Pub Date : 2012-06-01DOI: 10.1057/9781137291844_11
F. Vandenbroucke, B. Cantillon, Natascha Van Mechelen, Tim Goedemé, Anne Van Lancker
{"title":"The EU and Minimum Income Protection: Clarifying the Policy Conundrum","authors":"F. Vandenbroucke, B. Cantillon, Natascha Van Mechelen, Tim Goedemé, Anne Van Lancker","doi":"10.1057/9781137291844_11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1057/9781137291844_11","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":306856,"journal":{"name":"Economic Inequality & the Law eJournal","volume":"18 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114157338","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The latter part of the twentieth century saw the near-universal recognition of the idea of children’s rights as human rights. At the same time, the conceptual basis for such rights remains largely under-theorized. Part of the aim of this article is to draw on the insights of the “capabilities approach” developed by Martha Nussbaum in philosophy, and Amartya Sen in economics, in order to provide a fuller theoretical justification of this kind. In addition, this article investigates the degree to which it will be justifiable, under such an approach, for international human rights law or national constitutions, to give special priority to children’s rights. It begins this task by first considering, and rejecting, potential justifications for such special priority based on the need to ensure the future self-reliance of children as adults and ideas about the special “innocence” of children; and, then, by developing two affirmative justifications for such special priority, based on the special vulnerability of children, and the special cost-effectiveness of protecting children’s rights. This article also explores the degree to which these principles may provide a starting point for thinking about more general trade-offs between different rights claims, or claimants, under a capabilities approach.
{"title":"Children's Rights and a Capabilities Approach: The Question of Special Priority","authors":"Rosalind Dixon, M. Nussbaum","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2060614","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2060614","url":null,"abstract":"The latter part of the twentieth century saw the near-universal recognition of the idea of children’s rights as human rights. At the same time, the conceptual basis for such rights remains largely under-theorized. Part of the aim of this article is to draw on the insights of the “capabilities approach” developed by Martha Nussbaum in philosophy, and Amartya Sen in economics, in order to provide a fuller theoretical justification of this kind. In addition, this article investigates the degree to which it will be justifiable, under such an approach, for international human rights law or national constitutions, to give special priority to children’s rights. It begins this task by first considering, and rejecting, potential justifications for such special priority based on the need to ensure the future self-reliance of children as adults and ideas about the special “innocence” of children; and, then, by developing two affirmative justifications for such special priority, based on the special vulnerability of children, and the special cost-effectiveness of protecting children’s rights. This article also explores the degree to which these principles may provide a starting point for thinking about more general trade-offs between different rights claims, or claimants, under a capabilities approach.","PeriodicalId":306856,"journal":{"name":"Economic Inequality & the Law eJournal","volume":"809 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-05-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123917481","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The recent opinion by the Office of Legal Counsel has created a lot of activity after years of uncertainty about the legality of Internet gaming in the United States. Internet gaming poses a threat of unknown magnitude to brick and mortar casinos, including Indian casinos. Because internet activities are difficult to regulate across state boundaries and national uniformity is likely to be more effective and more efficient than multiple state regulatory structures, Congress should federalize the regulation of Internet gaming. Congress should, however, consider the important role that Indian gaming has had in lifting the socioeconomic status of Indian people and improving the self-governance and self-sufficiency of Indian nations. Congress must insure that Indian tribes have an equal opportunity to be part of the future of Internet gaming.
