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Covid-19 and the politics of temporality: constructing credibility in coronavirus discourse Covid-19与暂时性政治:在冠状病毒话语中构建可信度
IF 1.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/21624887.2021.1904363
L. Jarvis
The designation of, and response to, specific issues as security challenges is neither self-evident nor inevitable (e.g. Buzan, Waever, and De Wilde 1998). Causes of harm must be constructed or perf...
将特定问题指定为安全挑战并对其作出回应既不是不言自明的,也不是不可避免的(例如,Buzan、Waever和De Wilde,1998年)。伤害的原因必须被构造或表现出来。。。
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引用次数: 2
Introduction 介绍
IF 1.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/21624887.2021.1903146
J. Beier
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引用次数: 0
Three lines of pandemic borders: from necropolitics to hope as a method of living 流行病的三条边界:从死亡政治到希望作为一种生活方式
IF 1.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/21624887.2021.1904361
Umut Ozguc
In September 2020, at the new Kara Tepe camp on the Greek island Lesvos, 240 refugees tested positive for the coronavirus (BBC 2020). The temporary camp was built after a catastrophic fire had brok...
2020年9月,在希腊莱斯沃斯岛上的新卡拉特佩难民营,240名难民的冠状病毒检测呈阳性(BBC 2020)。临时营地是在一场灾难性的火灾发生后建造的。。。
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引用次数: 3
On the necessity of critical race feminism for women, peace and security 论批判种族女权主义对妇女、和平与安全的必要性
IF 1.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/21624887.2021.1904191
Marsha Henry
ABSTRACT This intervention is concerned with whiteness as central to the operation of women/gender, peace and security in academic settings. That is, G/WPS in universities is founded on white authority and expertise and consistently orients itself from the privileged viewpoint of the global north. Through two brief examples, I show how the generation of research on G/WPS consistently centres and relies on white starting points, in order to convey the ‘necessity’ of G/WPS in the university and to government funders. In doing so, the use of critical race theories and Black feminist concepts, as well as the presence of Black scholars, remains marginal.
本研究关注的是白人在学术环境中对女性/性别、和平与安全的核心作用。也就是说,大学中的G/WPS建立在白人权威和专业知识的基础上,并始终以全球北方的特权观点为导向。通过两个简短的例子,我展示了关于G/WPS的研究如何始终以白人为中心并依赖于白人起点,以便向大学和政府资助者传达G/WPS的“必要性”。在这样做的过程中,批判种族理论和黑人女权主义概念的使用,以及黑人学者的存在,仍然处于边缘地位。
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引用次数: 18
Where exactly am I sitting at that table? Race, Prejudice, and Perpetual (In)security in Global Politics 我坐在那张桌子的什么地方?全球政治中的种族、偏见与永久安全
IF 1.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/21624887.2021.1904189
Bina D’Costa
ABSTRACT Who hasn’t heard about women must sit at the table? In this sense, the table is a place of influence and power. Critical IR, particularly those focussing on women’s participation in peace negotiations, in security discourses, and advocacy campaigns emphasise women must have a seat at the table to contribute to meaningful change. In this piece, I reflect on my everyday experiences of (in)security in teaching and practising security. I argue that structural measures of inclusion and diversity in the discipline of critical IR and security studies depoliticise meaningful and truly transformative inclusion by focussing on indicators, deliverables, action plans, and outcomes. These make gender hyper-visible rendering race, class, linguistic and other markers invisible. In this sense, having a seat at the table means nothing, as individuals could still remain powerless in the absence of genuine commitment of others occupying key positions in that table.
谁没听说过女人必须坐在餐桌旁?从这个意义上说,桌子是一个有影响力和权力的地方。关键的国际关系,特别是那些关注妇女参与和平谈判、安全话语和倡导运动的国际关系,强调妇女必须在谈判桌上占有一席之地,为有意义的变革做出贡献。在这篇文章中,我反思了我在安全教学和实践中的日常安全经验。我认为,在关键的国际关系和安全研究学科中,包容性和多样性的结构性措施通过关注指标、可交付成果、行动计划和结果,使有意义和真正变革性的包容性去政治化。这使得性别变得超级可见,使得种族、阶级、语言和其他标记变得不可见。从这个意义上说,在谈判桌上有一个席位没有任何意义,因为在谈判桌上占据关键位置的其他人没有真正承诺的情况下,个人仍然可能无能为力。
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引用次数: 7
Race and racism in narratives of insecurity: from the visceral to the global 不安全叙事中的种族和种族主义:从本能到全球
IF 1.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/21624887.2021.1904186
Maria Eriksson Baaz, Swati Parashar
ABSTRACT This introductory text frames the contributions of this forum, bringing together scholars who have been working for a long time to dismantle knowledge systems that sustain whiteness, Eurocentrism, and patriarchy, in the context of recent developments. It first provides a brief overview of well-established knowledges on the various ways in which racism and racial inequalities remain deeply embedded within academia. This is followed by a snapshot of all the different essays that together make up this intervention forum.
