Humanity is on the cusp of a great wave of space exploration and colonization of Extra-Terrestrial Bodies (ETB). This paper deals with the socio–political issues that may arise between Earth and E.T Settlements and the possible ways to resolve them. Firstly we discuss as to how early maritime explorations compare to present day space voyages. Based on the lessons learnt, we will analyse the socio–political relation between Earth and Extra-Terrestrial Settlements (ETS) and how some possibilities of conflicts can arise. We then evaluate as to how Blockchain systems can potentially keep earth and ETS tethered to each other and provide a way for harmonious co-existence. The paper concludes by summarizing the possible Socio–Political and Economic conflicts between Earth and future ETS and ways to resolve them.
{"title":"Blockchains and Extra-Terrestrial Nations: Role of Blockchains in the Socio-Political Milieu of Future Extra-Terrestrial Settlements","authors":"Kartik Hegadekatti","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2944541","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2944541","url":null,"abstract":"Humanity is on the cusp of a great wave of space exploration and colonization of Extra-Terrestrial Bodies (ETB). This paper deals with the socio–political issues that may arise between Earth and E.T Settlements and the possible ways to resolve them. \u0000 \u0000Firstly we discuss as to how early maritime explorations compare to present day space voyages. Based on the lessons learnt, we will analyse the socio–political relation between Earth and Extra-Terrestrial Settlements (ETS) and how some possibilities of conflicts can arise. \u0000 \u0000We then evaluate as to how Blockchain systems can potentially keep earth and ETS tethered to each other and provide a way for harmonious co-existence. \u0000 \u0000The paper concludes by summarizing the possible Socio–Political and Economic conflicts between Earth and future ETS and ways to resolve them.","PeriodicalId":306154,"journal":{"name":"AARN: State & Non-State Political Organization (Sub-Topic)","volume":"32 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116678047","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This working paper considers relations between the region and the European Union, something on which the ArabTrans survey was specifically designed to offer information. We supplement the ArabTrans survey by drawing on data from Waves II (2010/11) and III (2013) of the Arab Barometer and from the Gallup World Poll for 2011 and 2014. The Report considers what impact the policies pursued by the EU and its member countries have had on the lives of people living in four countries in the region - Egypt, Jordan, Morocco and Tunisia - and how they view the EU and its involvement with their countries. It considers ordinary people’s attitudes to the EU and its policies but also discusses what ordinary people want and the extent to which EU policies address these concerns. In 2010-11 an unprecedented wave of popular protests and demands for regime change spread across the MENA region. In the media and in scholarly literature it was frequently explicitly or implicitly assumed that what people were demanding was Western-style democracy, understood as free and fair elections and the rule of law alone. In the wake of the ‘Arab Spring,’ many called for a ‘paradigm shift’ in the EU’s approach, to place greater priority on encouraging democratic transformations in the region rather than tacitly supporting authoritarian rulers seen as essential bulwarks against instability in the region. However, analysis of EU policy documents published in the wake of the Uprisings shows that in practice it remained much as it had been before 2011. It tends to assume that what the EU has to offer is sufficient to encourage authoritarian rules to undertake democratic reforms, while failing to acknowledge that in the past it has failed to implement conditionality clauses designed to provide incentives for reform, nor had it imposed sanctions for lack of progress on democratisation and recognising human rights. Beyond this the type of economic reforms it is clearly envisaging are the very neo-liberal reforms that created the economic conditions that drove people to revolt in 2011. The EU, along with its allies and the media, continues to misread the causes of the Uprisings as popular demands for liberal democracy rather than as a revolt against the negative social and economic impact of neoliberal economic policies. Public opinion surveys in the region, including the ArabTrans survey, show that people’s priorities were and remain decent jobs, economic security, adequate public services and the rule of law rather than solely the narrowly defined civil and political rights characteristic of ‘democracy promotion’ policies by Western governments. What the people were expressing was deep dissatisfaction with the effects of the economic policies which the EU and its Western allies had encouraged, cajoled and incentivised the MENA countries to implement from the 1980s. Given this context, it is not surprising that the EU is seen by respondents as complicit in creating the very conditions a
