Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/21624887.2021.1904189
Bina D’Costa
ABSTRACT Who hasn’t heard about women must sit at the table? In this sense, the table is a place of influence and power. Critical IR, particularly those focussing on women’s participation in peace negotiations, in security discourses, and advocacy campaigns emphasise women must have a seat at the table to contribute to meaningful change. In this piece, I reflect on my everyday experiences of (in)security in teaching and practising security. I argue that structural measures of inclusion and diversity in the discipline of critical IR and security studies depoliticise meaningful and truly transformative inclusion by focussing on indicators, deliverables, action plans, and outcomes. These make gender hyper-visible rendering race, class, linguistic and other markers invisible. In this sense, having a seat at the table means nothing, as individuals could still remain powerless in the absence of genuine commitment of others occupying key positions in that table.
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Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/21624887.2021.1904186
Maria Eriksson Baaz, Swati Parashar
ABSTRACT This introductory text frames the contributions of this forum, bringing together scholars who have been working for a long time to dismantle knowledge systems that sustain whiteness, Eurocentrism, and patriarchy, in the context of recent developments. It first provides a brief overview of well-established knowledges on the various ways in which racism and racial inequalities remain deeply embedded within academia. This is followed by a snapshot of all the different essays that together make up this intervention forum.
{"title":"Race and racism in narratives of insecurity: from the visceral to the global","authors":"Maria Eriksson Baaz, Swati Parashar","doi":"10.1080/21624887.2021.1904186","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21624887.2021.1904186","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This introductory text frames the contributions of this forum, bringing together scholars who have been working for a long time to dismantle knowledge systems that sustain whiteness, Eurocentrism, and patriarchy, in the context of recent developments. It first provides a brief overview of well-established knowledges on the various ways in which racism and racial inequalities remain deeply embedded within academia. This is followed by a snapshot of all the different essays that together make up this intervention forum.","PeriodicalId":29930,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Security","volume":"9 1","pages":"2 - 6"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/21624887.2021.1904186","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41451409","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/21624887.2021.1904190
Julio César Díaz Calderón
ABSTRACT In a first section, this article introduces three postcards narrating sexual politics in three different States. Each postcard was inspired by a way of conceptualising ‘race’ in world politics: as a powerful structure altering the starts and ends of wars, as a social construction of bodies creating economic and political (hierarchical) institutions, and as a historical and material global order engendered through colonial encounters and dehumanisation processes. In a second section, this article constructs a theory of sexual ethical horizons for global political action obtained through aesthetics of trauma and movement. It argues that narratives emanating from pleasure itself can resist the formation of a (new) science of sexual politics and, instead, they can create conocimientos (decolonial knowledges) for political movement amidst global trauma and violence.
{"title":"A decolonial narrative of sexuality and world politics when race is everywhere and nowhere","authors":"Julio César Díaz Calderón","doi":"10.1080/21624887.2021.1904190","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21624887.2021.1904190","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In a first section, this article introduces three postcards narrating sexual politics in three different States. Each postcard was inspired by a way of conceptualising ‘race’ in world politics: as a powerful structure altering the starts and ends of wars, as a social construction of bodies creating economic and political (hierarchical) institutions, and as a historical and material global order engendered through colonial encounters and dehumanisation processes. In a second section, this article constructs a theory of sexual ethical horizons for global political action obtained through aesthetics of trauma and movement. It argues that narratives emanating from pleasure itself can resist the formation of a (new) science of sexual politics and, instead, they can create conocimientos (decolonial knowledges) for political movement amidst global trauma and violence.","PeriodicalId":29930,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Security","volume":"9 1","pages":"17 - 21"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/21624887.2021.1904190","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44090717","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/21624887.2021.1904196
Aggie Hirst, Chris Rossdale
The emergence and rapid spread of COVID-19 transformed the world at a bewildering pace. Within a few short weeks, the pandemic reshaped lives everywhere. Nevertheless, while global is in its impact, the catastrophic effects of the pandemic have been far from uniform. Instead, they have traced the contours of, and further entrenched, existing structural inequalities and violences, most notably exacerbating global poverty and health inequality, racial hierarchies, gendered divisions of labour, and the margination of disabled people. Although many have recognised these tracings as a further indictment of the deep-rooted violence of prevailing conditions, eugenicist logics of disposability have shaped both intellectual and policy responses. However, even as it has tracked and intensified this violence, the pandemic has also revealed as fictions those hierarchies which frame Europe and the US as uniquely positioned to manage and administer crisis. The calamitous and still unfolding disasters of COVID management in the US and across much of Europe have shaken their deep-rooted claims to global supremacy. Nevertheless, the harm to lives and livelihoods is most acute in the Global South. And as wealthy nations secure their places at the front of the queue for vaccines, eager to declare the return to normality, the very inequalities which manifest in differential vulnerability to the pandemic will determine who will be left behind. The pieces featured in Issue One of this two-part collection examine these uneven and often catastrophic impacts across a range of global sites and systems. In addition, they explore practices of solidarity, mutual aid, and resistance that have emerged conterminously. Variously considering issues including vaccine access, migration and borders, emergency response and communications failures, teaching and learning, and stories of success from the Global South, the collection provides a series of snapshots into conceptualising and living with COVID-19. As we struggle to come to terms with the effects of last year on both our academic and everyday lives, we hope the Issue creates a space in which to reflect on, and make some sense of, the pathological politics of the pandemic.
