Pub Date : 2023-08-23DOI: 10.1080/21624887.2023.2248437
Agnese Pacciardi
ABSTRACT Since the spread of the COVID-19 pandemic, migrants’ mobility has been increasingly securitised as governments have been adopting extraordinary measures to close both external and internal borders. Similarly, the presence of migrants within countries has often been met with lower levels of acceptance, leading to the implementation of discriminatory and xenophobic measures. Although debates on the securitisation of migration are well established in the literature, this article demonstrates how the securitisation of migration during the COVID-19 pandemic has relied on gendered and racialised notions deeply entrenched in the legacy of colonial modernity. Examining newspaper articles and declarations by Italian prominent politicians, this contribution shows how this process has happened through 4 main discursive frames imbued with racial and gendered assumptions: 1) the virus as a foreign threat; 2) migrants as diseased bodies; 3) migrants as a burden; 4) migrants as racialised hypermasculine bodies.
{"title":"Viral bodies: racialised and gendered logics in the securitisation of migration during COVID-19 in Italy","authors":"Agnese Pacciardi","doi":"10.1080/21624887.2023.2248437","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21624887.2023.2248437","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Since the spread of the COVID-19 pandemic, migrants’ mobility has been increasingly securitised as governments have been adopting extraordinary measures to close both external and internal borders. Similarly, the presence of migrants within countries has often been met with lower levels of acceptance, leading to the implementation of discriminatory and xenophobic measures. Although debates on the securitisation of migration are well established in the literature, this article demonstrates how the securitisation of migration during the COVID-19 pandemic has relied on gendered and racialised notions deeply entrenched in the legacy of colonial modernity. Examining newspaper articles and declarations by Italian prominent politicians, this contribution shows how this process has happened through 4 main discursive frames imbued with racial and gendered assumptions: 1) the virus as a foreign threat; 2) migrants as diseased bodies; 3) migrants as a burden; 4) migrants as racialised hypermasculine bodies.","PeriodicalId":29930,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Security","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2023-08-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41686163","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-11eCollection Date: 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1080/21624887.2023.2239002
Anneroos Planqué-van Hardeveld
Google is increasingly developing a manifold of security products for its users, businesses, and national security actors like the US Department of Defence. However, the company and its employees struggle with whether, and how, it should be involved in practices of security, war or weaponry. To unpack how Google emerges as a security actor, I bring new media studies perspectives regarding the socio-political roles Google plays in today's society to critical security studies. With this interdisciplinary approach to studying Big Tech's role in security, this article analyses how Google appropriates security throughout its ecosystem of platforms, products and projects. The article illustrates that Google's first and foremost objective is to secure its platform by carefully balancing between being perceived as both neutral and progressive. Google thus appropriates (in)security by developing seemingly mundane and neutral security products, services and projects that align with its platform logic. In doing so, Google locks in new users into its platforms, whilst reshaping (in)security issues into platform issues and identifying the platform as a public and security concern.
{"title":"Securing the platform: how Google appropriates security.","authors":"Anneroos Planqué-van Hardeveld","doi":"10.1080/21624887.2023.2239002","DOIUrl":"10.1080/21624887.2023.2239002","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>Google is increasingly developing a manifold of security products for its users, businesses, and national security actors like the US Department of Defence. However, the company and its employees struggle with whether, and how, it should be involved in practices of security, war or weaponry. To unpack how Google emerges as a security actor, I bring new media studies perspectives regarding the socio-political roles Google plays in today's society to critical security studies. With this interdisciplinary approach to studying Big Tech's role in security, this article analyses how Google appropriates security throughout its ecosystem of platforms, products and projects. The article illustrates that Google's first and foremost objective is to secure its platform by carefully balancing between being perceived as both neutral and progressive. Google thus appropriates (in)security by developing seemingly mundane and neutral security products, services and projects that align with its platform logic. In doing so, Google locks in new users into its platforms, whilst reshaping (in)security issues into platform issues and identifying the platform as a public and security concern.</p>","PeriodicalId":29930,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Security","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2023-08-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC10642423/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41609127","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-25DOI: 10.1080/21624887.2023.2239009
Shelby E. Ward
ABSTRACT This article follows suggestions from participants in interview and mapping exercises in Sri Lanka from December 2017-January 2018 that travellers and tourists to the country should visit the former war zones in the North and East of the country. These were the primary territories inflicted by the Sri Lankan civil war (1983–2009) between the majority Sinhalese and the minority Tamils. I extend these discussions to underlying identity and ethnic politics that caused these now tourist locations to be war zones in the first place, as well as reflect how the exclusionary politics of nationalism reflects continued postcolonial anxiety and the acceptance (or not) of Islamic identities within the contemporary state. Examining an underlying nexus of security, development, and ethnic politics in the Sri Lankan context, I argue that economic relations within its tourism industry indicates the anxiety, insecurity, and limitations of the nation-state more broadly.
