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Constitutional Debate in Turkey: From Dominant Party Heresthetical Strategy to Single-Party Hegemony, Quantitative Text Analyses 土耳其宪法辩论:从执政党异端策略到一党霸权,定量文本分析
Pub Date : 2018-09-01 DOI: 10.1215/10474552-7003156
Berna Öney
Abstract:This essay explores the evolution of the constitutional debate in Turkey during the 2009–11 period in terms of political parties' strategies. It provides analytical insight via quantitative text analysis into party positions based on the four major parties' proposed constitutional drafts in 2013. The analyses reveal a path from the employment of heresthetics to hegemonic, single-party dominance: the dominant party employed the constitutional debate to manipulate the ethnic dimension by engaging in heresthetics while various political party constellations were also in play.
摘要:本文从政党策略的角度探讨了2009 - 2011年土耳其宪法辩论的演变。本文以2013年四党提出的宪法草案为基础,通过定量文本分析对政党立场进行分析。这些分析揭示了一条从运用异端美学到霸权的、一党主导的道路:主导党利用宪法辩论通过运用异端美学来操纵民族维度,同时各种政党星座也在发挥作用。
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引用次数: 3
News Media Consolidation and Censorship in Turkey 土耳其的新闻媒体整合与审查制度
Pub Date : 2018-09-01 DOI: 10.1215/10474552-7003180
Murat Akser
The consolidation of the Turkish media is a recent phenomenon based on the economic liberalization of the 1980s under Turgut Ozal. Conglomerates in Turkish media were created as a result of the 1980s liberalization of the economy that allowed businessmen to purchase multiple newspapers. During the 1990s, the relationship between the media bosses and politicians came under public scrutiny due to competition between different media outlets. The most notable conglomerates of the 1990s in Turkish media were Aydin Dogan, the owner of Kanal D, Hurriyet, and Milliyet dailies; Dinc Bilgin, the owner of ATV and Sabah daily; and Cem Uzan the owner of Star TV. As a former editor of Milliyet daily, Derya Sazak, commented, it was a photo in 1997 of media mogul Aydin Dogan and then prime minister Mesut Yilmaz chatting and walking on a weekend that gave the impression that media bosses can make or break governments.1 The meeting was photographed and sent to news agencies. It caused a furor over Dogan and his influence with the government. The reaction came from Islamic and opposition press that supported the recently deposed government of Necmettin Erbakan in a coalition with the centerright True Path Party of Tansu Ciller.
土耳其媒体的整合是在1980年代图尔古特·厄扎尔领导下的经济自由化基础上的一个新现象。土耳其媒体集团是20世纪80年代经济自由化的结果,允许商人购买多家报纸。在20世纪90年代,由于不同媒体之间的竞争,媒体老板和政治家之间的关系受到了公众的密切关注。20世纪90年代,土耳其媒体界最著名的企业集团是拥有《Kanal D》、《Hurriyet》和《Milliyet》日报的艾丁·多根(Aydin Dogan);丁碧金,亚视和沙巴日报的老板;以及星空电视台的老板杰姆·乌赞。正如《国民日报》前编辑德里亚·萨扎克所评论的那样,这是1997年媒体大亨艾丁·多根和当时的总理梅苏特·伊尔马兹在周末聊天散步的照片,给人的印象是媒体老板可以建立或破坏政府会议被拍了下来并发给了新闻机构。这引起了人们对多根及其对政府的影响的愤怒。这一反应来自伊斯兰和反对派媒体,这些媒体支持最近被推翻的埃尔巴坎政府,并与中间偏右的坦苏·奇勒领导的真正道路党组成联合政府。
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引用次数: 15
The AKP's "Yeni Turkiye": Challenging the Kemalist Narrative?
Pub Date : 2018-09-01 DOI: 10.1215/10474552-7003144
Nikos Christofis
Abstract:The essay shows how Turkey's Justice and Development Party (AKP) and, most importantly, the country's president, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, use the concept of Yeni Turkiye (New Turkey) in attempts to construct a new national state tradition, a counterhegemonic narrative to replace Turkey's traditional one, Kemalism. It is argued that the AKP aims to replace Kemalism to reconstruct the imagined Turkish community anew. It is further argued that collective memory is central to AKP discourses and repertoires in the party's attempt to construct stabilized, sedimented, dominant, and durable features in this renewed process of Turkish national-identity formation and nation building.