{"title":"The pathological politics of COVID-19","authors":"Aggie Hirst, Chris Rossdale","doi":"10.1080/21624887.2021.1904196","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21624887.2021.1904196","url":null,"abstract":"The emergence and rapid spread of COVID-19 transformed the world at a bewildering pace. Within a few short weeks, the pandemic reshaped lives everywhere. Nevertheless, while global is in its impact, the catastrophic effects of the pandemic have been far from uniform. Instead, they have traced the contours of, and further entrenched, existing structural inequalities and violences, most notably exacerbating global poverty and health inequality, racial hierarchies, gendered divisions of labour, and the margination of disabled people. Although many have recognised these tracings as a further indictment of the deep-rooted violence of prevailing conditions, eugenicist logics of disposability have shaped both intellectual and policy responses. However, even as it has tracked and intensified this violence, the pandemic has also revealed as fictions those hierarchies which frame Europe and the US as uniquely positioned to manage and administer crisis. The calamitous and still unfolding disasters of COVID management in the US and across much of Europe have shaken their deep-rooted claims to global supremacy. Nevertheless, the harm to lives and livelihoods is most acute in the Global South. And as wealthy nations secure their places at the front of the queue for vaccines, eager to declare the return to normality, the very inequalities which manifest in differential vulnerability to the pandemic will determine who will be left behind. The pieces featured in Issue One of this two-part collection examine these uneven and often catastrophic impacts across a range of global sites and systems. In addition, they explore practices of solidarity, mutual aid, and resistance that have emerged conterminously. Variously considering issues including vaccine access, migration and borders, emergency response and communications failures, teaching and learning, and stories of success from the Global South, the collection provides a series of snapshots into conceptualising and living with COVID-19. As we struggle to come to terms with the effects of last year on both our academic and everyday lives, we hope the Issue creates a space in which to reflect on, and make some sense of, the pathological politics of the pandemic.","PeriodicalId":29930,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Security","volume":"9 1","pages":"46 - 47"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/21624887.2021.1904196","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42163528","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/21624887.2021.1904354
Eric Otieno Sumba
This intervention advances a conceptualisation of privileged vs. delayed access to pharmaceutical products globally. Critiquing calls for equitable distribution of Covid-19 vaccines by the same Western leaders who pre-ordered millions of doses for exclusive use, I recast the global access gap as necropolitics at large: a generalised necropolitics not predicated on weapons and annihilation as Achille Mbembe proposes, but on negligence, acquiescence and utter disregard for the fatal implications of global inequality (i.e. uneven and inconsistent access to pharmaceutical products). The suffix ‘at large’ denotes the dispersal of necropolitics in space and time, emphasising that it is not pandemics that are necropolitical, but the global systems that govern them – and us. For Mbembe, Foucauldian biopower no longer accounts for contemporary forms of life’s subjugation to death’s power. He proposes the concept of necropolitics to examine the crisis of liberal democracy, war, terror and the prospect of repair. Mbembe’s necropolitics describe a structure of terror that proliferates by inverting life and death. Building on Foucault, he argues that sovereignty is presently exerted by controlling mortality, and that life has come to depend on the deployment of this power (Mbembe 2019, 60). Mbembe is concerned with the figures of sovereignty who instrumentalise human existence and destroy populations, figures who constitute the nomos of the present political space (Mbembe 2019, 68). In this view, late modern sovereignty relies on the power to create a group of people who, unceasingly confronted by death, live at life’s edge. It is a right to kill that recalls the lethal combination of colonial terror: biopower, a state of exception and a state of siege (Mbembe 2019). Mobilising the concept, Christopher J. Lee argues that the deployment of basic techniques of territorial state power to control Covid-19 constituted a reactionary necropolitics that laid bare the global unevenness of state capacity. For Lee, however, ‘the necropower dynamics of Covid-19 and other epidemics, whether Ebola or HIV, are of slow violence’ (Lee 2020), as the power over who may live and who must die is outsourced globally. Other scholars have similarly argued that the decline of the welfare state has reorganised sovereign state power towards the management of death (Robertson and Travaglia 2020). This intervention specifically turns to the longitudinal violence of the global access gap (‘the gap’) which has been salient in pandemic politics and defining for pharmaceutical markets since the late 20th century.