{"title":"EU Policy Impact and Public Perception in the MENA Region","authors":"P. Abbott, A. Teti","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2903487","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2903487","url":null,"abstract":"This working paper considers relations between the region and the European Union, something on which the ArabTrans survey was specifically designed to offer information. We supplement the ArabTrans survey by drawing on data from Waves II (2010/11) and III (2013) of the Arab Barometer and from the Gallup World Poll for 2011 and 2014. The Report considers what impact the policies pursued by the EU and its member countries have had on the lives of people living in four countries in the region - Egypt, Jordan, Morocco and Tunisia - and how they view the EU and its involvement with their countries. It considers ordinary people’s attitudes to the EU and its policies but also discusses what ordinary people want and the extent to which EU policies address these concerns. In 2010-11 an unprecedented wave of popular protests and demands for regime change spread across the MENA region. In the media and in scholarly literature it was frequently explicitly or implicitly assumed that what people were demanding was Western-style democracy, understood as free and fair elections and the rule of law alone. In the wake of the ‘Arab Spring,’ many called for a ‘paradigm shift’ in the EU’s approach, to place greater priority on encouraging democratic transformations in the region rather than tacitly supporting authoritarian rulers seen as essential bulwarks against instability in the region. However, analysis of EU policy documents published in the wake of the Uprisings shows that in practice it remained much as it had been before 2011. It tends to assume that what the EU has to offer is sufficient to encourage authoritarian rules to undertake democratic reforms, while failing to acknowledge that in the past it has failed to implement conditionality clauses designed to provide incentives for reform, nor had it imposed sanctions for lack of progress on democratisation and recognising human rights. Beyond this the type of economic reforms it is clearly envisaging are the very neo-liberal reforms that created the economic conditions that drove people to revolt in 2011. The EU, along with its allies and the media, continues to misread the causes of the Uprisings as popular demands for liberal democracy rather than as a revolt against the negative social and economic impact of neoliberal economic policies. Public opinion surveys in the region, including the ArabTrans survey, show that people’s priorities were and remain decent jobs, economic security, adequate public services and the rule of law rather than solely the narrowly defined civil and political rights characteristic of ‘democracy promotion’ policies by Western governments. What the people were expressing was deep dissatisfaction with the effects of the economic policies which the EU and its Western allies had encouraged, cajoled and incentivised the MENA countries to implement from the 1980s. Given this context, it is not surprising that the EU is seen by respondents as complicit in creating the very conditions a","PeriodicalId":306154,"journal":{"name":"AARN: State & Non-State Political Organization (Sub-Topic)","volume":"15 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2017-01-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129128149","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Russian Abstract: В статье рассматривается эволюция места религиозного фактора и влияния крупных держав, России и Турции, на внутренние проблемы северокавказского региона начиная с XVIII в. по настоящее время.English Abstract: The article describes the evolution of a place of a religious factor and influence of major powers, Russia and Turkey, on internal problems of the North Caucasian region since XVIII century to the present is considered.
{"title":"Религиозный Фактор в Геополитике России и Турции На Северном Кавказе (Religious Factor in Geopolitics of Russia and Turkey in the North Caucasus)","authors":"Фарман Кулиев","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2723068","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2723068","url":null,"abstract":"Russian Abstract: В статье рассматривается эволюция места религиозного фактора и влияния крупных держав, России и Турции, на внутренние проблемы северокавказского региона начиная с XVIII в. по настоящее время.English Abstract: The article describes the evolution of a place of a religious factor and influence of major powers, Russia and Turkey, on internal problems of the North Caucasian region since XVIII century to the present is considered.","PeriodicalId":306154,"journal":{"name":"AARN: State & Non-State Political Organization (Sub-Topic)","volume":"102 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-01-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127127135","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
On February 20 2015 Irish Premier Enda Kenny confirmed that a "yes-no" referendum on same sex marriage would be held on May 22 of the same year. A yes vote would legalise same sex marriage in Ireland. As the Irish premier put it, the vote was about "tolerance, respect and sensitivity". The electoral outcome turned out to be 62.07% for the yes vote with voter turnout at 60.52% of the registered voters. Ireland thus became the first country in the world to legalise same sex marriage through a popular vote. Using hourly Google Search data one week prior to the Irish Referendum of May 22 2015 and a simple ratio of "vote yes" to "vote no" searches I demonstrate how the outcome could have been predicted on the nose. The method is used here successfully for the second time and is so far as I know the only one which forecasts popular vote with Google Search.