摘要:本文展示了土耳其正义与发展党(AKP),尤其是该国总统雷杰普·塔伊普·埃尔多安(Recep Tayyip Erdogan)如何利用“新土耳其”(Yeni Turkiye)的概念,试图构建一种新的民族国家传统,一种取代土耳其传统凯末尔主义(Kemalism)的反霸权叙事。有人认为,正义与发展党旨在取代凯末尔主义,重建想象中的土耳其社会。进一步认为,在土耳其民族认同形成和国家建设的更新过程中,集体记忆是正义与发展党话语和手段的核心,该党试图构建稳定、沉淀、主导和持久的特征。
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引用次数: 17
Dual Presidentialization and Autocratization: Turkey at a Critical Crossroads 双重总统制与独裁:土耳其正处于关键的十字路口
Pub Date : 2018-09-01 DOI: 10.1215/10474552-7003192
Marién Durán
Abstract:Turkey has suffered through a process of autocratization in the second decade of the twenty-first century. The political turn from a defective democracy toward a competitive authoritarian state is part of the concentration and personalization of political power in the person of Recep Tayyip Erdogan and illustrates the influence of political institutions. This situation has given rise to a "dual presidentialization," meaning a situation that has arisen from institutional changes and certain informal factors. The hypothesis is that this dual presidentialization has accelerated Turkey's movement toward autocracy via several dimensions: a greater control over the judicial branch and over public freedoms, in general, and freedom of the press, in particular.
摘要:土耳其在21世纪第二个十年经历了一个独裁化的过程。从一个有缺陷的民主国家到一个竞争的威权国家的政治转向,是政治权力集中和个人化在雷杰普·塔伊普·埃尔多安个人身上的一部分,并说明了政治制度的影响。这种情况导致了“双重总统化”,即由制度变化和某些非正式因素引起的局面。假设是,这种双重总统制通过几个方面加速了土耳其走向独裁的进程:对司法部门和公众自由的更大控制,尤其是对新闻自由的控制。
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引用次数: 2
Erdogan’s Postcoup Turkey
Pub Date : 2018-09-01 DOI: 10.1215/10474552-7003204
Tiago A. Ferreira Lopes
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引用次数: 0
The Moroccan Approach: Integrating Cultural Preservation and Sustainable Development 摩洛哥方法:将文化保护与可持续发展相结合
Pub Date : 2018-06-01 DOI: 10.1215/10474552-6898111
Yossef Ben‐Meir
Abstract:Morocco's approach to implementing projects that preserve its multicultural identity integrates opportunities to advance sustainable development. The strategy is to identify ways to not only preserve culturally significant locations and knowledge but to also advance livelihoods, health, and education. The restoration of the Jewish cemeteries in Morocco, and growing adjacent to them community fruit tree nurseries, provides a vivid example of this model of linking multiculturalism and sustainable development. A different example involving the restoration of the historic mellah neighborhood in Marrakech presents the need to better galvanize community participation. Project experiences in the city of Essaouira will be introduced to help further illuminate these themes. Finally, the essay provides recommendations to improve the application of Morocco's cultural-development integrated model.
摘要:摩洛哥实施项目的方法是保护其多元文化身份,并结合促进可持续发展的机会。该战略不仅要确定保护具有重要文化意义的地点和知识的方法,还要确定促进生计、健康和教育的方法。摩洛哥犹太人墓地的修复以及在其附近种植的社区果树苗圃是这种将多元文化主义与可持续发展联系起来的模式的生动例子。另一个涉及恢复马拉喀什历史悠久的mellah街区的例子表明,需要更好地激励社区参与。将介绍在索维拉市的项目经验,以帮助进一步阐明这些主题。最后,本文提出了完善摩洛哥文化发展一体化模式应用的建议。
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引用次数: 3
Turkey Looks East: International Leverage and Democratic Backsliding in a Hybrid Regime 土耳其向东看:混合政权中的国际影响力和民主倒退
Pub Date : 2018-06-01 DOI: 10.1215/10474552-6898075
Kadir Akyuz, S. Hess
Abstract:This essay examines the impact of Turkey's growing international links to China, Russia, and other non-Western powers on democratic backsliding by the administration of Recep Tayyip Erdogan. The essay finds that China's and Russia's growing engagement with Turkey since the middle of the first decade of the 2000s, coupled with Turkey's stalled bid for European Union membership, played an important role in deleveraging Western democratizing influence on Turkey. This shift in the international balance opened a window of opportunity for the Erdogan administration to engage in backsliding activities and proved to be a more significant driver for backsliding than other common predictors.
摘要:本文考察了土耳其与中国、俄罗斯和其他非西方大国日益增长的国际联系对雷杰普·塔伊普·埃尔多安政府民主倒退的影响。文章发现,自本世纪头十年中期以来,中国和俄罗斯与土耳其的接触越来越多,再加上土耳其申请加入欧盟的进程停滞不前,在削弱西方对土耳其的民主化影响方面发挥了重要作用。这种国际平衡的转变为埃尔多安政府从事倒退活动打开了机会之窗,事实证明,与其他常见预测因素相比,这是导致倒退的更重要因素。
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引用次数: 13
Public Opinion and the Fear of Terrorism: Turkish and US Involvement in the Syrian Conflict 公众舆论和对恐怖主义的恐惧:土耳其和美国卷入叙利亚冲突
Pub Date : 2018-06-01 DOI: 10.1215/10474552-6898087
Aneta Hlavsová, Kristýna Tamchynová, Radka Havlová
Abstract:This essay analyses the role of public opinion in the formation of US and Turkish policy toward the conflict in Syria. The United States and Turkey were chosen because they are key players in the Syrian conflict. In both countries, public opinion played a role in the formation of foreign policy. As North Atlantic Treaty Organization allies, they could be expected to act along similar lines. Moreover, despite seemingly different contexts, public opinion in both the United States and Turkey was reluctant to support a more intense involvement in the Syrian conflict. However, there was a visible shift in public opinion after the involvement in Syria started to be framed as a fight against terrorism, mostly referring to the so-called Islamic State and, in Turkey's case, Kurdish groups.