这一干预措施在全球范围内推进了特权与延迟获得药品的概念。我批评了那些预定了数百万剂疫苗专门使用的西方领导人要求公平分配Covid-19疫苗的呼吁，并将全球获取差距重新定义为大范围的死亡政治:一种广义的死亡政治，不是像阿基利·姆本贝(Achille Mbembe)提出的那样以武器和毁灭为基础，而是以疏忽、默许和完全无视全球不平等的致命影响(即获取药品的不平衡和不一致)为基础。后缀“at large”表示死亡政治在空间和时间上的扩散，强调不是流行病是死亡政治，而是控制它们——以及我们——的全球系统。对Mbembe来说，福柯式的生命力量不再解释当代形式的生命屈服于死亡的力量。他提出了死亡政治的概念来审视自由民主的危机、战争、恐怖和修复的前景。Mbembe的死亡政治描述了一种通过颠倒生死而扩散的恐怖结构。在福柯的基础上，他认为主权目前是通过控制死亡率来行使的，生命已经取决于这种权力的部署(Mbembe 2019, 60)。Mbembe关注的是将人类生存工具化并摧毁人口的主权人物，这些人物构成了当前政治空间的nomos (Mbembe 2019, 68)。在这种观点下，近代晚期的主权依赖于创造一群不断面对死亡、生活在生命边缘的人的权力。这种杀戮权让人想起殖民恐怖的致命组合:生物权力、例外状态和围困状态(Mbembe 2019)。利用这一概念，克里斯托弗·j·李(Christopher J. Lee)认为，利用领土国家权力的基本技术来控制Covid-19，构成了一种反动的死亡政治，暴露了全球国家能力的不均衡。然而，对于Lee来说，“Covid-19和其他流行病，无论是埃博拉病毒还是艾滋病毒，都是缓慢的暴力”(Lee 2020)，因为决定谁能活谁必须死的权力被外包给全球。其他学者也同样认为，福利国家的衰落已经重组了主权国家的权力，以管理死亡(Robertson and Travaglia 2020)。这一干预措施具体涉及全球获取差距(“差距”)的纵向暴力，这一差距自20世纪末以来一直是流行病政治和决定制药市场的突出问题。
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Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/21624887.2021.1904194
Farooq Yousaf
ABSTRACT Ethnic Pashtuns, especially in Pakistan, have suffered from racialised colonial narratives and representations that portray them as ‘uncivilised’, ‘primitive’, and ‘violence-condoning’ individuals. Adding to this predicament, many ethnographic and political, especially colonial, accounts on the Pashtuns are authored by non-native writers leading to an absence of ‘Pashtun voices’ and counter-narratives in the literature. Pakistani policymakers and security experts, mainly based in and around the ‘centre’ (Punjab province) more specifically, have also failed in highlighting the consequential role of the colonial legacies which made the ‘tribal’ Pashtun region an ‘area of legal exception’, keeping it out of the scope of the Pakistani constitution and contributed to the ‘othering’ of Pashtuns in the country. As a result, Pashtuns, even today, are perceived as terrorists and traitors. Overcoming and countering these Orientalist generalisations, the ‘academy’ can start by encouraging and mainstreaming native and indigenous perspectives, giving them equal representation and space in literature.
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Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/21624887.2021.1904365
M. Tazzioli, M. Stierl
‘Historically’, the novelist Arundhati Roy (2020) notes, ‘pandemics have forced humans to break with the past and imagine their world anew.’ Indeed, past pandemics such as the ‘Black Death’ or the ...
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Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/21624887.2021.1904193
Fatuma Ahmed Ali, David Mwambari
ABSTRACT We are interested in the politics of stigmatised bodies at the intersection of race and gender, seen as threats and/or victims. Using the case study of Kenya, this essay examines how the recent history of the War on Terror and counter-terrorism measures have shaped policy, practice, and scholarship on security to brand Black Muslim Women in Kenya as terrorist suspects. It asks how Black Muslim women are alienated in security studies due to their gender, race, religion, and class.
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Pub Date : 2021-01-02DOI: 10.1080/21624887.2021.1904195
Chengxin Pan
ABSTRACT Many Western countries, the perceived ‘zone of security’ in world politics, have failed miserably in their COVID-19 responses. This ‘COVID-19 Westfailure’, this piece argues, has in large part to do, rather ironically, with the very Western knowledge and practice of dividing the world into zones of security and insecurity along some (often imagined) global colour lines. The racialised politics of (in)security contributes to the COVID-19 Westfailure on three levels. On the ontological level, it mistakes racialised Others for the source of a fundamentally non-racial and transnational threat. Methodologically, its adoption of often racist half-measures has proven largely ineffective. Epistemologically, epistemic racism fails to learn valuable lessons and experiences from its Others who are routinely viewed as civilisationally and scientifically inferior and backward. The pandemic, neither recognising nor operating along colour lines, has laid bare the limits and fallacies of Western racialised knowledge and practice of security.
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