Pub Date : 2023-07-21DOI: 10.1080/21624887.2023.2238999
César Niño, Daniel Palma
ABSTRACT After the signing of the Peace Agreement in Havana in 2016, which marked the end of the armed conflict with the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia, Ejército del Pueblo (FARC-EP), Colombia entered a post-conflict period with the hope of ending over six decades of armed violence. However, this article argues that the post-agreement phase was mistakenly conflated with post-conflict, leading to the belief that the conflict had come to an end. This disregard for the fact that peace-building is an ongoing, prolonged, and uncertain process overlooked the potential for violence to transform and adapt to social circumstances, even with one fewer perpetrator. In this sense, the end of the conflict with the FARC-EP has created a favourable scenario for transforming conflict. This concept refers to the dynamic changes in hostilities between new, old, and transformed armed actors in Colombia, which partially build on and take advantage of the same structural causes of past conflicts. It is crucial to recognise that the end of one armed conflict does not necessarily mean the end of violence and that sustained efforts are required to address the root causes of conflicts and build a sustainable peace.
{"title":"Transforming conflict and transforming violence: determinants in the geometry of violence in Colombia","authors":"César Niño, Daniel Palma","doi":"10.1080/21624887.2023.2238999","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21624887.2023.2238999","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT After the signing of the Peace Agreement in Havana in 2016, which marked the end of the armed conflict with the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia, Ejército del Pueblo (FARC-EP), Colombia entered a post-conflict period with the hope of ending over six decades of armed violence. However, this article argues that the post-agreement phase was mistakenly conflated with post-conflict, leading to the belief that the conflict had come to an end. This disregard for the fact that peace-building is an ongoing, prolonged, and uncertain process overlooked the potential for violence to transform and adapt to social circumstances, even with one fewer perpetrator. In this sense, the end of the conflict with the FARC-EP has created a favourable scenario for transforming conflict. This concept refers to the dynamic changes in hostilities between new, old, and transformed armed actors in Colombia, which partially build on and take advantage of the same structural causes of past conflicts. It is crucial to recognise that the end of one armed conflict does not necessarily mean the end of violence and that sustained efforts are required to address the root causes of conflicts and build a sustainable peace.","PeriodicalId":29930,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Security","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2023-07-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42535209","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-04DOI: 10.1080/21624887.2023.2208902
Jamie J. Hagen, Ilaria Michelis, Jennifer Philippa Eggert, L. Turner
Abstract In this forum, we focus on the possibility and necessity for active refusal in research, and the complexities of refusal. We offer four different perspectives, based on our shared concerns and understanding of the harms caused by some field research, and driven by our engagement with and membership in some of the communities experiencing this harmful fieldwork in peace, (post)conflict and security settings.Drawing on feminist, queer, indigenous, anti-racist and decolonial literatures and interventions, we seek to further a practice of refusal as an essential component of researcher reflexivity Our various positionalities and privileges, and the research entitlement they can bring, necessitate grappling with refusal: we must do better at saying ‘no’. We must also be careful about the ethics of refusal itself: Who gets to say ‘no’ to whom? What comes after the refusal? We hope our interventions encourage more of these conversations and (more importantly) practices.Refusals can be an important ‘full stop’ that interrupt exploitative relationships, and that challenge neoliberal and neocolonial conditions of knowledge production. But they can also be generative of different ways of sharing knowledge, leading to new partners and locations, new conversations that cross the boundaries between the imperialist categories of the researcher and the researched, and new relationships outside of research and outside of work.