摘要本介绍性文本概述了本论坛的贡献,汇集了长期致力于在最近发展的背景下废除维持白人、欧洲中心主义和父权制的知识体系的学者。它首先简要概述了关于种族主义和种族不平等在学术界根深蒂固的各种方式的公认知识。接下来是组成这个干预论坛的所有不同文章的快照。
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引用次数: 1
A decolonial narrative of sexuality and world politics when race is everywhere and nowhere 当种族无处不在时,性和世界政治的非殖民化叙事
IF 1.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/21624887.2021.1904190
Julio César Díaz Calderón
ABSTRACT In a first section, this article introduces three postcards narrating sexual politics in three different States. Each postcard was inspired by a way of conceptualising ‘race’ in world politics: as a powerful structure altering the starts and ends of wars, as a social construction of bodies creating economic and political (hierarchical) institutions, and as a historical and material global order engendered through colonial encounters and dehumanisation processes. In a second section, this article constructs a theory of sexual ethical horizons for global political action obtained through aesthetics of trauma and movement. It argues that narratives emanating from pleasure itself can resist the formation of a (new) science of sexual politics and, instead, they can create conocimientos (decolonial knowledges) for political movement amidst global trauma and violence.
摘要在第一节中,本文介绍了三张明信片,讲述了三个不同国家的性政治。每一张明信片都受到了世界政治中“种族”概念化的启发:作为一种改变战争开始和结束的强大结构,作为一种创造经济和政治(等级)制度的机构的社会结构,以及作为一种通过殖民遭遇和非人化过程产生的历史和物质全球秩序。在第二部分中,本文通过创伤美学和运动美学构建了一个全球政治行动的性伦理视野理论。它认为,源自快乐本身的叙事可以抵制性政治(新)科学的形成,相反,它们可以在全球创伤和暴力中为政治运动创造非殖民化知识。
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引用次数: 5
The pathological politics of COVID-19 COVID-19的病态政治
IF 1.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/21624887.2021.1904196
Aggie Hirst, Chris Rossdale
The emergence and rapid spread of COVID-19 transformed the world at a bewildering pace. Within a few short weeks, the pandemic reshaped lives everywhere. Nevertheless, while global is in its impact, the catastrophic effects of the pandemic have been far from uniform. Instead, they have traced the contours of, and further entrenched, existing structural inequalities and violences, most notably exacerbating global poverty and health inequality, racial hierarchies, gendered divisions of labour, and the margination of disabled people. Although many have recognised these tracings as a further indictment of the deep-rooted violence of prevailing conditions, eugenicist logics of disposability have shaped both intellectual and policy responses. However, even as it has tracked and intensified this violence, the pandemic has also revealed as fictions those hierarchies which frame Europe and the US as uniquely positioned to manage and administer crisis. The calamitous and still unfolding disasters of COVID management in the US and across much of Europe have shaken their deep-rooted claims to global supremacy. Nevertheless, the harm to lives and livelihoods is most acute in the Global South. And as wealthy nations secure their places at the front of the queue for vaccines, eager to declare the return to normality, the very inequalities which manifest in differential vulnerability to the pandemic will determine who will be left behind. The pieces featured in Issue One of this two-part collection examine these uneven and often catastrophic impacts across a range of global sites and systems. In addition, they explore practices of solidarity, mutual aid, and resistance that have emerged conterminously. Variously considering issues including vaccine access, migration and borders, emergency response and communications failures, teaching and learning, and stories of success from the Global South, the collection provides a series of snapshots into conceptualising and living with COVID-19. As we struggle to come to terms with the effects of last year on both our academic and everyday lives, we hope the Issue creates a space in which to reflect on, and make some sense of, the pathological politics of the pandemic.
