Pub Date : 2017-12-01DOI: 10.1215/10474552-4325914
Antonis P. Skotiniotis
Abstract:Following the end of the bipolar world, Greece gradually realized both the benefits of forming a multidimensional foreign policy and the limits set by its participation in Western institutions. This essay examines the relations between the so-called BRICS (the association of the major emerging national economies of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) and Greece since the end of the Cold War. It focuses on Greece's relations with Russia and China and the reasons behind Greece's foreign policy change toward establishing deeper relations with them and the role that it can play as a state that belongs to the West but also has strong ties with the East.
{"title":"The BRICS of Greek Diplomacy: Foundations of a New Foreign Policy","authors":"Antonis P. Skotiniotis","doi":"10.1215/10474552-4325914","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/10474552-4325914","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Following the end of the bipolar world, Greece gradually realized both the benefits of forming a multidimensional foreign policy and the limits set by its participation in Western institutions. This essay examines the relations between the so-called BRICS (the association of the major emerging national economies of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) and Greece since the end of the Cold War. It focuses on Greece's relations with Russia and China and the reasons behind Greece's foreign policy change toward establishing deeper relations with them and the role that it can play as a state that belongs to the West but also has strong ties with the East.","PeriodicalId":298924,"journal":{"name":"Mediterranean Quarterly","volume":"22 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125653709","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-12-01DOI: 10.1215/10474552-4325925
Iacovos Kareklas
Abstract:This essay analyses the security policy that should be pursued in settling the international problem of Cyprus. Initially, it shows how the system of guarantor states does not comply with rules of international political morality. It describes how the international community through the United Nations has been successful in providing security for Cyprus over decades. The essay then explores ways in which security can be achieved in cooperation with the UK government and the British Sovereign Base Areas. Further, it extensively examines how the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the United States, Greece, and Israel could contribute to security arrangements on the island. Furthermore, the politics of natural gas is noted as a factor that could ensure security in the Mediterranean region overall as well as serve as a factor in the negotiations for a solution of the Cyprus issue.
{"title":"Security Policies on the Cyprus Problem: International Law and Political Parameters","authors":"Iacovos Kareklas","doi":"10.1215/10474552-4325925","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/10474552-4325925","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This essay analyses the security policy that should be pursued in settling the international problem of Cyprus. Initially, it shows how the system of guarantor states does not comply with rules of international political morality. It describes how the international community through the United Nations has been successful in providing security for Cyprus over decades. The essay then explores ways in which security can be achieved in cooperation with the UK government and the British Sovereign Base Areas. Further, it extensively examines how the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the United States, Greece, and Israel could contribute to security arrangements on the island. Furthermore, the politics of natural gas is noted as a factor that could ensure security in the Mediterranean region overall as well as serve as a factor in the negotiations for a solution of the Cyprus issue.","PeriodicalId":298924,"journal":{"name":"Mediterranean Quarterly","volume":"28 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125504418","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-12-01DOI: 10.1215/10474552-4325947
J. Krasna
Abstract:Reports of the demise of the Arab state have been exaggerated, despite claims that the postcolonial, state-based paradigm is collapsing under the pressure of "people power," the resurgence of premodern loyalties, and the rise of nonstate actors. Even Hamas, Hezbollah, and the Islamic State preserve the nation-state concept in their politics. A new, postrevolutionary Middle East equilibrium is forming, with multinational states decomposing into more homogeneous subunits (similar to the 1990s' former Soviet bloc), while monarchies and mostly single-ethnic states survived. The trend of antiglobalist populist nationalism in the West threatens to cause a technology-enabled domino effect in Western countries similar to that which swept the Arab world. Russia and China seem most capable of exploiting both the end of the "Arab Spring of Nations" and the turbulence in the West, and will use this refractory period of US influence to promote their interests and agendas in the region.