{"title":"Learning to say ‘no’: privilege, entitlement and refusal in peace, (post)conflict and security research","authors":"Jamie J. Hagen, Ilaria Michelis, Jennifer Philippa Eggert, L. Turner","doi":"10.1080/21624887.2023.2208902","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21624887.2023.2208902","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In this forum, we focus on the possibility and necessity for active refusal in research, and the complexities of refusal. We offer four different perspectives, based on our shared concerns and understanding of the harms caused by some field research, and driven by our engagement with and membership in some of the communities experiencing this harmful fieldwork in peace, (post)conflict and security settings.Drawing on feminist, queer, indigenous, anti-racist and decolonial literatures and interventions, we seek to further a practice of refusal as an essential component of researcher reflexivity Our various positionalities and privileges, and the research entitlement they can bring, necessitate grappling with refusal: we must do better at saying ‘no’. We must also be careful about the ethics of refusal itself: Who gets to say ‘no’ to whom? What comes after the refusal? We hope our interventions encourage more of these conversations and (more importantly) practices.Refusals can be an important ‘full stop’ that interrupt exploitative relationships, and that challenge neoliberal and neocolonial conditions of knowledge production. But they can also be generative of different ways of sharing knowledge, leading to new partners and locations, new conversations that cross the boundaries between the imperialist categories of the researcher and the researched, and new relationships outside of research and outside of work.","PeriodicalId":29930,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Security","volume":"11 1","pages":"126 - 144"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2023-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41343061","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-04DOI: 10.1080/21624887.2023.2243017
Colleen Bell
The CSoS ECR Outstanding Research Article Award Committee 2023, consisting of Dr Colleen Bell, Dr Helen Berents and Dr Somdeep Sen from the editorial team, are pleased to announce the winner and a runner-up for this year’s award. The Award recognises and celebrates early career scholars making an innovative and significant contribution to critical security studies. Recipients must be sole author of a regular research article accepted for publication through the journal’s regular submission and review process each year. The Committee read and evaluated the submissions in a confidential process. The 2022 award goes to Håvard Rustad Markussen, for their article, entitled, ‘Conceptualising the smartphone as a security device: appropriations of embodied connectivity at the Black Lives Matter protests’. Markussen makes a strong argument for the importance of objects to the formation of new repertoires of security, offering a high level of conceptual sophistication concerning the extended embodiment of the smartphone and the potential for its (re)appropriation by a range of actors. By applying philosophical insights on the agentic capacity of objects, Markussen theorises smart phones as newly embodied devices of connectivity that are both racialised and post-human. These insights are stretched to analyse the surveillance of Black Lives Matters protests and protesters strategies of countersurveillance. The committee found that the article presents a valuable and illustrative case study of police power and resistance to it, illuminating the racialisation of surveillance through smart phone technology. It is exemplary critical work in the field. This was a unanimous decision. Markussen’s article can be accessed here: https://doi.org/10. 1080/21624887.2022.2128596
{"title":"CSoS ECR outstanding research article award 2023 winner","authors":"Colleen Bell","doi":"10.1080/21624887.2023.2243017","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21624887.2023.2243017","url":null,"abstract":"The CSoS ECR Outstanding Research Article Award Committee 2023, consisting of Dr Colleen Bell, Dr Helen Berents and Dr Somdeep Sen from the editorial team, are pleased to announce the winner and a runner-up for this year’s award. The Award recognises and celebrates early career scholars making an innovative and significant contribution to critical security studies. Recipients must be sole author of a regular research article accepted for publication through the journal’s regular submission and review process each year. The Committee read and evaluated the submissions in a confidential process. The 2022 award goes to Håvard Rustad Markussen, for their article, entitled, ‘Conceptualising the smartphone as a security device: appropriations of embodied connectivity at the Black Lives Matter protests’. Markussen makes a strong argument for the importance of objects to the formation of new repertoires of security, offering a high level of conceptual sophistication concerning the extended embodiment of the smartphone and the potential for its (re)appropriation by a range of actors. By applying philosophical insights on the agentic capacity of objects, Markussen theorises smart phones as newly embodied devices of connectivity that are both racialised and post-human. These insights are stretched to analyse the surveillance of Black Lives Matters protests and protesters strategies of countersurveillance. The committee found that the article presents a valuable and illustrative case study of police power and resistance to it, illuminating the racialisation of surveillance through smart phone technology. It is exemplary critical work in the field. This was a unanimous decision. Markussen’s article can be accessed here: https://doi.org/10. 1080/21624887.2022.2128596","PeriodicalId":29930,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Security","volume":"11 1","pages":"63 - 63"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2023-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46928888","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-12DOI: 10.1080/21624887.2023.2199483
