Pub Date : 2021-05-26DOI: 10.1080/21624887.2021.1925496
Iida-Maria Tammi
ABSTRACT This paper analyses humanitarian security in the framework of Donna Haraway’s political material semiotics. It begins by arguing that targeted violence against health care constitutes a trope: a figure of speech that challenges and disrupts the established narrative of humanitarian security. Drawing on 20 in-depth expert interviews, the paper explores a case study of weaponisation of health care in the Syrian conflict (2011-present). It illustrates how different material-semiotic actors – such as politicians, pathogens, and medical infrastructure – condition and shape the security of humanitarian health workers in the opposition-held parts of the country. Taking medical facilities as its key unit of analysis, the paper shows how armed violence is not only directed towards these material-semiotic entities but amplified and transformed as it passes through them. In doing so, the paper sheds light on the formative role that nonhuman materialities play in the protection of aid workers and other civilian entities in armed conflict. The paper's findings also contribute towards an improved understanding of how previously under-appreciated variables impact the delivery of medical aid in complex humanitarian emergencies.
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Pub Date : 2021-05-04DOI: 10.1080/21624887.2021.1978648
K. Wright, T. Haastrup, R. Guerrina
Ontological (in)security and Covid-19: reimagining crisis leadership in UK higher education Katharine A. M. Wright, Toni Haastrup & Roberta Guerrina To cite this article: Katharine A. M. Wright, Toni Haastrup & Roberta Guerrina (2021) Ontological (in)security and Covid-19: reimagining crisis leadership in UK higher education, Critical Studies on Security, 9:2, 174-178, DOI: 10.1080/21624887.2021.1978648 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/21624887.2021.1978648
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Pub Date : 2021-05-04DOI: 10.1080/21624887.2021.1978643
Emily Brown, Miranda Melcher
Over the past year, many of us have had to adapt our teaching due to the COVID-19 pandemic. While the conditions that have been forced upon are less than ideal, there are far more serious consequences for those who are already marginalised. As Wright, Haastrup, and Guerrina (2021) have shown, the long-term effects of COVID-19 are looking severe. They argue that the COVID-19 crisis is further limiting the boundaries of who gets to be academically creative, with caring responsibilities (both at home and within institutions) hindering the capacities of many women and others in marginalised groups. The realities of expanding gender and BAME pay gaps are serious, and we do not wish to undermine how much work needs to be done. Rather, this list is a way to approach the pandemic pragmatically, allowing educators to embrace the opportunities presented to interrupt the status quo and centre accessibility and inclusivity in pedagogy, and, just as important, the academy as a whole. This has particular opportunities for supporting students with disabilities, mental health challenges, or with neurodiversities (Baker 2011). The authors of this piece are two senior PhD candidates with years of teaching experience, including as graduate teaching assistants. Both authors are Fellows of the Higher Education Academy, and are key contributors to their departmental Equality, Diversity, and Inclusion committees. Growing from our teaching and research practice, we developed a pedagogical teaching guide: ‘Teaching to Include Everyone: A Practical Guide for Online Teaching of Neurodiverse and Disabled Students.’ This document is freely available, and focuses on low-effort, high-impact behaviours that teachers of any level can use to improve the inclusivity of their teaching practice. The guide includes a variety of examples as well as specific explanations and three general principles and showcases how inclusive teaching practices can benefit all students, not just those who are neurodiverse or have disabilities. The guide has been developed into successful workshops for GTAs and academic teaching staff at King’s College London.
