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“Calculate the Limits of the Possible”: Scandinavian Legal Diplomacy, Diplomatic Arenas and the Establishment of the Permanent Court of International Justice “计算可能性的极限”:斯堪的纳维亚法律外交、外交舞台和常设国际法院的建立
Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-10-13 DOI: 10.1163/25891774-bja10115
Haakon A. Ikonomou, Karin van Leeuwen, Morten Rasmussen
Abstract This article considers the role of the Scandinavian states in the establishment of the Permanent Court of International Justice ( pcij ) and how the construction of the pcij and the wider League of Nations shaped Scandinavian legal diplomacy. It does so by analyzing legal-diplomatic practices within five significant diplomatic arenas between 1917 and 1920, from the early Scandinavian committee work, via the Advisory Committee of Jurists to the First League Assembly. Our article argues that we need to be attuned to how the emergence of the League of Nations and the particular sequence of multilateral negotiations that led to the creation of the pcij transformed Scandinavian (legal) internationalism and aligned the three countries to the new international order.
本文考察了斯堪的纳维亚国家在建立常设国际法院(pcij)中的作用,以及该法院和更广泛的国际联盟的建设如何影响了斯堪的纳维亚的法律外交。它通过分析1917年至1920年间五个重要外交领域内的法律外交实践来做到这一点,从早期的斯堪的纳维亚委员会工作,通过法学家咨询委员会到第一联盟大会。我们的文章认为,我们需要了解国际联盟的出现以及导致pcij创建的多边谈判的特定顺序如何改变了斯堪的纳维亚(法律)国际主义,并使三国与新的国际秩序保持一致。
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引用次数: 0
Kennan: A Life Between Two Worlds, written by Frank Costigliola 《凯南:两个世界之间的生活》,作者弗兰克·科斯蒂格利奥拉
Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-10-13 DOI: 10.1163/25891774-bja10113
Sean T. Byrnes
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引用次数: 0
Norwegian Internationalism and World War ii Exile Diplomacy in Print 《挪威国际主义与二战流亡外交
Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-10-13 DOI: 10.1163/25891774-bja10105
Pavol Jakubec
Abstract Communication plays a vital role in diplomacy, especially in multilateral settings. Historians of World War ii diplomacy have long neglected the potential of the foreign-language print media originating with the Allied European exiles. Publicity helped the Norwegian government retain two assets of supreme importance to every exile representation – credibility and agency. Norwegian efforts in this realm manifest resourcefulness: several formats have been employed to generate visibility, reciprocity, and reputation, or to transmit positions on the international order in the making. Moreover, content analysis elucidates the transformation of Norwegian internationalism from inter-war liberal propositions towards a more “realist” understanding.
在外交中,特别是在多边环境中,沟通起着至关重要的作用。研究第二次世界大战外交的历史学家长期以来一直忽视了源自欧洲盟军流亡者的外语印刷媒体的潜力。宣传帮助挪威政府保留了对每个流亡代表来说最重要的两项资产——信誉和机构。挪威在这一领域的努力显示出其足智多谋:采用了几种形式来产生知名度、互惠性和声誉,或传达对正在形成的国际秩序的立场。此外,内容分析阐明了挪威国际主义从两次世界大战之间的自由主义主张向更“现实主义”理解的转变。
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引用次数: 0
The Diplomat and the Entrepreneur: Olof Aschberg – Converter of Capital, Trader in Trust 外交家与企业家:Olof Aschberg——资本的转换者,信托交易者
Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-10-13 DOI: 10.1163/25891774-bja10114
Carl Marklund, Andreas Mørkved Hellenes
Abstract Swedish financier, philanthropist, and progressive Olof Aschberg played a dynamic, but “forgotten” role in the contacts between international labor, Western finance, and Soviet power across the world wars. We first suggest Aschberg can be studied as a converter of different forms of capital as well as a trader in trust in between the practices of diplomacy and entrepreneurship. We then outline Aschberg’s wide-ranging activities drawing upon existing secondary literature in lieu of a more systematic study of his life. Third, we concentrate on his interwar solidarity work and anti-fascism based in Paris. We analyze, fourth, his cultural diplomacy and publishing activities out of New York in between the Second World War and the early Cold War. Finally, we argue that Aschberg’s multi-positional and variegated vita illustrates the merit of employing entrepreneurship, in its most broad sense, as an analytical category for investigating the art and practice of citizen diplomacy.