美国法律顾问办公室(Office of Legal Counsel)最近的意见引发了许多活动，因为多年来人们对美国网络游戏的合法性一直存在不确定性。网络游戏对包括印度赌场在内的实体赌场构成了未知程度的威胁。由于互联网活动很难跨越州界进行监管，而国家统一可能比多个州的监管结构更有效，更有效率，国会应该将互联网游戏的监管联邦化。然而，国会应该考虑到印度游戏在提高印度人民的社会经济地位和改善印度民族的自治和自给自足方面所发挥的重要作用。国会必须确保印第安部落有平等的机会成为未来互联网游戏的一部分。
{"title":"Testimony: What's at Stake for Tribes? The U.S. Department of Justice Office of Legal Counsel Opinion on Internet Gaming, Oversight Hearing Before the United States Senate Committee on Indian Affairs, 112th Congress, 2nd Session","authors":"K. Washburn","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.1999813","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.1999813","url":null,"abstract":"The recent opinion by the Office of Legal Counsel has created a lot of activity after years of uncertainty about the legality of Internet gaming in the United States. Internet gaming poses a threat of unknown magnitude to brick and mortar casinos, including Indian casinos. Because internet activities are difficult to regulate across state boundaries and national uniformity is likely to be more effective and more efficient than multiple state regulatory structures, Congress should federalize the regulation of Internet gaming. Congress should, however, consider the important role that Indian gaming has had in lifting the socioeconomic status of Indian people and improving the self-governance and self-sufficiency of Indian nations. Congress must insure that Indian tribes have an equal opportunity to be part of the future of Internet gaming.","PeriodicalId":306856,"journal":{"name":"Economic Inequality & the Law eJournal","volume":"34 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-02-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128908077","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2011-08-24DOI: 10.4135/9781526421036825664
A. cummings
The 2008 election of President Barack Obama represents a halcyon moment in U.S. history. President Obama’s election begs a critical question: whether his nationwide landslide victory catapulted the United States, with its sordid racial past, into a truly post-racial place as many claim. While Obama’s election was possible due to important changes that have taken place in the United States in the past fifty years, the reality is that profound disparities continue to exist between minority and white Americans that show no sign of dissipating during this Obama presidency. Of these profound disparities, some of the most striking include those in the United States prison population, where 55% of all federal prisoners are African American while only 13% of the U.S. population is black. Further, the academic achievement gap between blacks and whites persists even for the black middle class, continuing to fuel theories of white supremacy and black inferiority. In a society where 74% of black Americans have personally experienced racial discrimination and where 76% of African Americans believe that they do not receive equal treatment from the police, the claim of post-racialism rings hollow. In arguing that much hard work remains before Americans can authentically claim a post-racial arrival, this Essay examines the recent 2008 financial market crisis as well as several recent isolated instances of American racial disharmony (Henry Louis Gates, Shirley Sherrod and Jordan Miles), in order to lay bare any post-racial claim.
{"title":"Post Racialism?","authors":"A. cummings","doi":"10.4135/9781526421036825664","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4135/9781526421036825664","url":null,"abstract":"The 2008 election of President Barack Obama represents a halcyon moment in U.S. history. President Obama’s election begs a critical question: whether his nationwide landslide victory catapulted the United States, with its sordid racial past, into a truly post-racial place as many claim. While Obama’s election was possible due to important changes that have taken place in the United States in the past fifty years, the reality is that profound disparities continue to exist between minority and white Americans that show no sign of dissipating during this Obama presidency. Of these profound disparities, some of the most striking include those in the United States prison population, where 55% of all federal prisoners are African American while only 13% of the U.S. population is black. Further, the academic achievement gap between blacks and whites persists even for the black middle class, continuing to fuel theories of white supremacy and black inferiority. In a society where 74% of black Americans have personally experienced racial discrimination and where 76% of African Americans believe that they do not receive equal treatment from the police, the claim of post-racialism rings hollow. In arguing that much hard work remains before Americans can authentically claim a post-racial arrival, this Essay examines the recent 2008 financial market crisis as well as several recent isolated instances of American racial disharmony (Henry Louis Gates, Shirley Sherrod and Jordan Miles), in order to lay bare any post-racial claim.","PeriodicalId":306856,"journal":{"name":"Economic Inequality & the Law eJournal","volume":"88 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-08-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115429372","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
How should we make interpersonal comparisons of well-being levels and differences? One branch of welfare economics eschews such comparisons, which are seen as impossible or unknowable; normative evaluation is based upon criteria such as Pareto or Kaldor-Hicks efficiency that require no interpersonal comparability. A different branch of welfare economics, for example optimal tax theory, uses “social welfare functions” (SWFs) to compare social states and governmental policies. Interpersonally comparable utility numbers provide the input for SWFs. But this scholarly tradition has never adequately explained the basis for these numbers.John Harsanyi, in his work on so-called “extended preferences,” advanced a fruitful idea. While an ordinary preference is a ranking of outcomes, an “extended preference” is a ranking of individual histories. To say that individual k has an extended preference for history (x; i) over (y; j) means something like the following: k prefers to have the attributes of individual i in outcome x, as opposed to having the attributes of individual j in outcome y. Harsanyi’s proposal was to endow individuals with “extended preferences”; to represent such preferences using “extended” utility functions; and to employ such functions, in turn, as the basis for interpersonal comparisons of well-being levels and differences.Harsanyi’s analysis, however, had various gaps and flaws. In this Article, I both diagnose these difficulties, and show how they can be remedied - yielding a viable account of interpersonal comparisons, one sufficient for the needs of the SWF approach.