{"title":"The upside of disrupted teaching for neurodiverse and disabled students: 10 ways to disrupt pedagogical practices that disregard the importance of accessibility","authors":"Emily Brown, Miranda Melcher","doi":"10.1080/21624887.2021.1978643","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21624887.2021.1978643","url":null,"abstract":"Over the past year, many of us have had to adapt our teaching due to the COVID-19 pandemic. While the conditions that have been forced upon are less than ideal, there are far more serious consequences for those who are already marginalised. As Wright, Haastrup, and Guerrina (2021) have shown, the long-term effects of COVID-19 are looking severe. They argue that the COVID-19 crisis is further limiting the boundaries of who gets to be academically creative, with caring responsibilities (both at home and within institutions) hindering the capacities of many women and others in marginalised groups. The realities of expanding gender and BAME pay gaps are serious, and we do not wish to undermine how much work needs to be done. Rather, this list is a way to approach the pandemic pragmatically, allowing educators to embrace the opportunities presented to interrupt the status quo and centre accessibility and inclusivity in pedagogy, and, just as important, the academy as a whole. This has particular opportunities for supporting students with disabilities, mental health challenges, or with neurodiversities (Baker 2011). The authors of this piece are two senior PhD candidates with years of teaching experience, including as graduate teaching assistants. Both authors are Fellows of the Higher Education Academy, and are key contributors to their departmental Equality, Diversity, and Inclusion committees. Growing from our teaching and research practice, we developed a pedagogical teaching guide: ‘Teaching to Include Everyone: A Practical Guide for Online Teaching of Neurodiverse and Disabled Students.’ This document is freely available, and focuses on low-effort, high-impact behaviours that teachers of any level can use to improve the inclusivity of their teaching practice. The guide includes a variety of examples as well as specific explanations and three general principles and showcases how inclusive teaching practices can benefit all students, not just those who are neurodiverse or have disabilities. The guide has been developed into successful workshops for GTAs and academic teaching staff at King’s College London.","PeriodicalId":29930,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Security","volume":"9 1","pages":"179 - 182"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49629502","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-04DOI: 10.1080/21624887.2021.1978647
D. Sage, Chris R. Zebrowski, Nina Jorden
Since its restructuring at the turn of the century, UK Civil Contingencies has promoted information-circulation as the primary means of binding together multi-agency emergency response assemblages. Breaking from the top-down hierarchical diagram of governance which characterised Civil Defence, a more agile and resilient approach to emergency response was envisioned to address the forms of threat anticipated in the 21 century (Zebrowski 2016). Key to this new design was the role of information circulation in enhancing collaboration within and across responder agencies. Enhancing quality and access to information would permit decision making power within emergency events to be devolved to local responders. Rather than imposing command and control from the top-down, Information and Communications Technologies (ICT) would permit emergency responses to self-organise from the bottom-up: promising to improve the speed and efficiency of emergency responses (Zebrowski 2019), while also inspiring myriad critiques of the professed ‘neoliberal’ responsibilization of emergency response. Viewed from our ongoing qualitative research within the UK’s Covid-19 response it is clear that this informational vision of emergency response has fundamentally broken down. The calamitous management of the response in the UK has been defined by centralised, top-down decision-making and serious impediments to the free flow of information between different levels of government and emergency responders. While such propensities are far from a new aspect of UK resilience practice (Sage, Fussey, and Dainty 2015), their occurrence has intensified and expanded during Covid-19. This is perhaps all the more notable given the UK’s efforts over the past decade to position itself at the vanguard of a professed new resilience paradigm of ICT, centring around the primary object of analysis of our research and analysis here: a collaborative emergency response platform called ResilienceDirect. In this short contribution, we reflect briefly on how this informational vision of emergency response has been undermined within the UK response to Covid-19. We argue that the reemergence of command-and-control approaches to emergency governance has marginalised the role of local responders and undermined the effectiveness of the UK’s Covid-19 response. Our analysis is informed by interviews we have conducted with 41 emergency response professionals involved in the UK Covid-19 response between August and December 2020. A concluding section will reflect on the implications of this analysis for emergency policy and understandings of neoliberal resilience and security.