{"title":"State in/security, ethnicity, and tourism: mapping tourist spaces and Sri Lankan identity politics","authors":"Shelby E. Ward","doi":"10.1080/21624887.2023.2239009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21624887.2023.2239009","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article follows suggestions from participants in interview and mapping exercises in Sri Lanka from December 2017-January 2018 that travellers and tourists to the country should visit the former war zones in the North and East of the country. These were the primary territories inflicted by the Sri Lankan civil war (1983–2009) between the majority Sinhalese and the minority Tamils. I extend these discussions to underlying identity and ethnic politics that caused these now tourist locations to be war zones in the first place, as well as reflect how the exclusionary politics of nationalism reflects continued postcolonial anxiety and the acceptance (or not) of Islamic identities within the contemporary state. Examining an underlying nexus of security, development, and ethnic politics in the Sri Lankan context, I argue that economic relations within its tourism industry indicates the anxiety, insecurity, and limitations of the nation-state more broadly.","PeriodicalId":29930,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Security","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2023-07-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42558822","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-21DOI: 10.1080/21624887.2023.2238999
César Niño, Daniel Palma
ABSTRACT After the signing of the Peace Agreement in Havana in 2016, which marked the end of the armed conflict with the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia, Ejército del Pueblo (FARC-EP), Colombia entered a post-conflict period with the hope of ending over six decades of armed violence. However, this article argues that the post-agreement phase was mistakenly conflated with post-conflict, leading to the belief that the conflict had come to an end. This disregard for the fact that peace-building is an ongoing, prolonged, and uncertain process overlooked the potential for violence to transform and adapt to social circumstances, even with one fewer perpetrator. In this sense, the end of the conflict with the FARC-EP has created a favourable scenario for transforming conflict. This concept refers to the dynamic changes in hostilities between new, old, and transformed armed actors in Colombia, which partially build on and take advantage of the same structural causes of past conflicts. It is crucial to recognise that the end of one armed conflict does not necessarily mean the end of violence and that sustained efforts are required to address the root causes of conflicts and build a sustainable peace.
{"title":"Transforming conflict and transforming violence: determinants in the geometry of violence in Colombia","authors":"César Niño, Daniel Palma","doi":"10.1080/21624887.2023.2238999","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21624887.2023.2238999","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT After the signing of the Peace Agreement in Havana in 2016, which marked the end of the armed conflict with the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia, Ejército del Pueblo (FARC-EP), Colombia entered a post-conflict period with the hope of ending over six decades of armed violence. However, this article argues that the post-agreement phase was mistakenly conflated with post-conflict, leading to the belief that the conflict had come to an end. This disregard for the fact that peace-building is an ongoing, prolonged, and uncertain process overlooked the potential for violence to transform and adapt to social circumstances, even with one fewer perpetrator. In this sense, the end of the conflict with the FARC-EP has created a favourable scenario for transforming conflict. This concept refers to the dynamic changes in hostilities between new, old, and transformed armed actors in Colombia, which partially build on and take advantage of the same structural causes of past conflicts. It is crucial to recognise that the end of one armed conflict does not necessarily mean the end of violence and that sustained efforts are required to address the root causes of conflicts and build a sustainable peace.","PeriodicalId":29930,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Security","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2023-07-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42535209","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-04DOI: 10.1080/21624887.2023.2208902
Jamie J. Hagen, Ilaria Michelis, Jennifer Philippa Eggert, L. Turner
Abstract In this forum, we focus on the possibility and necessity for active refusal in research, and the complexities of refusal. We offer four different perspectives, based on our shared concerns and understanding of the harms caused by some field research, and driven by our engagement with and membership in some of the communities experiencing this harmful fieldwork in peace, (post)conflict and security settings.Drawing on feminist, queer, indigenous, anti-racist and decolonial literatures and interventions, we seek to further a practice of refusal as an essential component of researcher reflexivity Our various positionalities and privileges, and the research entitlement they can bring, necessitate grappling with refusal: we must do better at saying ‘no’. We must also be careful about the ethics of refusal itself: Who gets to say ‘no’ to whom? What comes after the refusal? We hope our interventions encourage more of these conversations and (more importantly) practices.Refusals can be an important ‘full stop’ that interrupt exploitative relationships, and that challenge neoliberal and neocolonial conditions of knowledge production. But they can also be generative of different ways of sharing knowledge, leading to new partners and locations, new conversations that cross the boundaries between the imperialist categories of the researcher and the researched, and new relationships outside of research and outside of work.