{"title":"Harsanyi 2.0","authors":"M. Adler","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.1905087","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.1905087","url":null,"abstract":"How should we make interpersonal comparisons of well-being levels and differences? One branch of welfare economics eschews such comparisons, which are seen as impossible or unknowable; normative evaluation is based upon criteria such as Pareto or Kaldor-Hicks efficiency that require no interpersonal comparability. A different branch of welfare economics, for example optimal tax theory, uses “social welfare functions” (SWFs) to compare social states and governmental policies. Interpersonally comparable utility numbers provide the input for SWFs. But this scholarly tradition has never adequately explained the basis for these numbers.John Harsanyi, in his work on so-called “extended preferences,” advanced a fruitful idea. While an ordinary preference is a ranking of outcomes, an “extended preference” is a ranking of individual histories. To say that individual k has an extended preference for history (x; i) over (y; j) means something like the following: k prefers to have the attributes of individual i in outcome x, as opposed to having the attributes of individual j in outcome y. Harsanyi’s proposal was to endow individuals with “extended preferences”; to represent such preferences using “extended” utility functions; and to employ such functions, in turn, as the basis for interpersonal comparisons of well-being levels and differences.Harsanyi’s analysis, however, had various gaps and flaws. In this Article, I both diagnose these difficulties, and show how they can be remedied - yielding a viable account of interpersonal comparisons, one sufficient for the needs of the SWF approach.","PeriodicalId":306856,"journal":{"name":"Economic Inequality & the Law eJournal","volume":"91 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124210713","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Olaf van Vliet, J. Been, K. Caminada, K. Goudswaard
The ageing of populations and hampering economic growth increase pressure on public fi-nances in many advanced capitalist societies. Consequently, governments have adopted pen-sion reforms in order to relieve pressure on public finances. These reforms have contributed to a relative shift from public to private pension schemes. Since private social security plans are generally less redistributive than public social security, it can be hypothesized that the privatization of pension plans has led to higher levels of income inequality among the elderly. Existing empirical literature has mainly focused on cross-country comparisons at one moment in time or on time-series for a single country. This study contributes to the income inequality and pension literature by empirically analysing the distributional effects of shifts from public to private pension provision in 15 European countries for the period 1995-2007, using pooled time series cross-section regression analyses. Remarkably, we do not find empirical evidence that shifts from public to private pension provision lead to higher levels of income inequality or poverty among elderly people. The results appear to be robust for a wide range of econometric specifications.
{"title":"Pension Reform and Income Inequality Among the Elderly in 15 European Countries","authors":"Olaf van Vliet, J. Been, K. Caminada, K. Goudswaard","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.1909838","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.1909838","url":null,"abstract":"The ageing of populations and hampering economic growth increase pressure on public fi-nances in many advanced capitalist societies. Consequently, governments have adopted pen-sion reforms in order to relieve pressure on public finances. These reforms have contributed to a relative shift from public to private pension schemes. Since private social security plans are generally less redistributive than public social security, it can be hypothesized that the privatization of pension plans has led to higher levels of income inequality among the elderly. Existing empirical literature has mainly focused on cross-country comparisons at one moment in time or on time-series for a single country. This study contributes to the income inequality and pension literature by empirically analysing the distributional effects of shifts from public to private pension provision in 15 European countries for the period 1995-2007, using pooled time series cross-section regression analyses. Remarkably, we do not find empirical evidence that shifts from public to private pension provision lead to higher levels of income inequality or poverty among elderly people. The results appear to be robust for a wide range of econometric specifications.","PeriodicalId":306856,"journal":{"name":"Economic Inequality & the Law eJournal","volume":"9 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134210513","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper explores the history of African Americans in the U.S. economy since emancipation. With the end of the Civil War, some four million former slaves had gained their freedom, but the freed people faced daunting economic challenges, including poverty, illiteracy, and discrimination. Despite these adverse conditions, the economic status of African Americans improved over the ensuing century, if haltingly and unevenly. Progress was driven by three major forces. First, both inside and outside the South, black educational gains narrowed the black-white skill gap. Second, black workers moved to opportunities in burgeoning urban labor markets. Third, especially during the 1960s, racial discrimination in labor and other markets declined under pressure from the civil rights movement, equal opportunity law, and diminishing racial prejudice on the part of whites. The decades since the achievements of the 1960s present a decidedly more mixed picture. Overt racial discrimination plays a less substantial role in limiting the opportunities of African Americans in the U.S. economy than it did half a century ago. On the other hand, progress toward narrowing the economic gaps between blacks and whites has stagnated. Particularly concerning has been the concentration of poverty and social dislocation in inner-city neighborhoods, exploding black male incarceration rates, and the large and persistent racial skill gap.