{"title":"The State of the State in the Arab World and the West's \"Arab Spring\"","authors":"J. Krasna","doi":"10.1215/10474552-4325947","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/10474552-4325947","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Reports of the demise of the Arab state have been exaggerated, despite claims that the postcolonial, state-based paradigm is collapsing under the pressure of \"people power,\" the resurgence of premodern loyalties, and the rise of nonstate actors. Even Hamas, Hezbollah, and the Islamic State preserve the nation-state concept in their politics. A new, postrevolutionary Middle East equilibrium is forming, with multinational states decomposing into more homogeneous subunits (similar to the 1990s' former Soviet bloc), while monarchies and mostly single-ethnic states survived. The trend of antiglobalist populist nationalism in the West threatens to cause a technology-enabled domino effect in Western countries similar to that which swept the Arab world. Russia and China seem most capable of exploiting both the end of the \"Arab Spring of Nations\" and the turbulence in the West, and will use this refractory period of US influence to promote their interests and agendas in the region.","PeriodicalId":298924,"journal":{"name":"Mediterranean Quarterly","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132973430","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-12-01DOI: 10.1215/10474552-4325881
C. Pagedas
The sudden and unexpected passing of Minos X. Kyriakou on 2 July 2017 is a terrible loss to Greece, the wider Hellenic community around the world, and this journal. Born in Athens, Greece, in 1942 to a family that was involved in shipping dating back to the middle of the nineteenth century, Kyriakou greatly expanded the original family business and took it to impressive new heights. This included his launch of Athenian Tankers Holdings, a successful global shipping business with a significant fleet of tankers, in the aftermath of the global oil shocks of the 1970s. In the late 1980s, Kyriakou had the foresight to diversify his business and entered the media world by founding one of the first private radio stations in Greece, followed by Antenna TV (ANT1), a leading private television channel in Greece. With its first broadcast on 31 December 1989, ANT1 quickly became one of the toprated and most popular staples of news, media, and entertainment in Greece. But perhaps more important, Kyriakou’s vision for a media conglomerate included the development of the larger Antenna Group of companies to reach the Greekspeaking communities in the rest of Europe, North America, and as far away as Australia. Today, Antenna’s international networks are broadcast around the world via satellite by Antenna Europe, Antenna Satellite (for the North American market), and Antenna Pacific (for Australia) and are invaluable sources of news and information for the Greek and Cypriot immigrant communities. The Antenna Group also operates tele-
{"title":"A Modern-Day Alexander: Minos X. Kyriakou and the Spread of Hellenism","authors":"C. Pagedas","doi":"10.1215/10474552-4325881","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/10474552-4325881","url":null,"abstract":"The sudden and unexpected passing of Minos X. Kyriakou on 2 July 2017 is a terrible loss to Greece, the wider Hellenic community around the world, and this journal. Born in Athens, Greece, in 1942 to a family that was involved in shipping dating back to the middle of the nineteenth century, Kyriakou greatly expanded the original family business and took it to impressive new heights. This included his launch of Athenian Tankers Holdings, a successful global shipping business with a significant fleet of tankers, in the aftermath of the global oil shocks of the 1970s. In the late 1980s, Kyriakou had the foresight to diversify his business and entered the media world by founding one of the first private radio stations in Greece, followed by Antenna TV (ANT1), a leading private television channel in Greece. With its first broadcast on 31 December 1989, ANT1 quickly became one of the toprated and most