瑞典金融家、慈善家、进步主义者奥洛夫·阿什伯格在两次世界大战期间的国际劳工、西方金融和苏联政权之间的联系中发挥了活跃但被“遗忘”的作用。我们首先建议,可以将Aschberg作为不同形式资本的转换者以及外交实践和企业家精神之间的信任交易者来研究。然后,我们根据现有的二手文献,勾勒出阿什伯格广泛的活动,而不是对他的生活进行更系统的研究。第三,我们关注他在两次世界大战之间的团结工作和以巴黎为基地的反法西斯主义。第四,分析二战至冷战初期期间他在纽约的文化外交和出版活动。最后,我们认为,Aschberg的多位置和多样化的生活说明了利用企业家精神的优点,在最广泛的意义上,作为研究公民外交艺术和实践的分析范畴。
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引用次数: 0
Diplomacy in the Early Islamic World: A Tenth Century Treatise on Arab-Byzantine Relations. The Book of Messengers of Kings (Kitab Rusul Al-Mulūk) of Ibn-Al-Farrā, edited by Maria Vaiou 早期伊斯兰世界的外交:十世纪阿拉伯-拜占庭关系论著。伊本-阿尔-法拉伊的《国王使者之书》(Kitab Rusul Al-Mulūk),由玛丽亚·瓦伊奥编辑
Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-10-13 DOI: 10.1163/25891774-bja10112
Karl W. Schweizer
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引用次数: 0
Green Internationalism on Display: Motives, Structures, and Dynamics of Nordic Environmental Diplomacy during the 1970s 展示中的绿色国际主义:20世纪70年代北欧环境外交的动机、结构和动态
Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-10-13 DOI: 10.1163/25891774-bja10104
Melina Antonia Buns
Abstract Using the negotiations of the 1979 Convention on Long-Rage Transboundary Air Pollution as a case, this article examines the characteristics of Nordic environmental diplomacy. Through a Nordic perspective, it investigates the practices, dynamics, and motives of Nordic cooperation on atmospheric pollution within an international context. It argues that Nordic environmental diplomacy was anchored in regional Nordic cooperation, facilitating a fluid and multi-layered collaboration at the international scene. By revealing this complexity of Nordic environmental diplomacy, the article nuances the diplomatic accounts focusing on single countries, emphasizing the multi-ownership of ideas and achievements. Furthermore, by exploring the motivational, organization, and practical traits of Nordic environmental diplomacy, it proposes to characterize Nordic environmental diplomacy as green internationalism, a self-interested international environmentalism resting upon a shared sense of Nordic solidarity and institutional cooperation.
本文以1979年《长期越境空气污染公约》谈判为例,考察了北欧环境外交的特点。通过北欧的视角,它调查了在国际背景下北欧在大气污染方面合作的实践、动态和动机。它认为,北欧环境外交以北欧区域合作为基础,促进了国际舞台上流畅的多层次合作。通过揭示北欧环境外交的这种复杂性,本文对侧重于单一国家的外交叙述进行了细微的区分,强调了理念和成果的多重所有权。此外,通过探讨北欧环境外交的动机、组织和实践特征,本文提出将北欧环境外交定性为绿色国际主义,一种基于北欧团结和机构合作的共同意识的自利国际环境主义。
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引用次数: 0
The Role of Artwork in a Diplomatic Environment: A Case Study of the Art Collection of the Dutch Delegation at nato Headquarters 艺术作品在外交环境中的作用:以北约总部荷兰代表团艺术收藏为例
Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-10-13 DOI: 10.1163/25891774-bja10109
Wilko Ruijter
Abstract This article examines the role of artwork in the diplomatic practice of international organizations and how this relates to the foreign policy of the member states. Although the relationship between artwork and diplomacy has received some scholarly attention, the specific relationship between artwork and international organizations has rarely been covered in academic literature. To that end, the article will analyze the art collection located in the Dutch delegation at nato headquarters. It attempts to establish how the individual artworks in this collection collectively form a narrative, and how this narrative reflects Dutch foreign policy in relation to nato . The article will conclude that the collection reflects, and – through the discursive power of the artworks – comments on, Dutch foreign policy in relation to nato by (over-) emphasizing notions of “neutrality” and anti-militarism, as well as Dutch contributions to the nato -led isaf in Afghanistan.
摘要本文考察了艺术品在国际组织外交实践中的作用,以及这与成员国外交政策的关系。虽然艺术与外交之间的关系得到了一些学术关注,但艺术与国际组织之间的具体关系在学术文献中很少涉及。为此,本文将分析位于北约总部荷兰代表团的艺术收藏。它试图确定该系列中的单个艺术品如何集体形成一种叙事,以及这种叙事如何反映荷兰与北约的外交政策。本文的结论是,这些藏品反映了荷兰与北约的外交政策,并通过艺术品的话语力量(过度)强调“中立”和反军国主义的概念,以及荷兰对北约领导的阿富汗国际安全援助部队的贡献。
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引用次数: 0
Three Settings for German-Nordic Cultural Diplomacy: Nordic Writers, the Deutsch-Nordische Schriftstellerhaus, and National Socialist Internationalism 德国-北欧文化外交的三个背景:北欧作家、德国-北欧文学与国家社会主义国际主义
Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-10-13 DOI: 10.1163/25891774-bja10107
Frederik Forrai Ørskov
Abstract This article adds to the growing research literature on Fascist trans- and internationalism, not least in regard to the relationships between foreign intellectuals and National Socialist cultural policy. It revolves around three interlinked German cultural relations institutions featuring significant involvement from Nordic writers: the Nordic Society, the German-Nordic Writers’ House, and the European Writers’ Union. Covering a period from 1931 to 1942, the article explores institutional links between these institutions and the versions of Nordic-German cultural diplomacy practiced and developed within their auspices. It argues that National Socialist Germany’s northbound cultural diplomatic efforts contained continuities with pre-1933 practices and conceptions, yet also came with significant inner tensions that ultimately impeded them. Navigating institutional, state, and diplomatic interest, as well as differing visions for cultural relations and cultural internationalist legitimacy abroad proved a difficult balancing act for the German cultural diplomatic actors involved.