{"title":"Learning to say ‘no’: privilege, entitlement and refusal in peace, (post)conflict and security research","authors":"Jamie J. Hagen, Ilaria Michelis, Jennifer Philippa Eggert, L. Turner","doi":"10.1080/21624887.2023.2208902","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21624887.2023.2208902","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In this forum, we focus on the possibility and necessity for active refusal in research, and the complexities of refusal. We offer four different perspectives, based on our shared concerns and understanding of the harms caused by some field research, and driven by our engagement with and membership in some of the communities experiencing this harmful fieldwork in peace, (post)conflict and security settings.Drawing on feminist, queer, indigenous, anti-racist and decolonial literatures and interventions, we seek to further a practice of refusal as an essential component of researcher reflexivity Our various positionalities and privileges, and the research entitlement they can bring, necessitate grappling with refusal: we must do better at saying ‘no’. We must also be careful about the ethics of refusal itself: Who gets to say ‘no’ to whom? What comes after the refusal? We hope our interventions encourage more of these conversations and (more importantly) practices.Refusals can be an important ‘full stop’ that interrupt exploitative relationships, and that challenge neoliberal and neocolonial conditions of knowledge production. But they can also be generative of different ways of sharing knowledge, leading to new partners and locations, new conversations that cross the boundaries between the imperialist categories of the researcher and the researched, and new relationships outside of research and outside of work.","PeriodicalId":29930,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Security","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2023-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41343061","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-04DOI: 10.1080/21624887.2023.2243017
Colleen Bell
The CSoS ECR Outstanding Research Article Award Committee 2023, consisting of Dr Colleen Bell, Dr Helen Berents and Dr Somdeep Sen from the editorial team, are pleased to announce the winner and a runner-up for this year’s award. The Award recognises and celebrates early career scholars making an innovative and significant contribution to critical security studies. Recipients must be sole author of a regular research article accepted for publication through the journal’s regular submission and review process each year. The Committee read and evaluated the submissions in a confidential process. The 2022 award goes to Håvard Rustad Markussen, for their article, entitled, ‘Conceptualising the smartphone as a security device: appropriations of embodied connectivity at the Black Lives Matter protests’. Markussen makes a strong argument for the importance of objects to the formation of new repertoires of security, offering a high level of conceptual sophistication concerning the extended embodiment of the smartphone and the potential for its (re)appropriation by a range of actors. By applying philosophical insights on the agentic capacity of objects, Markussen theorises smart phones as newly embodied devices of connectivity that are both racialised and post-human. These insights are stretched to analyse the surveillance of Black Lives Matters protests and protesters strategies of countersurveillance. The committee found that the article presents a valuable and illustrative case study of police power and resistance to it, illuminating the racialisation of surveillance through smart phone technology. It is exemplary critical work in the field. This was a unanimous decision. Markussen’s article can be accessed here: https://doi.org/10. 1080/21624887.2022.2128596
{"title":"CSoS ECR outstanding research article award 2023 winner","authors":"Colleen Bell","doi":"10.1080/21624887.2023.2243017","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21624887.2023.2243017","url":null,"abstract":"The CSoS ECR Outstanding Research Article Award Committee 2023, consisting of Dr Colleen Bell, Dr Helen Berents and Dr Somdeep Sen from the editorial team, are pleased to announce the winner and a runner-up for this year’s award. The Award recognises and celebrates early career scholars making an innovative and significant contribution to critical security studies. Recipients must be sole author of a regular research article accepted for publication through the journal’s regular submission and review process each year. The Committee read and evaluated the submissions in a confidential process. The 2022 award goes to Håvard Rustad Markussen, for their article, entitled, ‘Conceptualising the smartphone as a security device: appropriations of embodied connectivity at the Black Lives Matter protests’. Markussen makes a strong argument for the importance of objects to the formation of new repertoires of security, offering a high level of conceptual sophistication concerning the extended embodiment of the smartphone and the potential for its (re)appropriation by a range of actors. By applying philosophical insights on the agentic capacity of objects, Markussen theorises smart phones as newly embodied devices of connectivity that are both racialised and post-human. These insights are stretched to analyse the surveillance of Black Lives Matters protests and protesters strategies of countersurveillance. The committee found that the article presents a valuable and illustrative case study of police power and resistance to it, illuminating the racialisation of surveillance through smart phone technology. It is exemplary critical work in the field. This was a unanimous decision. Markussen’s article can be accessed here: https://doi.org/10. 1080/21624887.2022.2128596","PeriodicalId":29930,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Security","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2023-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46928888","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-12DOI: 10.1080/21624887.2023.2199483