自世纪之交进行重组以来，联合王国民事应急事务促进了信息流通，将其作为将多机构应急响应组合联系在一起的主要手段。突破了民防的自上而下的治理等级图，设想了一种更灵活、更有弹性的应急响应方法，以应对21世纪预期的各种威胁(Zebrowski 2016)。这种新设计的关键是信息流通在加强应急机构内部和之间的协作方面的作用。提高信息的质量和获取途径将使紧急事件中的决策权下放给当地应急人员。信息和通信技术(ICT)将允许应急响应自下而上地自我组织，而不是自上而下地施加命令和控制:承诺提高应急响应的速度和效率(Zebrowski 2019)，同时也激发了对所谓的“新自由主义”应急响应责任的无数批评。从我们正在进行的英国Covid-19应对定性研究来看，很明显，这种应急响应的信息愿景已经从根本上崩溃了。在英国，灾难性的应对管理被定义为集中的、自上而下的决策，严重阻碍了不同级别的政府和应急响应人员之间的信息自由流动。虽然这种倾向远不是英国弹性实践的新方面(Sage, Fussey, and Dainty, 2015)，但在Covid-19期间，它们的发生已经加剧和扩大。考虑到英国在过去十年中努力将自己定位为公认的ICT新弹性范式的先锋，这一点可能更加值得注意，该范式围绕着我们在这里的研究和分析的主要分析对象:一个名为ResilienceDirect的协作应急响应平台。在这篇简短的文章中，我们简要回顾了在英国应对Covid-19的过程中，这种应急响应的信息愿景是如何被破坏的。我们认为，指挥和控制方法在应急治理中的重新出现，使地方应急人员的作用边缘化，破坏了英国应对Covid-19的有效性。我们的分析基于我们在2020年8月至12月期间对41名参与英国Covid-19应对的应急响应专业人员进行的采访。最后一节将反映这一分析对紧急政策和对新自由主义弹性和安全的理解的影响。
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Pub Date : 2021-05-04DOI: 10.1080/21624887.2021.1978644
Harshad C. Keval, T. Wright
This piece provokes discussions about the pathological performativities of COVID-19, the British state and UK higher education. We argue that despite the apparent disconnectedness of these components, the connecting fabric is one of a necropolitical (Mbembé and Meintjes 2003) nature. This socio-political hegemony is constitutive of and through the ‘performativity of happiness’ as a mechanism of oppression. Universities as sites and locations where multiple oppressions are produced and enacted, can also be sites of potential mobilised empowerment. The pathological politics of COVID-19 rests on these mechanics, while the potential for liberatory solidarities is already at work in resistance.
{"title":"Necropolitical constructions of happiness, COVID-19 and higher education","authors":"Harshad C. Keval, T. Wright","doi":"10.1080/21624887.2021.1978644","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21624887.2021.1978644","url":null,"abstract":"This piece provokes discussions about the pathological performativities of COVID-19, the British state and UK higher education. We argue that despite the apparent disconnectedness of these components, the connecting fabric is one of a necropolitical (Mbembé and Meintjes 2003) nature. This socio-political hegemony is constitutive of and through the ‘performativity of happiness’ as a mechanism of oppression. Universities as sites and locations where multiple oppressions are produced and enacted, can also be sites of potential mobilised empowerment. The pathological politics of COVID-19 rests on these mechanics, while the potential for liberatory solidarities is already at work in resistance.","PeriodicalId":29930,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Security","volume":"9 1","pages":"170 - 173"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46814874","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-04DOI: 10.1080/21624887.2021.1978645
A. Menon
ABSTRACT This article briefly discusses the two organising groups that I was a part of and their political transitions brought on by the pandemic. Drawing on my experience as a framework, the article provides a brief description of both the organisations and explicate the transitions. In the latter half of the article, I dwell upon the implications of this on organising and proceed to draw upon work of Black scholars and activists to argue for the breakdown of the contested binary of the personal and the political for an organising ethic based on solidarity.
{"title":"The politics of organising during the pandemic","authors":"A. Menon","doi":"10.1080/21624887.2021.1978645","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21624887.2021.1978645","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article briefly discusses the two organising groups that I was a part of and their political transitions brought on by the pandemic. Drawing on my experience as a framework, the article provides a brief description of both the organisations and explicate the transitions. In the latter half of the article, I dwell upon the implications of this on organising and proceed to draw upon work of Black scholars and activists to argue for the breakdown of the contested binary of the personal and the political for an organising ethic based on solidarity.","PeriodicalId":29930,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Security","volume":"9 1","pages":"150 - 154"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46529616","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-05-04DOI: 10.1080/21624887.2021.1978642
Mateus S. Borges
ABSTRACT This brief exploration focuses on a perhaps more elusive and implicit kind of shock incited by the COVID-19 pandemic. I’ll explore the politics of transgressing the norms, laws and restrictions put into effect by governments attempting to contain the novel coronavirus’ spreading, with the discussion focusing on the nightlife that emerged not besides, but because of the pandemic, and the affective dimension it entails. To accomplish this, I locate myself where some of the most obscene scenes, numbers and failures that bear the hallmark of COVID-19 have been appearing, Brazil. This way, I underline the enduring effects of colonialism and racism in the Brazilian case when it comes to obtaining enjoyment and the right to transgress.