{"title":"Terrible security problem: an aesthetics approach and study of the Korean Nuclear Crisis","authors":"","doi":"10.1080/21624887.2023.2199483","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21624887.2023.2199483","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":29930,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Security","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2023-04-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44408756","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-02DOI: 10.1080/21624887.2023.2188628
F. Cristiano, Deanna Dadusc, Tracey Davanna, Koshka Duff, J. Gilmore, Chris Rossdale, Federica Rossi, Adan Tatour, Lana Tatour, W. Tufail, E. Weizman
This Intervention presents a conversation amongst a collective of scholars who are in the process of establishing a research network studying the criminalisation of dissent. The new UK Police, Crime, Sentencing, Courts Act 2022 is just one recent example of attempts by ‘liberal democratic’ states to criminalise political activism and restrict the right to protest. Similar legislative measures, repressive policing practices, and discourses delegitimating dissent can be observed across a variety of geographic and socio-political contexts. In this discussion, we interrogate both the concept of ‘criminalisation of political activism’ and the practices through which criminalisation is enacted by sharing examples and analyses from our research. We approach criminalisation as a process that changes with circumstances and is shaped by a multiplicity of state and non-state actors and agencies, and question the analytical gentrification that narrows resistance and rebellion to the exclusionary category of activism. Our different disciplinary and regional foci bring together the historical and the contemporary, the (liberal) settler colony and (colonial) liberal democracy, to reflect collectively on the formal and informal tools, technologies and strategies used to criminalise dissent. The conversation took place in November 2022 and was then transcribed and lightly edited for clarity.
{"title":"Criminalisation of political activism: a conversation across disciplines","authors":"F. Cristiano, Deanna Dadusc, Tracey Davanna, Koshka Duff, J. Gilmore, Chris Rossdale, Federica Rossi, Adan Tatour, Lana Tatour, W. Tufail, E. Weizman","doi":"10.1080/21624887.2023.2188628","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21624887.2023.2188628","url":null,"abstract":"This Intervention presents a conversation amongst a collective of scholars who are in the process of establishing a research network studying the criminalisation of dissent. The new UK Police, Crime, Sentencing, Courts Act 2022 is just one recent example of attempts by ‘liberal democratic’ states to criminalise political activism and restrict the right to protest. Similar legislative measures, repressive policing practices, and discourses delegitimating dissent can be observed across a variety of geographic and socio-political contexts. In this discussion, we interrogate both the concept of ‘criminalisation of political activism’ and the practices through which criminalisation is enacted by sharing examples and analyses from our research. We approach criminalisation as a process that changes with circumstances and is shaped by a multiplicity of state and non-state actors and agencies, and question the analytical gentrification that narrows resistance and rebellion to the exclusionary category of activism. Our different disciplinary and regional foci bring together the historical and the contemporary, the (liberal) settler colony and (colonial) liberal democracy, to reflect collectively on the formal and informal tools, technologies and strategies used to criminalise dissent. The conversation took place in November 2022 and was then transcribed and lightly edited for clarity.","PeriodicalId":29930,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Security","volume":"11 1","pages":"106 - 125"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2023-04-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45321841","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-30DOI: 10.1080/21624887.2023.2194503
Rachel Massey, Thom Tyerman
ABSTRACT Critical Military Studies (CMS) has emerged as an important subdiscipline in international security studies and an interdisciplinary field in its own right. In this article, we offer a close reading of foundational CMS literature to reveal its distinct approach to the critical study of military power. We argue this foundational literature is characterised by a commitment to a series of ‘in-between’ and 'engaged' positions on conceptual binaries between civilian and military spheres, questions of methodological proximity to or distance from military actors, and ethical political support for or opposition to militarism. While CMS makes important contributions to analyses of military power and security, we argue it too often re-centres white western male military subjects and agendas while marginalising antimilitarism. In this way, we argue, it reproduces a form of epistemic and ‘methodological whiteness’ that limits its potential to offer a sustained critique.