{"title":"Terrible security problem: an aesthetics approach and study of the Korean Nuclear Crisis","authors":"","doi":"10.1080/21624887.2023.2199483","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21624887.2023.2199483","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":29930,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Security","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2023-04-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44408756","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-02DOI: 10.1080/21624887.2023.2188628
F. Cristiano, Deanna Dadusc, Tracey Davanna, Koshka Duff, J. Gilmore, Chris Rossdale, Federica Rossi, Adan Tatour, Lana Tatour, W. Tufail, E. Weizman
This Intervention presents a conversation amongst a collective of scholars who are in the process of establishing a research network studying the criminalisation of dissent. The new UK Police, Crime, Sentencing, Courts Act 2022 is just one recent example of attempts by ‘liberal democratic’ states to criminalise political activism and restrict the right to protest. Similar legislative measures, repressive policing practices, and discourses delegitimating dissent can be observed across a variety of geographic and socio-political contexts. In this discussion, we interrogate both the concept of ‘criminalisation of political activism’ and the practices through which criminalisation is enacted by sharing examples and analyses from our research. We approach criminalisation as a process that changes with circumstances and is shaped by a multiplicity of state and non-state actors and agencies, and question the analytical gentrification that narrows resistance and rebellion to the exclusionary category of activism. Our different disciplinary and regional foci bring together the historical and the contemporary, the (liberal) settler colony and (colonial) liberal democracy, to reflect collectively on the formal and informal tools, technologies and strategies used to criminalise dissent. The conversation took place in November 2022 and was then transcribed and lightly edited for clarity.
{"title":"Criminalisation of political activism: a conversation across disciplines","authors":"F. Cristiano, Deanna Dadusc, Tracey Davanna, Koshka Duff, J. Gilmore, Chris Rossdale, Federica Rossi, Adan Tatour, Lana Tatour, W. Tufail, E. Weizman","doi":"10.1080/21624887.2023.2188628","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21624887.2023.2188628","url":null,"abstract":"This Intervention presents a conversation amongst a collective of scholars who are in the process of establishing a research network studying the criminalisation of dissent. The new UK Police, Crime, Sentencing, Courts Act 2022 is just one recent example of attempts by ‘liberal democratic’ states to criminalise political activism and restrict the right to protest. Similar legislative measures, repressive policing practices, and discourses delegitimating dissent can be observed across a variety of geographic and socio-political contexts. In this discussion, we interrogate both the concept of ‘criminalisation of political activism’ and the practices through which criminalisation is enacted by sharing examples and analyses from our research. We approach criminalisation as a process that changes with circumstances and is shaped by a multiplicity of state and non-state actors and agencies, and question the analytical gentrification that narrows resistance and rebellion to the exclusionary category of activism. Our different disciplinary and regional foci bring together the historical and the contemporary, the (liberal) settler colony and (colonial) liberal democracy, to reflect collectively on the formal and informal tools, technologies and strategies used to criminalise dissent. The conversation took place in November 2022 and was then transcribed and lightly edited for clarity.","PeriodicalId":29930,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Security","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2023-04-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45321841","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-30DOI: 10.1080/21624887.2023.2194503
Rachel Massey, Thom Tyerman
ABSTRACT Critical Military Studies (CMS) has emerged as an important subdiscipline in international security studies and an interdisciplinary field in its own right. In this article, we offer a close reading of foundational CMS literature to reveal its distinct approach to the critical study of military power. We argue this foundational literature is characterised by a commitment to a series of ‘in-between’ and 'engaged' positions on conceptual binaries between civilian and military spheres, questions of methodological proximity to or distance from military actors, and ethical political support for or opposition to militarism. While CMS makes important contributions to analyses of military power and security, we argue it too often re-centres white western male military subjects and agendas while marginalising antimilitarism. In this way, we argue, it reproduces a form of epistemic and ‘methodological whiteness’ that limits its potential to offer a sustained critique.
