Pub Date : 2021-10-27DOI: 10.7146/classicaetmediaevalia.v70i.129146
R. Mayhew
In Iliad 20, Aeneas and Achilles trade insults, and at one point (251-55) Aeneas says that they are acting like women (ὥς τε γυναῖκας). Four Iliad-scholia provide evidence that the authenticity of this passage was disputed, and one of these scholia refers to a comment about women in Aristotle’s Historia animalium, in order to explain or defend these verses. This note highlights these scholia and this dispute, which have not received sufficient scholarly attention, while illustrating one of the uses ancient Ho- meric scholars made of the Historia animalium.
在《伊利亚特》第20章中，埃涅阿斯和阿喀琉斯互相辱骂，在某一点上(251-55)埃涅阿斯说他们的行为就像女人一样(ς τε γ να ι κας)。四部《伊利亚特-斯科拉》提供了证据，证明这段话的真实性是有争议的，其中一篇斯科拉引用了亚里士多德《动物史》中关于女性的评论，以解释或捍卫这些经文。这篇笔记强调了这些学者和这场争论，它们没有得到足够的学术关注，同时说明了古代荷美学者对《动物历史》的一种使用。
{"title":"A Debate about Women in Iliad 20.251-55? The Evidence of Four Scholia","authors":"R. Mayhew","doi":"10.7146/classicaetmediaevalia.v70i.129146","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7146/classicaetmediaevalia.v70i.129146","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 \u0000 \u0000In Iliad 20, Aeneas and Achilles trade insults, and at one point (251-55) Aeneas says that they are acting like women (ὥς τε γυναῖκας). Four Iliad-scholia provide evidence that the authenticity of this passage was disputed, and one of these scholia refers to a comment about women in Aristotle’s Historia animalium, in order to explain or defend these verses. This note highlights these scholia and this dispute, which have not received sufficient scholarly attention, while illustrating one of the uses ancient Ho- meric scholars made of the Historia animalium. \u0000 \u0000 \u0000","PeriodicalId":306790,"journal":{"name":"Classica et Mediaevalia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116088101","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-27DOI: 10.7146/classicaetmediaevalia.v70i.129144
V. F. Lovato
In many passages of his works, John Tzetzes likens himself to different figures from the Greek and Roman past in order to emphasise relevant features of his authorial persona. This strategy has been the subject of recent studies, which underscore the self-advertising agenda underlying Tzetzes’ constant reference to – and identification with – Greek and Roman models. Drawing on and going beyond this strand of literature, this paper pursues two main goals. First, it aims to situate Tzetzes’ references to these figures from the past within the broader sociocultural dynamics informing his self-fashioning strategy. To this end, it will focus on passages of his works dealing with friendship and patronage, two social practices that were crucial to any Byzantine writer. Second, the paper seeks to show that Tzetzes uses these figures to reflect upon his condition as a commissioned writer, skilfully employing them to create an authorial narrative that both spells out and plays with the constraints and contradictions stemming from his professional status.
{"title":"From Cato to Plato and Back Again: Friendship and Patronage in John Tzetzes' Letters and Chiliades","authors":"V. F. Lovato","doi":"10.7146/classicaetmediaevalia.v70i.129144","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7146/classicaetmediaevalia.v70i.129144","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 \u0000 \u0000In many passages of his works, John Tzetzes likens himself to different figures from the Greek and Roman past in order to emphasise relevant features of his authorial persona. This strategy has been the subject of recent studies, which underscore the self-advertising agenda underlying Tzetzes’ constant reference to – and identification with – Greek and Roman models. Drawing on and going beyond this strand of literature, this paper pursues two main goals. First, it aims to situate Tzetzes’ references to these figures from the past within the broader sociocultural dynamics informing his self-fashioning strategy. To this end, it will focus on passages of his works dealing with friendship and patronage, two social practices that were crucial to any Byzantine writer. Second, the paper seeks to show that Tzetzes uses these figures to reflect upon his condition as a commissioned writer, skilfully employing them to create an authorial narrative that both spells out and plays with the constraints and contradictions stemming from his professional status. \u0000 \u0000 \u0000","PeriodicalId":306790,"journal":{"name":"Classica et Mediaevalia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126169255","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-27DOI: 10.7146/classicaetmediaevalia.v70i.129145
Alexander Andrée
This article discusses five spurious lines at Lucan 1.436-40. Reviewing the early printed tradition of De bello civili as well as examining the medieval manuscripts in which the lines are found, the study explores the extant evidence for the lines. In its search for the origin of the lines, the investigation comprises a discussion of the palaeography of the manuscripts, the poetic and contextual interpretation of the lines, and will venture a suggestion as to their date and presumptive author and the location where they were likely composed.