{"title":"Remaining ‘in-between’ the divides? Conceptual, methodological, and ethical political dilemmas of engaged research in Critical Military Studies","authors":"Rachel Massey, Thom Tyerman","doi":"10.1080/21624887.2023.2194503","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21624887.2023.2194503","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Critical Military Studies (CMS) has emerged as an important subdiscipline in international security studies and an interdisciplinary field in its own right. In this article, we offer a close reading of foundational CMS literature to reveal its distinct approach to the critical study of military power. We argue this foundational literature is characterised by a commitment to a series of ‘in-between’ and 'engaged' positions on conceptual binaries between civilian and military spheres, questions of methodological proximity to or distance from military actors, and ethical political support for or opposition to militarism. While CMS makes important contributions to analyses of military power and security, we argue it too often re-centres white western male military subjects and agendas while marginalising antimilitarism. In this way, we argue, it reproduces a form of epistemic and ‘methodological whiteness’ that limits its potential to offer a sustained critique.","PeriodicalId":29930,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Security","volume":"11 1","pages":"64 - 82"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2023-03-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48158929","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-28DOI: 10.1080/21624887.2023.2184101
J. Ríos, Heriberto Cairo, David Gómez
ABSTRACT The following paper aims to explore the political discourse of the party heir to the FARC-EP, now known as Comunes, in relation to the phenomenon of dissident groups that see themselves as continuing the legacy of the defunct guerrilla, and which have proliferated after the signing of the Peace Agreement in late 2016. Based on nine in-depth interviews with political figures who have occupied or occupy relevant positions in the current political party, we explore the issues that enable us to understand how this phenomenon has taken place. The aim is to give a voice both to the official party line and to the critical sector, which have formed a kind of political divide since January 2021. Both sides have a shared understanding of the structural and institutional aspects that have led to the emergence of these armed groups, although they differ on other aspects, in particular, regarding their position towards the armed group led by alias ‘Gentil Duarte’ and, above all, the group known as ‘Segunda Marquetalia’. Since August 2019, the latter group of dissidents has been led by alias ‘Iván Márquez’, previously the head of the FARC-EP’s negotiating delegation during the peace process.
{"title":"The political discourse of Comunes regarding FARC-EP dissidents in Colombia","authors":"J. Ríos, Heriberto Cairo, David Gómez","doi":"10.1080/21624887.2023.2184101","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21624887.2023.2184101","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The following paper aims to explore the political discourse of the party heir to the FARC-EP, now known as Comunes, in relation to the phenomenon of dissident groups that see themselves as continuing the legacy of the defunct guerrilla, and which have proliferated after the signing of the Peace Agreement in late 2016. Based on nine in-depth interviews with political figures who have occupied or occupy relevant positions in the current political party, we explore the issues that enable us to understand how this phenomenon has taken place. The aim is to give a voice both to the official party line and to the critical sector, which have formed a kind of political divide since January 2021. Both sides have a shared understanding of the structural and institutional aspects that have led to the emergence of these armed groups, although they differ on other aspects, in particular, regarding their position towards the armed group led by alias ‘Gentil Duarte’ and, above all, the group known as ‘Segunda Marquetalia’. Since August 2019, the latter group of dissidents has been led by alias ‘Iván Márquez’, previously the head of the FARC-EP’s negotiating delegation during the peace process.","PeriodicalId":29930,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Security","volume":"11 1","pages":"83 - 105"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2023-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43492264","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/21624887.2023.2208942
A. Dwyer, A. Langenohl, Philipp Lottholz
ABSTRACT Postcolonial and postsocialist thought has critiqued Critical Security Studies (CSS) on its Eurocentric orientation in terms of its concepts, categories, and concerns of security. In this introductory text, we discuss a concept in tension – topology/scene – to deepen a dialogue between postcolonial and postsocialist scholarship alongside insights from Science and Technology Studies (STS). Drawing on various contributions, we demonstrate how topology/scene enables critical reflections on how the ‘networked’, material approaches to security exemplified by STS can be put into a productive conversation with critiques grounded in postcolonial and postsocialist theory and praxis. Topologies and scenes of security are thus offered as a method to reflect, interrogate, and question existing relationalities of in/security as well as the power of different materials, discourses, organisations, and people in various times and places. We seek to move beyond the scalar hierarchies of ‘local’ and ‘global’ to question and investigate uneven power relations. Along with contributions in this special issue, it is possible to point towards the potential to situate inquiry across thus-far ‘peripheral’ places and societal milieus to offer insights into the experiences and understandings of in/security which have been rendered invisible or marginal.