popular staples of news, media, and entertainment in Greece. But perhaps more important, Kyriakou’s vision for a media conglomerate included the development of the larger Antenna Group of companies to reach the Greekspeaking communities in the rest of Europe, North America, and as far away as Australia. Today, Antenna’s international networks are broadcast around the world via satellite by Antenna Europe, Antenna Satellite (for the North American market), and Antenna Pacific (for Australia) and are invaluable sources of news and information for the Greek and Cypriot immigrant communities. The Antenna Group also operates tele-","PeriodicalId":298924,"journal":{"name":"Mediterranean Quarterly","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131092703","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-12-01DOI: 10.1215/10474552-4326231
G. Georgis
This extensive volume is exemplary in terms of its structure, content, and editorial adequacy. It takes a sound academic approach to the history of one of the most important cities of the eastern Mediterranean, one that played a special role in the development of the region during the Middle Ages. Six scholars describe Limassol’s history from prehistoric times to the conquest of Cyprus by the Ottomans, presenting much hitherto unknown information. Antoine Hermary, emeritus professor of the University of AixenProvence, who was for many years the head of the excavations of the French archaeological mission at Amathus, Cyprus, makes a comprehensive analysis of the history of that city from the eleventh century BC to the seventh century AD, when the city was abandoned because of Arab raids. He presents Amathus as the predecessor city of Limassol — the latter evolved into a major city only after the decline and the abandonment of Amathus, as was the case with Palepaphos and Paphos, Engomi and Salamis, as well as other cities of Cyprus that succeeded more ancient predecessors. To begin, Hermary surveys the topography of the ancient city and makes a short presentation of the history of the successive excavations of the French mission under Melchior Vogue in 1862, the excavations of Luigi Palma di Cesnola around 1875, the excavation in the necropolis by a mission of the British Museum in 1893 – 94, and finally the excavation of the Swedish archaeological mission under Einar Gjerstad in 1930. Hermary then focuses on the excavation of the acropolis by the archaeological mission of the French School of Athens under the supervision initially of Pierre Aupert and
这个广泛的卷是其结构，内容和编辑充分性方面的典范。它采用了一种健全的学术方法来研究地中海东部最重要的城市之一的历史，它在中世纪的地区发展中发挥了特殊的作用。六位学者描述了利马索尔从史前时代到奥斯曼帝国征服塞浦路斯的历史，提供了许多迄今为止未知的信息。安托万·赫尔玛丽(Antoine Hermary)是艾森普罗旺斯大学(University of AixenProvence)的名誉教授，他多年来一直是法国考古使团在塞浦路斯阿玛索斯(Amathus)挖掘工作的负责人，他对这座城市从公元前11世纪到公元7世纪的历史进行了全面分析，当时这座城市因阿拉伯人的袭击而被遗弃。他认为阿玛索斯是利马索尔的前身，利马索尔是在阿玛索斯衰落和被遗弃之后才发展成为一个主要城市的，就像帕勒帕福斯和帕福斯、恩戈米和萨拉米斯，以及塞浦路斯其他城市继承了更古老的前辈一样。首先，Hermary调查了古城的地形，并简要介绍了1862年Melchior Vogue领导下的法国使团的连续挖掘历史，1875年左右的Luigi Palma di Cesnola的挖掘，1893 - 94年大英博物馆使团对墓地的挖掘，最后是1930年Einar Gjerstad领导下的瑞典考古使团的挖掘。随后，Hermary专注于雅典卫城的发掘工作，由法国雅典学派的考古使团负责，最初由Pierre Aupert和
{"title":"Lemesos: A History of Limassol in Cyprus from Antiquity to the Ottoman Conquest eds. by Angel Nicolaou-Konnari and Chris Schabel (review)","authors":"G. Georgis","doi":"10.1215/10474552-4326231","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/10474552-4326231","url":null,"abstract":"This extensive volume is exemplary in terms of its structure, content, and editorial adequacy. It takes a sound academic approach to the history of one of the most important cities of the eastern Mediterranean, one that played a special role in the development of the region during the Middle Ages. Six scholars describe Limassol’s history from prehistoric times to the conquest of Cyprus by the Ottomans, presenting much hitherto unknown information. Antoine Hermary, emeritus professor of the University of AixenProvence, who was for many years the head of the excavations of the French archaeological mission at Amathus, Cyprus, makes a comprehensive analysis of the history of that city from the eleventh century BC to the seventh century