{"title":"African Americans in the U.S. Economy Since Emancipation","authors":"W. Sundstrom","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.1895596","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.1895596","url":null,"abstract":"This paper explores the history of African Americans in the U.S. economy since emancipation. With the end of the Civil War, some four million former slaves had gained their freedom, but the freed people faced daunting economic challenges, including poverty, illiteracy, and discrimination. Despite these adverse conditions, the economic status of African Americans improved over the ensuing century, if haltingly and unevenly. Progress was driven by three major forces. First, both inside and outside the South, black educational gains narrowed the black-white skill gap. Second, black workers moved to opportunities in burgeoning urban labor markets. Third, especially during the 1960s, racial discrimination in labor and other markets declined under pressure from the civil rights movement, equal opportunity law, and diminishing racial prejudice on the part of whites. The decades since the achievements of the 1960s present a decidedly more mixed picture. Overt racial discrimination plays a less substantial role in limiting the opportunities of African Americans in the U.S. economy than it did half a century ago. On the other hand, progress toward narrowing the economic gaps between blacks and whites has stagnated. Particularly concerning has been the concentration of poverty and social dislocation in inner-city neighborhoods, exploding black male incarceration rates, and the large and persistent racial skill gap.","PeriodicalId":306856,"journal":{"name":"Economic Inequality & the Law eJournal","volume":"10 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-07-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125170014","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In The Moral Consequences of Economic Growth, Benjamin Friedman argues that growth reduces the strength of interpersonal income comparisons, and thereby tends to increases the desire for pro-social legislation, a position he supports by drawing on the historical records of the US and several Western European countries. We test this hypothesis using a variable from the World Values Survey that measures an individual's taste for government responsibility, which we interpret as a measure of the demand for egalitarian social policy. Our results provide support for a modified version of Friedman's hypothesis. In particular, we find that the taste for government responsibility is positively related to the recent change in the growth rate and negatively related to the change in income inequality. We conclude by discussing the implications of these findings for attempts to further the egalitarian social goals.
在《经济增长的道德后果》(The Moral Consequences of Economic Growth)一书中，本杰明·弗里德曼(Benjamin Friedman)认为，经济增长降低了人与人之间收入比较的强度，从而倾向于增加对亲社会立法的渴望，他通过引用美国和几个西欧国家的历史记录来支持这一立场。我们使用世界价值观调查(World Values Survey)中的一个变量来检验这一假设，该变量衡量个人对政府责任的品味，我们将其解释为对平等主义社会政策需求的衡量标准。我们的研究结果为弗里德曼假说的修正版本提供了支持。特别是，我们发现对政府责任的偏好与近期增长率的变化正相关，与收入不平等的变化负相关。最后，我们讨论了这些发现对进一步实现平等主义社会目标的影响。
{"title":"The Moral Consequences of Economic Growth: An Empirical Investigation","authors":"Lewis S. Davis, M. Knauss","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.1892177","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.1892177","url":null,"abstract":"In The Moral Consequences of Economic Growth, Benjamin Friedman argues that growth reduces the strength of interpersonal income comparisons, and thereby tends to increases the desire for pro-social legislation, a position he supports by drawing on the historical records of the US and several Western European countries. We test this hypothesis using a variable from the World Values Survey that measures an individual's taste for government responsibility, which we interpret as a measure of the demand for egalitarian social policy. Our results provide support for a modified version of Friedman's hypothesis. In particular, we find that the taste for government responsibility is positively related to the recent change in the growth rate and negatively related to the change in income inequality. We conclude by discussing the implications of these findings for attempts to further the egalitarian social goals.","PeriodicalId":306856,"journal":{"name":"Economic Inequality & the Law eJournal","volume":"27 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-07-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114244799","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The expected climate change is and will be fraught with conflicts at private, societal, and global levels. Because of the temporal scope of the developments, future generations as well will be affected by its consequences. Therefore, the debate on how to cope with climate change and its consequences necessarily includes pivotal ethical questions. Philosophical ethics critically reviews suggestions and arguments given in the debate and develops justified solutions. It therefore analyzes conflict constellations, reconstructs the conditions of and options for their resolution, and defines the limits of justifiability. Even though individual behavior lies in the focus of ethical consideration, the specific conditions for acting make organized collective action indispensable for achieving relevant effects. Because nobody can be obligated to actions that he or she cannot perform at all, or at least not successfully, all on one’s own (ultra posse nemo obligatur), organized and institutionalized action lie in the focus of ethical consideration. States especially, with their organizational and regulative power, are indispensable to manage social conflicts, to overcome social dilemmas, and to create suitable conditions for effective measures. Because there is no privileged principle of justice that guides the distribution of burdens and benefits in international cooperation, the procedural fairness of international negotiation is of special significance.