本文讨论了Lucan 1.436-40的五条虚假线。该研究回顾了早期的《De bello civili》印刷传统，并检查了发现这些线条的中世纪手稿，探索了这些线条的现存证据。在寻找这些诗句的起源的过程中，调查包括对手稿的古文字的讨论，对这些诗句的诗歌和上下文的解释，并将冒险提出关于它们的日期、假定的作者和它们可能创作的地点的建议。
{"title":"Lucan's Lost Gauls: The Interpolation at De Bello Civili 1.436-40","authors":"Alexander Andrée","doi":"10.7146/classicaetmediaevalia.v70i.129145","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7146/classicaetmediaevalia.v70i.129145","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 \u0000 \u0000This article discusses five spurious lines at Lucan 1.436-40. Reviewing the early printed tradition of De bello civili as well as examining the medieval manuscripts in which the lines are found, the study explores the extant evidence for the lines. In its search for the origin of the lines, the investigation comprises a discussion of the palaeography of the manuscripts, the poetic and contextual interpretation of the lines, and will venture a suggestion as to their date and presumptive author and the location where they were likely composed. \u0000 \u0000 \u0000","PeriodicalId":306790,"journal":{"name":"Classica et Mediaevalia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115080489","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-25DOI: 10.7146/CLASSICAETMEDIAEVALIA.V69I0.124703
Pamela Zinn
This article treats the sense of taste in Epicurean thought through the evidence in Lucretius’ De rerum natura. It reconstructs Lucretius’ account of what taste is and how it works, with a view to explaining instances like the taste of salt by the seaside, where we seem to taste at a distance. I argue that such instances are not exceptions, but examples that reveal more about the processes behind them. When analyzed in conjunction with the physiology of taste and the water cycle, the salty taste of sea air confirms the traditional view that the perception of flavor consistently occurs through direct contact with the object of perception, not through indirect contact with an intermediary. Moreover, it advances the understanding of what comes into contact, what the perceiver contributes to taste, and taste’s sensory threshold.
{"title":"Lucretius and the Salty Taste of Sea Air","authors":"Pamela Zinn","doi":"10.7146/CLASSICAETMEDIAEVALIA.V69I0.124703","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7146/CLASSICAETMEDIAEVALIA.V69I0.124703","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 \u0000 \u0000This article treats the sense of taste in Epicurean thought through the evidence in Lucretius’ De rerum natura. It reconstructs Lucretius’ account of what taste is and how it works, with a view to explaining instances like the taste of salt by the seaside, where we seem to taste at a distance. I argue that such instances are not exceptions, but examples that reveal more about the processes behind them. When analyzed in conjunction with the physiology of taste and the water cycle, the salty taste of sea air confirms the traditional view that the perception of flavor consistently occurs through direct contact with the object of perception, not through indirect contact with an intermediary. Moreover, it advances the understanding of what comes into contact, what the perceiver contributes to taste, and taste’s sensory threshold. \u0000 \u0000 \u0000","PeriodicalId":306790,"journal":{"name":"Classica et Mediaevalia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133262825","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-27DOI: 10.7146/classicaetmediaevalia.v69i0.122622
R. Mayhew
The b-scholion on Iliad 22.94 attributes a claim about a venomous snake (δράκων) to Aristotle’s On Animals. Likely because there is no obvious parallel text in Aristotle’s extant works on animals, the reference tends nowadays to be dismissed as inauthentic (though it was taken much more seriously in the 19th century). Further, the Aristotle reference has been consigned to a footnote in the standard edition of the Iliad scholia. This essay reassesses the scholion and considers as possible sources a few different works of Aristotle. It also suggests that the Aristotelian material – whatever its source – was brought in by Homeric scholars to support one side of a debate over the meaning of κακὰ φάρμακα.