新冠肺炎的出现和迅速传播以令人困惑的速度改变了世界。在短短几周内,疫情重塑了各地的生活。尽管如此,尽管全球都在受到影响,但疫情的灾难性影响远非一致。相反,他们追踪并进一步巩固了现有的结构性不平等和暴力,最明显的是加剧了全球贫困和健康不平等、种族等级制度、性别分工和残疾人的边缘化。尽管许多人已经认识到这些痕迹是对当前条件下根深蒂固的暴力行为的进一步控诉,但优生学的可支配性逻辑塑造了智力和政策反应。然而,尽管疫情追踪并加剧了这种暴力,但它也以虚构的方式揭示了那些将欧洲和美国视为管理和管理危机的独特地位的等级制度。美国和欧洲大部分地区的新冠肺炎管理灾难性且仍在上演,动摇了他们根深蒂固的全球霸主地位。然而,对生命和生计的危害在全球南方最为严重。随着富裕国家确保自己排在疫苗队伍的最前面,渴望宣布恢复正常,表现在对疫情的不同脆弱性上的不平等将决定谁将被落在后面。这本由两部分组成的合集第一期中的文章研究了全球一系列站点和系统中这些不均衡且往往是灾难性的影响。此外,他们探索了同时出现的团结、互助和抵抗的做法。该系列对疫苗获取、移民和边境、应急响应和通信故障、教学和学习以及全球南方的成功故事等问题进行了不同的考虑,为新冠肺炎的概念化和生活提供了一系列快照。在我们努力接受去年对我们学术和日常生活的影响之际,我们希望《问题》能创造一个空间,让我们反思并理解疫情的病理政治。
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引用次数: 2
Necropolitics at large: pandemic politics and the coloniality of the global access gap 大范围的死亡政治:流行病政治和全球获取差距的殖民性
IF 1.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/21624887.2021.1904354
Eric Otieno Sumba
This intervention advances a conceptualisation of privileged vs. delayed access to pharmaceutical products globally. Critiquing calls for equitable distribution of Covid-19 vaccines by the same Western leaders who pre-ordered millions of doses for exclusive use, I recast the global access gap as necropolitics at large: a generalised necropolitics not predicated on weapons and annihilation as Achille Mbembe proposes, but on negligence, acquiescence and utter disregard for the fatal implications of global inequality (i.e. uneven and inconsistent access to pharmaceutical products). The suffix ‘at large’ denotes the dispersal of necropolitics in space and time, emphasising that it is not pandemics that are necropolitical, but the global systems that govern them – and us. For Mbembe, Foucauldian biopower no longer accounts for contemporary forms of life’s subjugation to death’s power. He proposes the concept of necropolitics to examine the crisis of liberal democracy, war, terror and the prospect of repair. Mbembe’s necropolitics describe a structure of terror that proliferates by inverting life and death. Building on Foucault, he argues that sovereignty is presently exerted by controlling mortality, and that life has come to depend on the deployment of this power (Mbembe 2019, 60). Mbembe is concerned with the figures of sovereignty who instrumentalise human existence and destroy populations, figures who constitute the nomos of the present political space (Mbembe 2019, 68). In this view, late modern sovereignty relies on the power to create a group of people who, unceasingly confronted by death, live at life’s edge. It is a right to kill that recalls the lethal combination of colonial terror: biopower, a state of exception and a state of siege (Mbembe 2019). Mobilising the concept, Christopher J. Lee argues that the deployment of basic techniques of territorial state power to control Covid-19 constituted a reactionary necropolitics that laid bare the global unevenness of state capacity. For Lee, however, ‘the necropower dynamics of Covid-19 and other epidemics, whether Ebola or HIV, are of slow violence’ (Lee 2020), as the power over who may live and who must die is outsourced globally. Other scholars have similarly argued that the decline of the welfare state has reorganised sovereign state power towards the management of death (Robertson and Travaglia 2020). This intervention specifically turns to the longitudinal violence of the global access gap (‘the gap’) which has been salient in pandemic politics and defining for pharmaceutical markets since the late 20th century.