预期的气候变化在个人、社会和全球层面都充满了冲突。由于发展的时间范围，后代也将受到其后果的影响。因此，关于如何应对气候变化及其后果的辩论必然包括关键的伦理问题。哲学伦理学批判性地审查辩论中给出的建议和论点，并制定合理的解决方案。因此，本文分析了冲突星座，重构了冲突解决的条件和选择，并界定了可诉性的界限。尽管个人行为是伦理考虑的重点，但行动的特定条件使得有组织的集体行动对于实现相关效果不可或缺。因为没有人有义务去做他或她根本不能做的事，或者至少不能成功地做(ultra posse nemo obligation)，所以有组织和制度化的行为是伦理考虑的焦点。特别是拥有组织和管理权力的国家，对于管理社会冲突、克服社会困境和为采取有效措施创造适当条件是不可或缺的。由于在国际合作中不存在指导负担和利益分配的特权正义原则，因此国际谈判的程序公平具有特殊意义。
{"title":"Climate Justice","authors":"D. Farber","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.1883186","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.1883186","url":null,"abstract":"The expected climate change is and will be fraught with conflicts at private, societal, and global levels. Because of the temporal scope of the developments, future generations as well will be affected by its consequences. Therefore, the debate on how to cope with climate change and its consequences necessarily includes pivotal ethical questions. Philosophical ethics critically reviews suggestions and arguments given in the debate and develops justified solutions. It therefore analyzes conflict constellations, reconstructs the conditions of and options for their resolution, and defines the limits of justifiability. Even though individual behavior lies in the focus of ethical consideration, the specific conditions for acting make organized collective action indispensable for achieving relevant effects. Because nobody can be obligated to actions that he or she cannot perform at all, or at least not successfully, all on one’s own (ultra posse nemo obligatur), organized and institutionalized action lie in the focus of ethical consideration. States especially, with their organizational and regulative power, are indispensable to manage social conflicts, to overcome social dilemmas, and to create suitable conditions for effective measures. Because there is no privileged principle of justice that guides the distribution of burdens and benefits in international cooperation, the procedural fairness of international negotiation is of special significance.","PeriodicalId":306856,"journal":{"name":"Economic Inequality & the Law eJournal","volume":"172 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-07-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123175571","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper examines the relationship between income inequality and consumption inequality. For this purpose, we use data of urban and rural household's expenditures and incomes from 1966 to 2007 extracted from Iranian household’s budget surveys. We examine how the consumption inequality is related to the corresponding income inequality. Results indicate that income inequality has significant impact on consumption expenditures inequality. And all of the income fluctuations do not transmit in the consumption expenditures composition. So, the magnitude of consumption inequality is less than the magnitude of income inequality.
{"title":"Impact of Income Inequality on Consumption Expenditures Inequality: A Case Study of Iranian Households, 1966-2008","authors":"M. Fotros, R. Maaboudi","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.1844544","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.1844544","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines the relationship between income inequality and consumption inequality. For this purpose, we use data of urban and rural household's expenditures and incomes from 1966 to 2007 extracted from Iranian household’s budget surveys. We examine how the consumption inequality is related to the corresponding income inequality. Results indicate that income inequality has significant impact on consumption expenditures inequality. And all of the income fluctuations do not transmit in the consumption expenditures composition. So, the magnitude of consumption inequality is less than the magnitude of income inequality.","PeriodicalId":306856,"journal":{"name":"Economic Inequality & the Law eJournal","volume":"112 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-05-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130240267","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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