本文是对法西斯跨主义和国际主义日益增长的研究文献的补充,尤其是关于外国知识分子与国家社会主义文化政策之间关系的研究。它围绕着三个相互关联的德国文化关系机构展开,这些机构以北欧作家的重要参与为特色:北欧协会、德国-北欧作家之家和欧洲作家联盟。本文涵盖了1931年至1942年这一时期,探讨了这些机构与在其主持下实践和发展的北欧-德国文化外交之间的制度联系。它认为,国家社会主义德国向北的文化外交努力包含了1933年以前的实践和观念的连续性,但也伴随着最终阻碍它们的重大内部紧张局势。在机构、国家和外交利益之间进行导航,以及在国外对文化关系和文化国际主义合法性的不同看法,对涉及的德国文化外交行动者来说,这是一项艰难的平衡行动。
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引用次数: 0
Intermediary Bodies in International Politics: Conceptual and Historical Observations on Northern Europe’s Small States in the International System in the 19th and 20th Centuries 国际政治中的中介主体:19世纪和20世纪国际体系中北欧小国的概念和历史观察
Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-10-13 DOI: 10.1163/25891774-bja10108
Michael Jonas
Abstract The article addresses central problems in the field of small state studies. By revisiting Paul W. Schroeder’s often neglected term “intermediary bodies” in the international system, it attempts to provide a broader conceptual alternative to established categories of description and definition such as “smallness” and “weakness.” In Schroeder’s understanding, intermediary bodies affect the international system beyond functioning as mere buffers. Ultimately, intermediaries influence procedures and outcomes substantially and transcend international politics to another level beyond mere (great) power politics. The subsequent remarks explore the utility and viability of the term by practically applying it to two historical examples: the Danish unitary monarchy within the German Confederation and the role of Finland as an intermediary during, before, and beyond the Cold War. Schroeder’s concept is thereby introduced into varying international contexts and bridges the gap between the history of the 19th century international system and the later modern period.
摘要本文论述了小国家研究领域的核心问题。通过重新审视保罗·w·施罗德(Paul W. Schroeder)在国际体系中经常被忽视的术语“中介机构”,它试图提供一个更广泛的概念替代既定的描述和定义类别,如“小”和“弱”。在施罗德的理解中,中介机构对国际体系的影响超越了仅仅作为缓冲的功能。最终,中介对程序和结果产生了实质性的影响,并超越了国际政治,达到了超越(大国)政治的另一个层面。随后的评论通过将其实际应用于两个历史例子来探索该术语的实用性和可行性:德意志联邦内的丹麦单一制君主制和芬兰在冷战期间,之前和之后作为中介的角色。因此,施罗德的概念被引入到不同的国际背景中,并在19世纪国际体系的历史与近代后期之间架起了一座桥梁。
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引用次数: 0
Scandinavian Diplomacy on Human Rights and Economic Inequality at the United Nations in the 1970s 20世纪70年代在联合国关于人权和经济不平等的斯堪的纳维亚外交
Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-10-13 DOI: 10.1163/25891774-bja10106
Rasmus S. Søndergaard
Abstract In the 1970s, United Nations debates on human rights and economic inequality were deeply shaped by the New International Economic Order ( nieo ) advocated by the developing countries and the basic needs development strategy championed by the World Bank and the United States. This article uses archives from Sweden, Denmark, and Norway as well as UN records, to examine the contributions Scandinavian diplomats and policymakers made to these debates. It demonstrates that the Scandinavians took a favorable position on both the nieo and basic needs, viewing them as complementary strategies to realize economic and social human rights. This view matched their activist foreign policies centered on UN diplomacy, human rights, and Global South solidarity. Finally, the article argues that the Scandinavian position reflected and was underpinned by a broad conception of human rights that put economic and social rights on an even footing with civil and political rights.
上世纪70年代,联合国关于人权和经济不平等的辩论深受发展中国家倡导的“国际经济新秩序”(New International economic Order, nieo)以及世界银行和美国倡导的“基本需求发展战略”的影响。本文使用瑞典、丹麦和挪威的档案以及联合国的记录,来考察斯堪的纳维亚外交官和政策制定者对这些辩论的贡献。这表明斯堪的纳维亚人对新需要和基本需要都持有利的立场,认为它们是实现经济和社会人权的补充战略。这种观点与他们以联合国外交、人权和全球南方团结为中心的积极外交政策相吻合。最后,这篇文章认为,斯堪的纳维亚的立场反映并得到一种广泛的人权概念的支持,这种人权概念将经济和社会权利与公民权利和政治权利置于平等的地位。
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引用次数: 0
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Diplomatica
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