AD, when the city was abandoned because of Arab raids. He presents Amathus as the predecessor city of Limassol — the latter evolved into a major city only after the decline and the abandonment of Amathus, as was the case with Palepaphos and Paphos, Engomi and Salamis, as well as other cities of Cyprus that succeeded more ancient predecessors. To begin, Hermary surveys the topography of the ancient city and makes a short presentation of the history of the successive excavations of the French mission under Melchior Vogue in 1862, the excavations of Luigi Palma di Cesnola around 1875, the excavation in the necropolis by a mission of the British Museum in 1893 – 94, and finally the excavation of the Swedish archaeological mission under Einar Gjerstad in 1930. Hermary then focuses on the excavation of the acropolis by the archaeological mission of the French School of Athens under the supervision initially of Pierre Aupert and","PeriodicalId":298924,"journal":{"name":"Mediterranean Quarterly","volume":"60 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123120021","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-12-01DOI: 10.1215/10474552-4325936
K. Kanat, J. Hannon
Abstract:On 27 June 2016, Turkey and Israel announced a deal to resolve the diplomatic crisis stemming from the Mavi Marmara incident of 2010. The countries also upgraded diplomatic relations to ambassadorial level. It is unlikely that Israel and Turkey will return to the level of the strategic, military, and political cooperation of the 1990s. However, the recent thaw provides opportunities for both countries in an increasingly unstable region. The future of bilateral relations will depend on the successful exploitation of economic opportunities, navigation through risks to regional security, and the stabilization and amelioration of the humanitarian and political crisis in Gaza.
{"title":"Turkey-Israel Relations in the New Era: Opportunities and Challenges","authors":"K. Kanat, J. Hannon","doi":"10.1215/10474552-4325936","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/10474552-4325936","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:On 27 June 2016, Turkey and Israel announced a deal to resolve the diplomatic crisis stemming from the Mavi Marmara incident of 2010. The countries also upgraded diplomatic relations to ambassadorial level. It is unlikely that Israel and Turkey will return to the level of the strategic, military, and political cooperation of the 1990s. However, the recent thaw provides opportunities for both countries in an increasingly unstable region. The future of bilateral relations will depend on the successful exploitation of economic opportunities, navigation through risks to regional security, and the stabilization and amelioration of the humanitarian and political crisis in Gaza.","PeriodicalId":298924,"journal":{"name":"Mediterranean Quarterly","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127915587","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-12-01DOI: 10.1215/10474552-4325892
T. G. Carpenter
Abstract:Washington's policy in the Balkans has been a failure for more than two decades. Beginning with the US-led military interventions in Bosnia and Kosovo during the 1990s, the United States and its North Atlantic Treaty Organization allies have made difficult situations worse. The supposedly successful Western missions merely created two economically and politically dysfunctional wards of the international community. In 2017, ethnic tensions are rising again throughout the region. US leaders need to face the sobering reality that Washington's previous meddling has brought neither stability nor justice to the Balkans. Instead, the United States and NATO have foolishly empowered the main disruptive faction. The principal source of turmoil was never Serbian expansionism. It was—and remains—the drive by Albanian nationalists to create a Greater Albania, which would encompass sizable chunks of territory from several neighboring states. Key elements in Kosovo and Albania are pushing that agenda with renewed vigor, and the growing tensions threaten to create turmoil in multiple countries.
