élisabeth Malamut(编辑),2020年。拜占庭外交,从罗马帝国到欧洲边缘(5-15世纪)
IF 0.8 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-03-23 DOI: 10.1163/25891774-bja10072
Isabella Lazzarini
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引用次数: 0
Cosimo I de’ Medici’s Dissimulation of Diplomacy in the Guardaroba Nuova 柯西莫,我的医生在新衣柜里隐瞒外交
IF 0.8 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-03-23 DOI: 10.1163/25891774-bja10062
Bradley J. Cavallo
Renaissance diplomatic relationships between sovereigns can often be understood vis-à-vis the gifting of portraiture. Such presentations enacted exchanges of an essential part of the individual portrayed – their presence. Hence, portraiture as a diplomatic gift served as an exchanged acknowledgement between rulers of their respective political authority. Using this mode of political messaging, Cosimo I de’ Medici (r. 1537–74) sought to bolster his reign by commissioning a portrait series of historical and contemporary, Mediterranean-wide potentates. When installed alongside maps and globes of the known terrestrial and celestial universe within the Guardaroba nuova, the painted effigies dissimulated multi-generational Medici involvement in international diplomacy because displaying the portraits en masse suggested that Cosimo and his predecessors had continuously received the paintings as diplomatic gifts, and thus recognition as masters of Florence.
文艺复兴时期,君主之间的外交关系通常可以通过赠送肖像来理解。这样的陈述体现了所描绘的个人的一个重要部分——他们的存在——的交流。因此,肖像画作为一种外交礼物,在统治者之间相互承认各自的政治权威。利用这种政治信息传递模式,科西莫一世·德·美第奇(1537-74年在位)试图通过委托创作一系列历史和当代地中海地区的权贵肖像来巩固他的统治。当这些肖像画与瓜达洛巴诺娃已知的陆地和天体宇宙的地图和地球仪一起安装时,这些肖像画掩盖了美第奇多代人参与国际外交的事实,因为集体展示这些肖像画表明科西莫和他的前任们一直将这些画作为外交礼物,从而被公认为佛罗伦萨的大师。
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引用次数: 0
From the Green Zone to Havana Syndrome: Making Geographic Sense of Rotationality and Hardship in Diplomacy 从绿区到哈瓦那综合症:外交中的轮换性和艰难性的地理意义
IF 0.8 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-03-23 DOI: 10.1163/25891774-bja10061
J. Essex, Joshua Bowman
Most foreign ministries use a rotational system in deploying personnel abroad, with diplomats moving between foreign posts every few years and earning salary premiums based on the risks, dangers, and hardships associated with different foreign posts. We examine rotationality and hardship in diplomacy, identifying these as spatial and institutional practices for managing a global network of diplomatic personnel and sites. These are institutionalized in foreign ministries’ processes for assessing and compensating hardship and danger, and embodied in the design, function, and locational contexts of embassy buildings in foreign capitals. We rely on empirical examples from the US and Canadian foreign services, looking at US embassies in Berlin and Baghdad, and “Havana syndrome” among American and Canadian diplomats and their family members. We conclude that security-heavy forms of hardship assessment and management can limit diplomats’ ability to build local knowledge and constrain the interaction and openness usually prized in diplomatic practice.
大多数外交部在海外部署人员时使用轮换制,外交官每隔几年在外国职位之间调动一次,并根据不同外国职位的风险、危险和困难赚取工资溢价。我们研究了外交中的轮换性和困难,将其确定为管理全球外交人员和地点网络的空间和体制做法。这些都在外交部评估和补偿困难和危险的过程中制度化,并体现在外国首都大使馆建筑的设计、功能和位置背景中。我们依靠美国和加拿大外交部门的经验例子,观察美国驻柏林和巴格达大使馆,以及美国和加拿大外交官及其家人的“哈瓦那综合症”。我们得出的结论是,以安全为重的困难评估和管理形式可能会限制外交官建立当地知识的能力,并限制外交实践中通常珍视的互动和开放。
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引用次数: 0
Inderjeet Parmar and Oliver Turner (eds.), 2020. The United States in the Indo-Pacific: Obama’s Legacy and the Trump Transition Inderjeet Parmar和Oliver Turner(编),2020。美国在印太地区:奥巴马的遗产和特朗普的过渡
IF 0.8 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2022-03-23 DOI: 10.1163/25891774-bja10077
M. Pöllath
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引用次数: 1
Scholarship and Sports Diplomacy: the Cases of Japan and the United Kingdom 奖学金与体育外交:以日本和英国为例
IF 0.8 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-12-28 DOI: 10.1163/25891774-03020005
J. Rofe, Verity Postlethwaite
This article explores scholarship regarding diplomatic processes and actors engaged in recent international sport events hosted by the United Kingdom and Japan. The article points to the range of actors involved, focusing on organizing committees, and assesses the effectiveness of sports diplomacy at a range of levels that go beyond a focus on the state. It uses international sport events documentation, global media archives, and public and private comments related to the United Kingdom and Japan. The article addresses three key issues: 1) Olympic-dominant discourse: the dominance and shift in process between hosting an Olympic Games and onto other events; 2) Western-dominant discourse: the differences between Japan and the UK in demonstrating distinct “East” and “West” sports diplomacy approaches; 3) State-dominant discourse: the role of knowledge exchange and elite networks that transcend the state and involve a range of different actors, such as the organizing committee.
本文探讨了有关外交程序和参与最近由英国和日本主办的国际体育赛事的行为者的学术研究。这篇文章指出了所涉及的行动者的范围,重点是组织委员会,并在一系列层面上评估了体育外交的有效性,这些层面超出了对国家的关注。它使用国际体育赛事文件、全球媒体档案以及与英国和日本有关的公共和私人评论。本文讨论了三个关键问题:1)奥运主导话语:主办奥运会和其他项目之间的主导地位和过程的转变;2) 西方主导话语:日本和英国在展示不同的“东方”和“西方”体育外交方法方面的差异;3) 国家主导话语:知识交流和精英网络的作用,这些网络超越国家,涉及一系列不同的行为者,如组织委员会。
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引用次数: 0
Christopher A. Casey, 2020. Nationals Abroad: Globalization, Individual Rights, and the Making of Modern International Law 克里斯托弗·a·凯西,2020年。海外国民:全球化、个人权利与现代国际法的制定
IF 0.8 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2021-12-28 DOI: 10.1163/25891774-03020007
Filip Batselé
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引用次数: 0
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