{"title":"Remaining ‘in-between’ the divides? Conceptual, methodological, and ethical political dilemmas of engaged research in Critical Military Studies","authors":"Rachel Massey, Thom Tyerman","doi":"10.1080/21624887.2023.2194503","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21624887.2023.2194503","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Critical Military Studies (CMS) has emerged as an important subdiscipline in international security studies and an interdisciplinary field in its own right. In this article, we offer a close reading of foundational CMS literature to reveal its distinct approach to the critical study of military power. We argue this foundational literature is characterised by a commitment to a series of ‘in-between’ and 'engaged' positions on conceptual binaries between civilian and military spheres, questions of methodological proximity to or distance from military actors, and ethical political support for or opposition to militarism. While CMS makes important contributions to analyses of military power and security, we argue it too often re-centres white western male military subjects and agendas while marginalising antimilitarism. In this way, we argue, it reproduces a form of epistemic and ‘methodological whiteness’ that limits its potential to offer a sustained critique.","PeriodicalId":29930,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Security","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2023-03-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48158929","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-28DOI: 10.1080/21624887.2023.2184101
J. Ríos, Heriberto Cairo, David Gómez
ABSTRACT The following paper aims to explore the political discourse of the party heir to the FARC-EP, now known as Comunes, in relation to the phenomenon of dissident groups that see themselves as continuing the legacy of the defunct guerrilla, and which have proliferated after the signing of the Peace Agreement in late 2016. Based on nine in-depth interviews with political figures who have occupied or occupy relevant positions in the current political party, we explore the issues that enable us to understand how this phenomenon has taken place. The aim is to give a voice both to the official party line and to the critical sector, which have formed a kind of political divide since January 2021. Both sides have a shared understanding of the structural and institutional aspects that have led to the emergence of these armed groups, although they differ on other aspects, in particular, regarding their position towards the armed group led by alias ‘Gentil Duarte’ and, above all, the group known as ‘Segunda Marquetalia’. Since August 2019, the latter group of dissidents has been led by alias ‘Iván Márquez’, previously the head of the FARC-EP’s negotiating delegation during the peace process.
{"title":"The political discourse of Comunes regarding FARC-EP dissidents in Colombia","authors":"J. Ríos, Heriberto Cairo, David Gómez","doi":"10.1080/21624887.2023.2184101","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21624887.2023.2184101","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The following paper aims to explore the political discourse of the party heir to the FARC-EP, now known as Comunes, in relation to the phenomenon of dissident groups that see themselves as continuing the legacy of the defunct guerrilla, and which have proliferated after the signing of the Peace Agreement in late 2016. Based on nine in-depth interviews with political figures who have occupied or occupy relevant positions in the current political party, we explore the issues that enable us to understand how this phenomenon has taken place. The aim is to give a voice both to the official party line and to the critical sector, which have formed a kind of political divide since January 2021. Both sides have a shared understanding of the structural and institutional aspects that have led to the emergence of these armed groups, although they differ on other aspects, in particular, regarding their position towards the armed group led by alias ‘Gentil Duarte’ and, above all, the group known as ‘Segunda Marquetalia’. Since August 2019, the latter group of dissidents has been led by alias ‘Iván Márquez’, previously the head of the FARC-EP’s negotiating delegation during the peace process.","PeriodicalId":29930,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Security","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2023-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43492264","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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