《伊利亚特》第22章第94节的学者把一条关于毒蛇(δρ α κων)的说法归于亚里士多德的《论动物》。可能是因为在亚里士多德现存的关于动物的著作中没有明显的类似文本，这种参考现在往往被认为是不真实的(尽管在19世纪它被更认真地对待)。此外，亚里士多德的参考文献在《伊利亚特》的标准版中被放在脚注中。这篇文章重新评估了学者，并考虑了亚里士多德的一些不同作品的可能来源。它还表明，亚里士多德的材料——不管它的来源是什么——是由荷马学派的学者带来的，以支持关于κακ ο φ ρμακα意义的争论的一方。
{"title":"A Possible Aristotle-Fragment in the b-Scholion on Illiad 22.94","authors":"R. Mayhew","doi":"10.7146/classicaetmediaevalia.v69i0.122622","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7146/classicaetmediaevalia.v69i0.122622","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 \u0000 \u0000The b-scholion on Iliad 22.94 attributes a claim about a venomous snake (δράκων) to Aristotle’s On Animals. Likely because there is no obvious parallel text in Aristotle’s extant works on animals, the reference tends nowadays to be dismissed as inauthentic (though it was taken much more seriously in the 19th century). Further, the Aristotle reference has been consigned to a footnote in the standard edition of the Iliad scholia. This essay reassesses the scholion and considers as possible sources a few different works of Aristotle. It also suggests that the Aristotelian material – whatever its source – was brought in by Homeric scholars to support one side of a debate over the meaning of κακὰ φάρμακα. \u0000 \u0000 \u0000","PeriodicalId":306790,"journal":{"name":"Classica et Mediaevalia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121817481","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-26DOI: 10.7146/classicaetmediaevalia.v69i0.122618
Bartłomiej Bednarek
In his seemingly innocent fairy tale Thumbelina, Hans Christian Andersen makes two allusions to Aristophanes. One of them is quite explicit, as the author makes a toad produce the sound co-ax, co-ax, brek-ek-eke-kex, which is a quotation from the Frogs. The other allusion is less conspicuous. In one of the first sentences of Thumbelina, an object that a woman needs in order to beget a child is referred to as a barleycorn. As I argue, even though on the surface it can be explained in terms of magic typical for fairy tales, it can be also understood as an obscene allusion to the sexual act. This results from the ambiguity, well-known in Andersen’s time, of the word κριθή, which in Aristophanes’ comedies can mean either barleycorn or penis.
{"title":"Andersen's Code: Aristophanic Obscenity in Thumbelina","authors":"Bartłomiej Bednarek","doi":"10.7146/classicaetmediaevalia.v69i0.122618","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7146/classicaetmediaevalia.v69i0.122618","url":null,"abstract":"In his seemingly innocent fairy tale Thumbelina, Hans Christian Andersen makes two allusions to Aristophanes. One of them is quite explicit, as the author makes a toad produce the sound co-ax, co-ax, brek-ek-eke-kex, which is a quotation from the Frogs. The other allusion is less conspicuous. In one of the first sentences of Thumbelina, an object that a woman needs in order to beget a child is referred to as a barleycorn. As I argue, even though on the surface it can be explained in terms of magic typical for fairy tales, it can be also understood as an obscene allusion to the sexual act. This results from the ambiguity, well-known in Andersen’s time, of the word κριθή, which in Aristophanes’ comedies can mean either barleycorn or penis.","PeriodicalId":306790,"journal":{"name":"Classica et Mediaevalia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126747102","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-26DOI: 10.7146/classicaetmediaevalia.v69i0.122617
A. Nikolaidis
The Pylos episode, ending with the capture of almost 300 Spartans who had been cut off on the Sphacteria island, was the first major setback suffered by Sparta during the Peloponnesian war and, at the same time, the first major – and more importantly – unexpected success of Athens, in Peloponnesian territory at that. Without overlooking the military side involved, this paper will primarily focus on the political aspects of this enterprise in an attempt (a) to assess and evaluate Thucydides’ attitude to the protagonists of this episode, Cleon, Nicias and Demosthenes, (b) to better understand the historian’s political stance and judgement through the vocabulary that he employs, and (c) to show that his notoriously presumed bias against Cleon is poorly substantiated and, insofar as it may occasionally occur, it does not interfere with his respect for historical truth.