{"title":"Topologies of security: inquiring in/security across postcolonial and postsocialist scenes","authors":"A. Dwyer, A. Langenohl, Philipp Lottholz","doi":"10.1080/21624887.2023.2208942","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21624887.2023.2208942","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Postcolonial and postsocialist thought has critiqued Critical Security Studies (CSS) on its Eurocentric orientation in terms of its concepts, categories, and concerns of security. In this introductory text, we discuss a concept in tension – topology/scene – to deepen a dialogue between postcolonial and postsocialist scholarship alongside insights from Science and Technology Studies (STS). Drawing on various contributions, we demonstrate how topology/scene enables critical reflections on how the ‘networked’, material approaches to security exemplified by STS can be put into a productive conversation with critiques grounded in postcolonial and postsocialist theory and praxis. Topologies and scenes of security are thus offered as a method to reflect, interrogate, and question existing relationalities of in/security as well as the power of different materials, discourses, organisations, and people in various times and places. We seek to move beyond the scalar hierarchies of ‘local’ and ‘global’ to question and investigate uneven power relations. Along with contributions in this special issue, it is possible to point towards the potential to situate inquiry across thus-far ‘peripheral’ places and societal milieus to offer insights into the experiences and understandings of in/security which have been rendered invisible or marginal.","PeriodicalId":29930,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Security","volume":"11 1","pages":"1 - 13"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46427515","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-16DOI: 10.1080/21624887.2022.2147328
Danijela Majstorovic
When the small gatherings of concerned citizens started at the main Krajina square in Banja Luka, following the disappearance of the 21-year-old electrical engineering student, David Dragičević, on 18 March 2018, nobody could have predicted that they would evolve into large-scale and the longest-lasting protests in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) with the Justice for David (JFD) and Justice for Dženan movements crossing BiH’s administrative and ethnic borders. David’s case, allegedly at the hand of some of the Republika Srpska police members, was brought into connection with another unresolved murder case, the one of the 22year-old Dženan Memić who died in February 2016 in Sarajevo under suspicious circumstances, allegedly at the hand of people close to the ruling Party of Democratic Action (SDA). Both cases faced attempted silencing, tampering with evidence and altogether lacked proper police investigation or prosecution by the judiciary for months on end, spurring the social protests against the current state structures. As the constitutional design plays a crucial role within the ongoing crisis of the country, it is important to give the contours of BiH setup. After the 1992–1995 war, the country has been divided into the two entities and Brčko district and has since Dayton Peace Agreement (Dayton) been ruled by ethnonationalist political elites, most notably the SDA and the SNSD. The two fathers organising the protests, Davor Dragičević and Muriz Memić, blamed the dominant political parties in the two entities, SDA in the Federation of BiH and SNSD in the Republika Srpska (RS), including the entity police and judiciary for what happened to their children. Amidst negligence and lack of due procedure necessary to resolve the cases, citizens of Banja Luka and Sarajevo joined the protests, symbolically and organically uniting Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) for the first time. These two cases also forged new relationships and forms of affective sociality within which security-related stakes and concerns rearticulated security as care but also the meaning social justice in this European periphery. Photo 1 by Aleksandar Trifunović, Buka magazine