摘要:本文分析了舆论在美国和土耳其对叙利亚冲突政策形成中的作用。美国和土耳其被选中是因为他们是叙利亚冲突的关键角色。在这两个国家,民意在外交政策的形成中都发挥了作用。作为北大西洋公约组织(North Atlantic Treaty Organization)的盟友,它们可能会采取类似的行动。此外,尽管背景看似不同,但美国和土耳其的公众舆论都不愿支持更深入地介入叙利亚冲突。然而,在介入叙利亚的行动开始被界定为打击恐怖主义之后,公众舆论出现了明显的转变,恐怖主义主要指的是所谓的伊斯兰国(Islamic State),在土耳其的情况下,指的是库尔德组织。
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引用次数: 2
Sunrise, Sunset: An Immigrant's American Odyssey by Louis G. Sarris (review) 《日出日落:一个移民的美国奥德赛》作者:路易斯·g·萨里斯
Pub Date : 2018-06-01 DOI: 10.1215/10474552-6898135
C. Pagedas
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引用次数: 0
Andreas in Jail and in Exile: Junta, Resistance, Americans, Karamanlis by Stan Draenos (review) 安德烈亚斯在监狱和流亡:军政府、抵抗、美国人、卡拉曼利斯(Stan Draenos)
Pub Date : 2018-06-01 DOI: 10.1215/10474552-6898123
Van Coufoudakis
Stan Draenos is well known to anyone who has an interest in post – World War II Greek politics. His work in Athens included service as historian at the Andreas Papandreou Foundation. His earlier book, Andreas Papandreou: The Making of a Greek Democrat and Political Maverick (I. B. Tauris, 2012) provided a balanced analysis of Andreas’s leap into Greek politics after two decades in American academia and association with the American liberal political establishment. That volume ended with the 1967 coup in Athens and Andreas’s arrest by the Greek Junta. The discussion in the book under review ends late in 1969, although the epilogue looks ahead well into 1974. The book is short but insightful. It is written in Greek, which limits its readership, and is part of a series published in Athens on the fiftieth anniversary of the 1967 coup. It is likely to become the preamble and foundation of Draenos’s planned second volume on Andreas. While most books on Andreas offer either passionate accounts or condemnations of the man and his career, Draenos’s work is distinguished by balanced perspectives derived from archival sources and wideranging research. Various documents and letters are also included in this volume. The book focuses on the political shifts and compromises Andreas made during his traumatic experience in jail and his eventual exile. Developments in Greece are examined in the context of the troubled US politics of the period. The Vietnam War and events surrounding the election of Richard Nixon in 1968 are examined for their effects on US relations with Western Europe and the intensifying EastWest confrontation. The volume examines various unknown and inad-
对二战后希腊政治感兴趣的人都知道斯坦·德拉诺斯。他在雅典的工作包括在安德烈亚斯·帕潘德里欧基金会担任历史学家。他的早期著作《安德烈亚斯·帕潘德里欧:一个希腊民主党人和政治特立独行者的形成》(I. B. Tauris, 2012)对安德烈亚斯在美国学术界和与美国自由主义政治机构交往20年后跨入希腊政治进行了平衡的分析。这本书以1967年雅典政变和安德烈亚斯被希腊军政府逮捕而告终。这本书的讨论结束于1969年底,尽管后记展望了1974年。这本书篇幅短,但见解深刻。它是用希腊文写的,这限制了它的读者群,是1967年政变五十周年之际在雅典出版的系列丛书的一部分。它很可能成为德拉诺斯计划的关于安德里亚斯的第二卷的序言和基础。虽然大多数关于安德烈亚斯的书要么充满激情地描述,要么谴责他和他的职业生涯,但德拉诺斯的作品以从档案资料和广泛研究中得出的平衡观点而著称。各种文件和信件也包括在这一卷。这本书主要讲述了安德烈亚斯在监狱的痛苦经历和最终的流放中所做出的政治转变和妥协。希腊的事态发展是在当时陷入困境的美国政治背景下进行研究的。本书考察了越南战争和1968年理查德·尼克松(Richard Nixon)当选美国总统前后发生的事件对美国与西欧关系以及东西方对峙加剧的影响。该卷检查各种未知和inad-
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Mediterranean Quarterly
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