{"title":"Renewed Turmoil in the Balkans: Anatomy of a Western Policy Failure","authors":"T. G. Carpenter","doi":"10.1215/10474552-4325892","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/10474552-4325892","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Washington's policy in the Balkans has been a failure for more than two decades. Beginning with the US-led military interventions in Bosnia and Kosovo during the 1990s, the United States and its North Atlantic Treaty Organization allies have made difficult situations worse. The supposedly successful Western missions merely created two economically and politically dysfunctional wards of the international community. In 2017, ethnic tensions are rising again throughout the region. US leaders need to face the sobering reality that Washington's previous meddling has brought neither stability nor justice to the Balkans. Instead, the United States and NATO have foolishly empowered the main disruptive faction. The principal source of turmoil was never Serbian expansionism. It was—and remains—the drive by Albanian nationalists to create a Greater Albania, which would encompass sizable chunks of territory from several neighboring states. Key elements in Kosovo and Albania are pushing that agenda with renewed vigor, and the growing tensions threaten to create turmoil in multiple countries.","PeriodicalId":298924,"journal":{"name":"Mediterranean Quarterly","volume":"10 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122173373","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-12-01DOI: 10.1215/10474552-4325903
Danijela Dudley
Abstract:Parallel expansions of the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in recent decades have blurred the lines between membership in the two organizations and the conditionalities attached to each. While both organizations have seemed successful in attracting Eastern European states, this essay argues that NATO's successful eastern expansion has been due to the EU's encouragement of these states' NATO accession, not because of their enthusiasm for membership in the union. This was the case in Montenegro. Despite the country's lack of external threats and persistent domestic opposition to NATO membership, the government nevertheless refocused its efforts from European integration to Euro-Atlantic integration in order to bring the country closer to EU accession. This codependent enlargement has benefited both organizations: the EU is able to secure its eastern boundaries without developing a comprehensive security and defense policy, while NATO is able to expand its influence over important geopolitical locations despite domestic resistance to such expansion.
{"title":"The Price of European Integration: Montenegro's NATO Membership on the Path of EU Accession","authors":"Danijela Dudley","doi":"10.1215/10474552-4325903","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/10474552-4325903","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Parallel expansions of the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in recent decades have blurred the lines between membership in the two organizations and the conditionalities attached to each. While both organizations have seemed successful in attracting Eastern European states, this essay argues that NATO's successful eastern expansion has been due to the EU's encouragement of these states' NATO accession, not because of their enthusiasm for membership in the union. This was the case in Montenegro. Despite the country's lack of external threats and persistent domestic opposition to NATO membership, the government nevertheless refocused its efforts from European integration to Euro-Atlantic integration in order to bring the country closer to EU accession. This codependent enlargement has benefited both organizations: the EU is able to secure its eastern boundaries without developing a comprehensive security and defense policy, while NATO is able to expand its influence over important geopolitical locations despite domestic resistance to such expansion.","PeriodicalId":298924,"journal":{"name":"Mediterranean Quarterly","volume":"1861 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129904676","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-09-01DOI: 10.1215/10474552-4216454
Danijela Dudley