{"title":"‘The state killed my child’: security, justice and affective sociality in the European periphery","authors":"Danijela Majstorovic","doi":"10.1080/21624887.2022.2147328","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21624887.2022.2147328","url":null,"abstract":"When the small gatherings of concerned citizens started at the main Krajina square in Banja Luka, following the disappearance of the 21-year-old electrical engineering student, David Dragičević, on 18 March 2018, nobody could have predicted that they would evolve into large-scale and the longest-lasting protests in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) with the Justice for David (JFD) and Justice for Dženan movements crossing BiH’s administrative and ethnic borders. David’s case, allegedly at the hand of some of the Republika Srpska police members, was brought into connection with another unresolved murder case, the one of the 22year-old Dženan Memić who died in February 2016 in Sarajevo under suspicious circumstances, allegedly at the hand of people close to the ruling Party of Democratic Action (SDA). Both cases faced attempted silencing, tampering with evidence and altogether lacked proper police investigation or prosecution by the judiciary for months on end, spurring the social protests against the current state structures. As the constitutional design plays a crucial role within the ongoing crisis of the country, it is important to give the contours of BiH setup. After the 1992–1995 war, the country has been divided into the two entities and Brčko district and has since Dayton Peace Agreement (Dayton) been ruled by ethnonationalist political elites, most notably the SDA and the SNSD. The two fathers organising the protests, Davor Dragičević and Muriz Memić, blamed the dominant political parties in the two entities, SDA in the Federation of BiH and SNSD in the Republika Srpska (RS), including the entity police and judiciary for what happened to their children. Amidst negligence and lack of due procedure necessary to resolve the cases, citizens of Banja Luka and Sarajevo joined the protests, symbolically and organically uniting Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) for the first time. These two cases also forged new relationships and forms of affective sociality within which security-related stakes and concerns rearticulated security as care but also the meaning social justice in this European periphery. Photo 1 by Aleksandar Trifunović, Buka magazine","PeriodicalId":29930,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Security","volume":"11 1","pages":"24 - 36"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2022-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45285919","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-15DOI: 10.1080/21624887.2022.2134699
Alexandra Gheciu
In early 2020, as many parts of the world went into unprecedented lockdowns, senior EU officials stated that only a united approach would enable Europe to address a pandemic that was endangering the security of individuals and societies. In the words of the European Commission President, ‘in this crisis, and in our Union more generally, it is only by helping each other that we can help ourselves’ (Von der 2020). In this context, it is important to ask: how has the European (in)security environment evolved in the context of the COVID pandemic? This article addresses that question by drawing on insights from the field of Critical Security Studies (CSS) and post-colonial/postsocialist perspectives. Those insights help us understand how, contrary to statements of solidarity issued by senior EU politicians, the pandemic has accentuated structural inequalities and the condition of (in)security experienced by many vulnerable individuals across Europe. The focus in this article is on developments concerning Central Europe, in an attempt to advance understanding of the important – yet still under-studied – role played by post-socialist spaces in the redefinition of the (in)security environment in Europe and, more broadly, in the (re)construction of the EU (see also Mälksoo 2021; Lovec, Kočí, and Šabič et al. 2021). Understanding developments in postsocialist spaces enables us to shed light on similarities between the dehumanising practices enacted by Central European governments and by their West European counterparts, and deepens knowledge of the conflicts and contradictions that lie at the heart of European politics. Central to these contradictions is the growing clash between liberal/illiberal ideas and political forces that has profoundly affected EU politics in recent years, and that has become particularly acute in the context of the COVID pandemic.
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