{"title":"Revisiting the Pylos Episode and Thucydides' 'Bias' against Cleon","authors":"A. Nikolaidis","doi":"10.7146/classicaetmediaevalia.v69i0.122617","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7146/classicaetmediaevalia.v69i0.122617","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 \u0000 \u0000The Pylos episode, ending with the capture of almost 300 Spartans who had been cut off on the Sphacteria island, was the first major setback suffered by Sparta during the Peloponnesian war and, at the same time, the first major – and more importantly – unexpected success of Athens, in Peloponnesian territory at that. Without overlooking the military side involved, this paper will primarily focus on the political aspects of this enterprise in an attempt (a) to assess and evaluate Thucydides’ attitude to the protagonists of this episode, Cleon, Nicias and Demosthenes, (b) to better understand the historian’s political stance and judgement through the vocabulary that he employs, and (c) to show that his notoriously presumed bias against Cleon is poorly substantiated and, insofar as it may occasionally occur, it does not interfere with his respect for historical truth. \u0000 \u0000 \u0000","PeriodicalId":306790,"journal":{"name":"Classica et Mediaevalia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132046707","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-23DOI: 10.7146/CLASSICAETMEDIAEVALIA.V69I0.122174
Jean-François Poisson-Gueffier
The High Book of the Grail, also known as Perlesvaus, after its main character, an analogon of Perceval who evolves in a universe of blood and violence, is a French Arthurian prose romance of the 13th century. The principle of imperfection on which this romance is set encompasses its narrative composition, the consistency of its allegorical meaning, and the poetics of character. Meliot de Logres can be called an énigme incarnée, as its representation does not tend towards unity, but towards destruction. He is an enigma because of its numerous narrative functions (alter Christus, a man in distress, knight ...), and its symbolical power (he is ‘de Logres’, which suggests a moral signification, he embodies spiritual greatness that the romance does not develop). The semiological analysis of this secondary but important character is a way to understand the many problems aroused by the scripture of the High Book of the Grail. Meliot is not only a double: through him, we can see the complexity and intricacy of the romance as a whole.
{"title":"L’énigme incarnée: Méliot de Logres dans le Haut Livre du Gral","authors":"Jean-François Poisson-Gueffier","doi":"10.7146/CLASSICAETMEDIAEVALIA.V69I0.122174","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7146/CLASSICAETMEDIAEVALIA.V69I0.122174","url":null,"abstract":"The High Book of the Grail, also known as Perlesvaus, after its main character, an analogon of Perceval who evolves in a universe of blood and violence, is a French Arthurian prose romance of the 13th century. The principle of imperfection on which this romance is set encompasses its narrative composition, the consistency of its allegorical meaning, and the poetics of character. Meliot de Logres can be called an énigme incarnée, as its representation does not tend towards unity, but towards destruction. He is an enigma because of its numerous narrative functions (alter Christus, a man in distress, knight ...), and its symbolical power (he is ‘de Logres’, which suggests a moral signification, he embodies spiritual greatness that the romance does not develop). The semiological analysis of this secondary but important character is a way to understand the many problems aroused by the scripture of the High Book of the Grail. Meliot is not only a double: through him, we can see the complexity and intricacy of the romance as a whole.","PeriodicalId":306790,"journal":{"name":"Classica et Mediaevalia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128508908","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-09-23DOI: 10.7146/CLASSICAETMEDIAEVALIA.V69I0.122173
Dirk Rohmann
Chronicles became the dominant historical genre in the transition period between Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages. While individual authors tended to build one on another, they also exerted considerable licence in rearranging the tralaticious material they found in previous compilations. Comparing Latin with Greek authors– Orosius, Isidore of Seville, Gregory of Tours, and John Malalas – the present contribution argues that all of these historical works, while summarising the history of antiquity, reflect discourses of their own day and age. These differences can be appreciated in comparing their specific views on the origin of sin in the world, on king Numa, and on the death of the Arian emperor Valens.