{"title":"Why are you still not partying? Politics of transgression and COVID-19 in Brazil","authors":"Mateus S. Borges","doi":"10.1080/21624887.2021.1978642","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21624887.2021.1978642","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This brief exploration focuses on a perhaps more elusive and implicit kind of shock incited by the COVID-19 pandemic. I’ll explore the politics of transgressing the norms, laws and restrictions put into effect by governments attempting to contain the novel coronavirus’ spreading, with the discussion focusing on the nightlife that emerged not besides, but because of the pandemic, and the affective dimension it entails. To accomplish this, I locate myself where some of the most obscene scenes, numbers and failures that bear the hallmark of COVID-19 have been appearing, Brazil. This way, I underline the enduring effects of colonialism and racism in the Brazilian case when it comes to obtaining enjoyment and the right to transgress.","PeriodicalId":29930,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Security","volume":"9 1","pages":"141 - 145"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47912238","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-26DOI: 10.1080/21624887.2021.1875711
Hannah Partis-Jennings, H. Redwood
This article examines the relationship between war art and community formation. Building on scholarship around trauma, visuality and community formation, we are concerned with how the subject posit...
{"title":"War art and the formation of community","authors":"Hannah Partis-Jennings, H. Redwood","doi":"10.1080/21624887.2021.1875711","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21624887.2021.1875711","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the relationship between war art and community formation. Building on scholarship around trauma, visuality and community formation, we are concerned with how the subject posit...","PeriodicalId":29930,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Security","volume":"1 1","pages":"1-16"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-01-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/21624887.2021.1875711","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42665787","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-24DOI: 10.1080/21624887.2021.1875712
Nadia Naser-Najjab, Shir Hever
ABSTRACT Settler colonial theory has made a hugely significant contribution to the theorisation of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, but there is a danger that its application to the specific practice of security coordination could simply render the practice as an instrument of settler colonial rule. In this article, we would like to propose the important qualification that Coordination is, in practice, deeply conflicted and subject to multiple internal pressures, which extend from elites to public opinion. In accepting that Coordination can be appropriately viewed through a settler colonial lens, we would like to argue that it can also be viewed from ‘below’, and as an object of domestic political struggle that is implicated in legitimisation processes. Coordination is therefore simultaneously renounced and retained as part of the survival strategy of assorted elite groups. In order to demonstrate this, we reference Elite theory, interviews and online materials. Moreover, internal Palestinian divides suggest that opposition is more incomplete, partial and reactive within the neoliberal and settler colonial context.
{"title":"Elite and popular contradictions in security coordination: overcoming the binary distinction of the Israeli coloniser and the colonised Palestinian","authors":"Nadia Naser-Najjab, Shir Hever","doi":"10.1080/21624887.2021.1875712","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/21624887.2021.1875712","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Settler colonial theory has made a hugely significant contribution to the theorisation of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, but there is a danger that its application to the specific practice of security coordination could simply render the practice as an instrument of settler colonial rule. In this article, we would like to propose the important qualification that Coordination is, in practice, deeply conflicted and subject to multiple internal pressures, which extend from elites to public opinion. In accepting that Coordination can be appropriately viewed through a settler colonial lens, we would like to argue that it can also be viewed from ‘below’, and as an object of domestic political struggle that is implicated in legitimisation processes. Coordination is therefore simultaneously renounced and retained as part of the survival strategy of assorted elite groups. In order to demonstrate this, we reference Elite theory, interviews and online materials. Moreover, internal Palestinian divides suggest that opposition is more incomplete, partial and reactive within the neoliberal and settler colonial context.","PeriodicalId":29930,"journal":{"name":"Critical Studies on Security","volume":"9 1","pages":"112 - 125"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2021-01-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1080/21624887.2021.1875712","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47207494","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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