{"title":"Predicting the Irish 'Gay Marriage' Referendum","authors":"N. Askitas","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2674243","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2674243","url":null,"abstract":"On February 20 2015 Irish Premier Enda Kenny confirmed that a \"yes-no\" referendum on same sex marriage would be held on May 22 of the same year. A yes vote would legalise same sex marriage in Ireland. As the Irish premier put it, the vote was about \"tolerance, respect and sensitivity\". The electoral outcome turned out to be 62.07% for the yes vote with voter turnout at 60.52% of the registered voters. Ireland thus became the first country in the world to legalise same sex marriage through a popular vote. Using hourly Google Search data one week prior to the Irish Referendum of May 22 2015 and a simple ratio of \"vote yes\" to \"vote no\" searches I demonstrate how the outcome could have been predicted on the nose. The method is used here successfully for the second time and is so far as I know the only one which forecasts popular vote with Google Search.","PeriodicalId":306154,"journal":{"name":"AARN: State & Non-State Political Organization (Sub-Topic)","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-10-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117300926","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper studies the evolution of the suffrage in colonial Virginia from the early seventeenth century until the American Revolution, using econometric analysis of a unique data set on the number and types of franchise restrictions imposed on colonial voters, along with detailed historical evidence. We find that Virginia's representative institutions were very liberal for most of the seventeenth century, when colonial agriculture depended on English workers, but deteriorated quickly once planters were able to replace white workers with slaves in the early 1700s. Our explanation builds on the idea that by credibly constraining the power of elites, liberal representative institutions were an effective way to attract white immigrant labour. We show that our findings are not due to alternative explanations identified in the literature, such as inequality or the threat of revolution.
{"title":"Unexpected Lessons: The Political Economy of the Franchise in Colonial Virginia","authors":"E. Nikolova","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2474069","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2474069","url":null,"abstract":"This paper studies the evolution of the suffrage in colonial Virginia from the early seventeenth century until the American Revolution, using econometric analysis of a unique data set on the number and types of franchise restrictions imposed on colonial voters, along with detailed historical evidence. We find that Virginia's representative institutions were very liberal for most of the seventeenth century, when colonial agriculture depended on English workers, but deteriorated quickly once planters were able to replace white workers with slaves in the early 1700s. Our explanation builds on the idea that by credibly constraining the power of elites, liberal representative institutions were an effective way to attract white immigrant labour. We show that our findings are not due to alternative explanations identified in the literature, such as inequality or the threat of revolution.","PeriodicalId":306154,"journal":{"name":"AARN: State & Non-State Political Organization (Sub-Topic)","volume":"19 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-05-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131106465","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper clarifies some issues of late antique and early Byzantine topography of Eastern Pontos Euxeinos. These questions can be divided into two large groups: the ecclesiastical topography and the locations of Byzantine fortresses. The earliest testimony of Apostolic preaching on the Eastern black sea coast—the list of the apostles by Pseudo-Epiphanius—following the ‘Chronicon’ of Hyppolitus of Rome, unsuccessfully connects South-Eastern Pontos Euxeinos to Sebastopolis the Great (modern Sukhumi), which subsequently gives rise to an itinerary of the apostle Andrew. The Early Byzantine Church in the region had a complicated arrangement: the Zekchians, Abasgians and possibly Apsilians had their own bishoprics (later archbishoprics); the Lazicans had a metropolitan in Phasis (and not in their capital Archaeopolis) with five bishop-suffragans. Byzantine fortresses, mentioned in 7th c sources, are located mostly in Apsilia and Missimiania, in the Kodori valley, which had strategic importance as a route from the Black sea to the North Caucasus
{"title":"Some Notes on the Topography of Eastern Pontos Euxeinos in Late Antiquity and Early Byzantium","authors":"A. Vinogradov","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2543458","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2543458","url":null,"abstract":"This paper clarifies some issues of late antique and early Byzantine topography of Eastern Pontos Euxeinos. These questions can be divided into two large groups: the ecclesiastical topography and the locations of Byzantine fortresses. The earliest testimony of Apostolic preaching on the Eastern black sea coast—the list of the apostles by Pseudo-Epiphanius—following the ‘Chronicon’ of Hyppolitus of Rome, unsuccessfully connects South-Eastern Pontos Euxeinos to Sebastopolis the Great (modern Sukhumi), which subsequently gives rise to an itinerary of the apostle Andrew. The Early Byzantine Church in the region had a complicated arrangement: the Zekchians, Abasgians and possibly Apsilians had their own bishoprics (later archbishoprics); the Lazicans had a metropolitan in Phasis (and not in their capital Archaeopolis) with five bishop-suffragans. Byzantine fortresses, mentioned in 7th c sources, are located mostly in Apsilia and Missimiania, in the Kodori valley, which had strategic importance as a route from the Black sea to the North Caucasus","PeriodicalId":306154,"journal":{"name":"AARN: State & Non-State Political Organization (Sub-Topic)","volume":"37 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116186407","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
We empirically investigate the role of civic capital (proxied by voter turnout) in Italy's economic development in the second half of the Twentieth century. Using a unique dataset at the city level, we show that over a fifty-year span voter turnout was steadily correlated with economic development and that this reflected some causality running from the former to the latter. We also find that the impact of civic capital was greater in the period immediately after the Second World War and gradually waned in the following decades.