The outbreak of the Greek sovereign debt crisis in 2009 caught much of the world by surprise. Up to that point the prevailing view was that the country had joined the club of wealthy democracies, as it was part of the euro regime, posted relatively strong rates of economic growth, and had a relatively high standard of living. No one was more startled than Greece’s Balkan neighbors, which, with the exception of Turkey, were struggling after four or more decades of communist rule. To them, Greece was a prosperous, stable, democratic, peaceful, and wellrespected country — an example to emulate. The outbreak of the crisis stimulated numerous analyses seeking to explain the causes and consequences of the country’s prolonged and pervasive economic malaise and its impact on the future of the European Union. In general, the works on the Greek crisis can be divided in to three categories: descriptive analyses, insiders’ accounts, and more scholarly treatises. The first category includes an avalanche of mass media articles and several booklength publications describing the texture of, the players involved in, and the impact of the crisis. Jason Manolopoulos’s Greece’s ‘Odious’ Debt is a good example. A more recent variant encompasses a few accounts by insiders or would-be insiders. The memoirs of George Papaconstantinou, finance minister in the first phase of the crisis (October 2009 to June 2011), titled Game Over: The Inside Story of the Greek Crisis, is by far the most authoritative in this category. Books by Yanis Varoufakis, finance minister in the leftist
2009年希腊主权债务危机的爆发让世界上很多人感到意外。在此之前，普遍的观点是，该国已经加入了富裕民主国家的俱乐部，因为它是欧元制度的一部分，经济增长率相对较高，生活水平相对较高。没有人比希腊的巴尔干邻国更震惊了，除了土耳其，这些国家在经历了40多年的共产主义统治后都在苦苦挣扎。对他们来说，希腊是一个繁荣、稳定、民主、和平、受人尊敬的国家——一个值得效仿的榜样。危机的爆发激发了许多分析，试图解释该国长期和普遍的经济萎靡的原因和后果及其对欧洲联盟未来的影响。总的来说，关于希腊危机的著作可以分为三类:描述性分析、内部人士的描述和更多的学术论文。第一类包括大量的大众媒体文章和几本书籍长度的出版物，描述了危机的性质、涉及的参与者和影响。马诺洛普洛斯(Jason Manolopoulos)的希腊“可憎”债务就是一个很好的例子。最近的一个变种包括一些内部人士或潜在内部人士的账户。危机第一阶段(2009年10月至2011年6月)的财政部长乔治•帕帕康斯坦丁努(George Papaconstantinou)的回忆录《游戏结束:希腊危机的内幕》(Game Over: The Inside Story of Greek crisis)是迄今为止这类书籍中最权威的一本。左翼财政部长雅尼斯•瓦鲁法基斯(Yanis Varoufakis)的书
{"title":"Clientelism and Economic Policy: Greece and the Crisis by Aris Trantidis (review)","authors":"Danijela Dudley","doi":"10.1215/10474552-4216454","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1215/10474552-4216454","url":null,"abstract":"The outbreak of the Greek sovereign debt crisis in 2009 caught much of the world by surprise. Up to that point the prevailing view was that the country had joined the club of wealthy democracies, as it was part of the euro regime, posted relatively strong rates of economic growth, and had a relatively high standard of living. No one was more startled than Greece’s Balkan neighbors, which, with the exception of Turkey, were struggling after four or more decades of communist rule. To them, Greece was a prosperous, stable, democratic, peaceful, and wellrespected country — an example to emulate. The outbreak of the crisis stimulated numerous analyses seeking to explain the causes and consequences of the country’s prolonged and pervasive economic malaise and its impact on the future of the European Union. In general, the works on the Greek crisis can be divided in to three categories: descriptive analyses, insiders’ accounts, and more scholarly treatises. The first category includes an avalanche of mass media articles and several booklength publications describing the texture of, the players involved in, and the impact of the crisis. Jason Manolopoulos’s Greece’s ‘Odious’ Debt is a good example. A more recent variant encompasses a few accounts by insiders or would-be insiders. The memoirs of George Papaconstantinou, finance minister in the first phase of the crisis (October 2009 to June 2011), titled Game Over: The Inside Story of the Greek Crisis, is by far the most authoritative in this category. Books by Yanis Varoufakis, finance minister in the leftist","PeriodicalId":298924,"journal":{"name":"Mediterranean Quarterly","volume":"106 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115246349","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2017-09-01DOI: 10.1215/10474552-4216443
A. Gaffar
Abstract: Democratization in a broad sense is a continuous process of sensitization and practice of given, rationalized, normative conditions to regulate relations among the state, society, and individuals. This may entail inculcation of ideas, values, and practices so that society and relationships are based on ideas of justice and equity. The recent phenomenon of democratization in the Middle East sheds interesting light on the process of democratization. Learning what factors triggered these processes is pertinent to understanding the nature and scope of an unfolding process. It is prudent to note that the ongoing democratization in this region is transitional and tentative at best, and there is a looming threat that the old power structure will superimpose itself again. There is a need to understand concepts of democracy from African, Arabic, and Indian contributions. This essay argues for the necessity for further research on the Arabic conception of state-society relations. This approach may unravel whether the social foundations in the region are conducive for democracy and shed light on the nature of traditional authority that has commanded loyalty from people over many centuries.
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