这一干预措施在全球范围内推进了特权与延迟获得药品的概念。我批评了那些预定了数百万剂疫苗专门使用的西方领导人要求公平分配Covid-19疫苗的呼吁,并将全球获取差距重新定义为大范围的死亡政治:一种广义的死亡政治,不是像阿基利·姆本贝(Achille Mbembe)提出的那样以武器和毁灭为基础,而是以疏忽、默许和完全无视全球不平等的致命影响(即获取药品的不平衡和不一致)为基础。后缀“at large”表示死亡政治在空间和时间上的扩散,强调不是流行病是死亡政治,而是控制它们——以及我们——的全球系统。对Mbembe来说,福柯式的生命力量不再解释当代形式的生命屈服于死亡的力量。他提出了死亡政治的概念来审视自由民主的危机、战争、恐怖和修复的前景。Mbembe的死亡政治描述了一种通过颠倒生死而扩散的恐怖结构。在福柯的基础上,他认为主权目前是通过控制死亡率来行使的,生命已经取决于这种权力的部署(Mbembe 2019, 60)。Mbembe关注的是将人类生存工具化并摧毁人口的主权人物,这些人物构成了当前政治空间的nomos (Mbembe 2019, 68)。在这种观点下,近代晚期的主权依赖于创造一群不断面对死亡、生活在生命边缘的人的权力。这种杀戮权让人想起殖民恐怖的致命组合:生物权力、例外状态和围困状态(Mbembe 2019)。利用这一概念,克里斯托弗·j·李(Christopher J. Lee)认为,利用领土国家权力的基本技术来控制Covid-19,构成了一种反动的死亡政治,暴露了全球国家能力的不均衡。然而,对于Lee来说,“Covid-19和其他流行病,无论是埃博拉病毒还是艾滋病毒,都是缓慢的暴力”(Lee 2020),因为决定谁能活谁必须死的权力被外包给全球。其他学者也同样认为,福利国家的衰落已经重组了主权国家的权力,以管理死亡(Robertson and Travaglia 2020)。这一干预措施具体涉及全球获取差距(“差距”)的纵向暴力,这一差距自20世纪末以来一直是流行病政治和决定制药市场的突出问题。
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引用次数: 7
The ‘savage’ Pathan (Pashtun) and the postcolonial burden “野蛮的”帕坦人(普什图人)和后殖民时代的负担
IF 1.6 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/21624887.2021.1904194
Farooq Yousaf
ABSTRACT Ethnic Pashtuns, especially in Pakistan, have suffered from racialised colonial narratives and representations that portray them as ‘uncivilised’, ‘primitive’, and ‘violence-condoning’ individuals. Adding to this predicament, many ethnographic and political, especially colonial, accounts on the Pashtuns are authored by non-native writers leading to an absence of ‘Pashtun voices’ and counter-narratives in the literature. Pakistani policymakers and security experts, mainly based in and around the ‘centre’ (Punjab province) more specifically, have also failed in highlighting the consequential role of the colonial legacies which made the ‘tribal’ Pashtun region an ‘area of legal exception’, keeping it out of the scope of the Pakistani constitution and contributed to the ‘othering’ of Pashtuns in the country. As a result, Pashtuns, even today, are perceived as terrorists and traitors. Overcoming and countering these Orientalist generalisations, the ‘academy’ can start by encouraging and mainstreaming native and indigenous perspectives, giving them equal representation and space in literature.
摘要普什图族人,尤其是巴基斯坦的普什图人,一直遭受着种族化的殖民叙事和表现,这些叙事和表现将他们描绘成“不文明”、“原始”和“暴力纵容”的个人。除了这种困境之外,许多关于普什图人的民族志和政治报道,特别是殖民地的报道,都是由非本土作家撰写的,导致文学中缺乏“普什图声音”和反叙事。巴基斯坦政策制定者和安全专家,主要是在“中心”(旁遮普省)及其周边地区,也没有强调殖民遗产的重要作用,这些遗产使“部落”普什图地区成为“法律例外地区”,将其排除在巴基斯坦宪法的范围之外,并促成了普什图人在该国的“另类化”。因此,普什图人,即使在今天,也被视为恐怖分子和叛徒。克服和反对这些东方主义的概括,“学院”可以从鼓励和主流化本土和土著观点开始,赋予他们在文学中的平等代表性和空间。
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引用次数: 1
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Critical Studies on Security
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