{"title":"Mythenauslegung, römische Königszeit und der Tod des Kaiser Valens: Christliche Interpretationen von Orosius bis Isidor von Sevilla","authors":"Dirk Rohmann","doi":"10.7146/CLASSICAETMEDIAEVALIA.V69I0.122173","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7146/CLASSICAETMEDIAEVALIA.V69I0.122173","url":null,"abstract":"Chronicles became the dominant historical genre in the transition period between Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages. While individual authors tended to build one on another, they also exerted considerable licence in rearranging the tralaticious material they found in previous compilations. Comparing Latin with Greek authors– Orosius, Isidore of Seville, Gregory of Tours, and John Malalas – the present contribution argues that all of these historical works, while summarising the history of antiquity, reflect discourses of their own day and age. These differences can be appreciated in comparing their specific views on the origin of sin in the world, on king Numa, and on the death of the Arian emperor Valens.","PeriodicalId":306790,"journal":{"name":"Classica et Mediaevalia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-09-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130707389","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-03-05DOI: 10.7146/classicaetmediaevalia.v69i0.118996
P. Christesen
At 9.85 Herodotus states that after the Battle of Plataia, the Lakedaimonians buried their dead in three separate graves: one for the ἱρέες, one for the rest of the Spartiates, and one for helots. Taken together with 9.71, this passage suggests that all of the Spartiates decorated for bravery at Plataia were priests, which seems prima facie improbable. The interpretive challenges presented by 9.85 have been the subject of lively scholarly debate since the eighteenth century because this passage potentially provides important evidence for Spartiates’ funerary, religious, and educational customs. With an eye to facilitating future research, this article offers a detailed conspectus of the extensive collection of relevant scholarship and, in part by drawing upon evidence from the archaeological excavations of the Tomb of the Lakedaimonians in the Kerameikos, identifies one reading, which involves athetizing part of 9.85, as the preferred interpretive approach.
{"title":"Herodotus 9.85 and Spartiate Burial Customs","authors":"P. Christesen","doi":"10.7146/classicaetmediaevalia.v69i0.118996","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.7146/classicaetmediaevalia.v69i0.118996","url":null,"abstract":"At 9.85 Herodotus states that after the Battle of Plataia, the Lakedaimonians buried their dead in three separate graves: one for the ἱρέες, one for the rest of the Spartiates, and one for helots. Taken together with 9.71, this passage suggests that all of the Spartiates decorated for bravery at Plataia were priests, which seems prima facie improbable. The interpretive challenges presented by 9.85 have been the subject of lively scholarly debate since the eighteenth century because this passage potentially provides important evidence for Spartiates’ funerary, religious, and educational customs. With an eye to facilitating future research, this article offers a detailed conspectus of the extensive collection of relevant scholarship and, in part by drawing upon evidence from the archaeological excavations of the Tomb of the Lakedaimonians in the Kerameikos, identifies one reading, which involves athetizing part of 9.85, as the preferred interpretive approach.","PeriodicalId":306790,"journal":{"name":"Classica et Mediaevalia","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-03-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115142178","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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