{"title":"Civic Capital and Development: Italy, 1951-2001","authors":"Giuseppe Albanese, G. de Blasio","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2509762","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2509762","url":null,"abstract":"We empirically investigate the role of civic capital (proxied by voter turnout) in Italy's economic development in the second half of the Twentieth century. Using a unique dataset at the city level, we show that over a fifty-year span voter turnout was steadily correlated with economic development and that this reflected some causality running from the former to the latter. We also find that the impact of civic capital was greater in the period immediately after the Second World War and gradually waned in the following decades.","PeriodicalId":306154,"journal":{"name":"AARN: State & Non-State Political Organization (Sub-Topic)","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-03-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116955630","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper develops a comprehensive theory of support for democracy. Building on instrumental and culturalist approaches, the theory argues that experience with democracy conditions the extent to which economic and political performance inform support. Specifically, it argues that the extent to which economic performance informs support should decline as a democracy grows older, while the opposite should be true about political performance. These arguments are evaluated using multilevel models to analyse cross-national survey data for 21 Latin American countries. The evidence indicates that both economic and political performance inform support for democracy and that the extent to which economic performance informs support declines as a democracy grows older. Although the importance of political performance does not seem to be conditioned by democratic experience, its importance in relation to economic performance does increase as a democracy matures. The evidence also indicates that experience with democracy, and not level of economic development, is what conditions the importance of economic performance. Altogether, these results suggest that support for democracy and a civic culture that values the political goods that democracy can deliver are more likely to be a consequence of, rather than a prerequisite for, the survival and eventual consolidation of democracy.
{"title":"Understanding Regime Support in New and Old Democracies: The Role of Performance and Democratic Experience","authors":"Luis A. Camacho","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2445415","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2445415","url":null,"abstract":"This paper develops a comprehensive theory of support for democracy. Building on instrumental and culturalist approaches, the theory argues that experience with democracy conditions the extent to which economic and political performance inform support. Specifically, it argues that the extent to which economic performance informs support should decline as a democracy grows older, while the opposite should be true about political performance. These arguments are evaluated using multilevel models to analyse cross-national survey data for 21 Latin American countries. The evidence indicates that both economic and political performance inform support for democracy and that the extent to which economic performance informs support declines as a democracy grows older. Although the importance of political performance does not seem to be conditioned by democratic experience, its importance in relation to economic performance does increase as a democracy matures. The evidence also indicates that experience with democracy, and not level of economic development, is what conditions the importance of economic performance. Altogether, these results suggest that support for democracy and a civic culture that values the political goods that democracy can deliver are more likely to be a consequence of, rather than a prerequisite for, the survival and eventual consolidation of democracy.","PeriodicalId":306154,"journal":{"name":"AARN: State & Non-State Political Organization (Sub-Topic)","volume":"83 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122306185","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
What is “the state,” and what is its relevance, if any, to public administration? The concept of the state goes back for centuries but has become an increasingly more widely discussed topic within the last 30 years. This review of five important works on the subject will present the major definitions, highlight the points of debate among scholars, and argue that there are at least four ways in which the concept of “the state” can advance the field of public administration
{"title":"The State in Public Administration","authors":"M. Hammer","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2945104","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2945104","url":null,"abstract":"What is “the state,” and what is its relevance, if any, to public administration? The concept of the state goes back for centuries but has become an increasingly more widely discussed topic within the last 30 years. This review of five important works on the subject will present the major definitions, highlight the points of debate among scholars, and argue that there are at least four ways in which the concept of “the state” can advance the field of public administration","PeriodicalId":306154,"journal":{"name":"AARN: State & Non-State Political Organization (Sub-Topic)","volume":"13 3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-01-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131753081","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1993-02-01DOI: 10.1080/03050629308434805
N. Geva, Karl Derouen, A. Mintz
In this paper, we summarize a series of experimental studies that show that democracies don't fight each other because their leaders have very few political incentives to do so. The use of force against other democracies is perceived by the public and by leaders of democratic states as a failure of foreign policy. The reliance of democratic leaders on public support decreases therefore the likelihood of the use of force against other democracies.
{"title":"The Political Incentive Explanation of ‘Democratic Peace’: Evidence From Experimental Research","authors":"N. Geva, Karl Derouen, A. Mintz","doi":"10.1080/03050629308434805","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03050629308434805","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper, we summarize a series of experimental studies that show that democracies don't fight each other because their leaders have very few political incentives to do so. The use of force against other democracies is perceived by the public and by leaders of democratic states as a failure of foreign policy. The reliance of democratic leaders on public support decreases therefore the likelihood of the use of force against other democracies.","PeriodicalId":306154,"journal":{"name":"AARN: State & Non-State Political Organization (Sub-Topic)","volume":"39 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1993-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132068351","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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