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Why Minor Powers Risk Wars with Major Powers最新文献

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Moldova
Pub Date : 2019-10-23 DOI: 10.1057/978-1-349-95839-9_1430
R. Haynes
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引用次数: 0
Index 指数
Pub Date : 2019-10-23 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctvr00xmm.16
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引用次数: 0
Back Matter 回到问题
Pub Date : 2019-10-23 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctvr00xmm.17
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引用次数: 0
Iraq: Military Confrontation with the United States and its Thirty-Three Allies 伊拉克:与美国及其33个盟国的军事对抗
Pub Date : 2019-10-23 DOI: 10.1332/policypress/9781529205206.003.0004
Marinko Bobić
This chapter traces the military confrontation between Iraq under Saddam Hussein and the United States backed by the international community, known as the Gulf War. To understand Saddam's decision to militarily engage the US, one must go back to his rise in power, his beliefs, and consequences of the Iraq-Iran war, as well as the invasion of Kuwait. The simplified explanation is that Saddam found himself in a difficult domestic situation. He had to maintain an extensive system of control, partially dependent on coercion, and partially dependent on incentives and rewards. This system was shaken by the Iraq-Iran war. While such domestic crisis alone might not have induced Saddam to fight a losing war, his anomalous beliefs ensured that he thought he could win by seeing the US as unable to stomach another war. In a way, such a belief could be interpreted as a wrongly-perceived window of opportunity. The counter-factual assessment provides additional evidence that a change in these conditions would likely have led to a different outcome.
本章追溯了萨达姆统治下的伊拉克与国际社会支持下的美国之间的军事对抗,即海湾战争。要理解萨达姆与美国进行军事接触的决定,我们必须回顾他的权力崛起、他的信仰、两伊战争以及入侵科威特的后果。最简单的解释是萨达姆发现自己的国内处境艰难。他必须维持一个广泛的控制体系,部分依赖于强制,部分依赖于激励和奖励。两伊战争动摇了这一体系。虽然这种国内危机本身可能不会促使萨达姆打一场必败的战争,但他反常的信念确保了他认为,只要看到美国无法忍受另一场战争,他就能获胜。在某种程度上,这种信念可以被解释为错误地感知机会之窗。反事实评估提供了额外的证据,表明这些条件的改变可能会导致不同的结果。
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引用次数: 0
About the Author 作者简介
Pub Date : 2019-10-23 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctvr00xmm.5
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引用次数: 0
List of Abbreviations 缩略语一览表
Pub Date : 2019-10-23 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctvr00xmm.4
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引用次数: 0
In Search of a Theory of Minor Powers in Interstate Asymmetric Conflict 探寻国家间不对称冲突中的小国理论
Pub Date : 2019-10-23 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctvr00xmm.8
Marinko Bobić
The second chapter presents the theoretical framework of minor powers in asymmetric interstate conflicts, in line with problem-driven pragmatism. The framework examines how foreign support, window of opportunity, domestic crisis, regime stability, and anomalous beliefs shape their choices, particularly the choice to go to war. There are theoretical disagreements over definite roles each condition plays, the reason why further inquiry is justified. Moreover, to account for the possibility that conditions can offset or complement each other, the concept of conjunctural causation is utilised, reflecting on greater complexity in understanding the asymmetric conflict. An important caveat is raised, namely, that this study focuses on conventional interstate wars, because, unlike unconventional conflict, state actors have identifiable territory, resources, and military personnel. Such exposure makes them more vulnerable in asymmetric conflict compared to the vulnerability of non-state actors.
第二章以问题驱动的实用主义为指导,提出了非对称国家间冲突中小国的理论框架。该框架考察了外国支持、机会之窗、国内危机、政权稳定和反常信仰如何影响他们的选择,特别是战争的选择。对于每种条件所起的确切作用,理论上存在分歧,这就是为什么有必要进一步研究的原因。此外,为了解释条件可以相互抵消或互补的可能性,使用了联合因果关系的概念,反映了理解不对称冲突的更大复杂性。这里提出了一个重要的警告,即本研究关注的是传统的国家间战争,因为与非常规冲突不同,国家行为体拥有可识别的领土、资源和军事人员。与非国家行为体的脆弱性相比,这种暴露使它们在不对称冲突中更加脆弱。
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引用次数: 0
Serbia: Military Confrontation with NATO 塞尔维亚:与北约的军事对抗
Pub Date : 2019-10-23 DOI: 10.1332/policypress/9781529205206.003.0006
Marinko Bobić
Chapter six covers the military confrontation launched by the NATO alliance against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia) in 1999. It explains why and under what conditions Slobodan Milošević’s regime rejected a peaceful settlement to the Kosovo conflict. It does so by highlighting how antagonisms in Kosovo presented a unique domestic crisis, giving Milošević an opportunity to seize power and ride on the popular sentiment, but also limited Milošević’s ability to compromise with Kosovo Albanians. To retain regime stability and popularity, Milošević resisted compromising on Kosovo. In addition, he was given foreign support by Russia, which opposed NATO intervention at a diplomatic level. Once the conditions change, a counter-factual analysis shows that so does their causal power, further strengthening the findings.
第六章叙述1999年北约联盟对南斯拉夫联邦共和国(塞尔维亚)发动的军事对抗。它解释了斯洛博丹Milošević政权为什么以及在什么条件下拒绝和平解决科索沃冲突。它通过强调科索沃的对立是如何呈现出一种独特的国内危机来做到这一点,这给Milošević提供了一个夺取权力和驾驭民意的机会,但也限制了Milošević与科索沃阿尔巴尼亚人妥协的能力。为了保持政权的稳定和声望,Milošević拒绝在科索沃问题上妥协。此外,他还得到了俄罗斯的支持,俄罗斯在外交层面上反对北约的干预。一旦条件发生变化,反事实分析表明,它们的因果关系也会发生变化,从而进一步加强了研究结果。
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引用次数: 0
Endnotes 尾注
Pub Date : 2019-10-23 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctvr00xmm.14
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引用次数: 0
Moldova: Military Confrontation with Russian Forces 摩尔多瓦:与俄罗斯军队的军事对抗
Pub Date : 2019-10-23 DOI: 10.1332/policypress/9781529205206.003.0005
Marinko Bobić
Chapter five focuses on the asymmetric conflict between Moldova and the Russian forces which supported separatists in Transnistria. The purpose was to uncover why Mircea Snegur’s Moldovan regime seemed unyielding to Russian demands, which resulted in armed conflict. The underlying argument is primarily based on the necessary condition, namely that Chisinau had a domestic crisis that needed immediate attention. Moldova was trying to claim its sovereignty, where an important step entailed establishing a common identity and territorial control. While Snegur’s presidency was stable and popular, it was dependent on nationalists’ support. Such dependency required policies that marginalised minorities and fuelled conflict with Russia, which wanted to retain Moldova within its sphere of influence. However, having perceived numerous crises unfolding in the late Soviet Union and emerging Russia, Snegur made a calculatable gamble that Russia would not be able to commit to a conflict. In other words, Snegur perceived a window of opportunity. The gamble failed, however. Nonetheless, with a counter-factual assessment, these findings are further strengthened.
第五章主要讨论摩尔多瓦与支持德涅斯特河沿岸分裂分子的俄罗斯军队之间的不对称冲突。调查的目的是找出米尔恰·斯涅古尔的摩尔多瓦政权为何对俄罗斯的要求不让步,从而导致了武装冲突。基本论点主要基于必要条件,即基希讷乌有一场需要立即注意的国内危机。摩尔多瓦正试图要求其主权,其中一个重要步骤是建立共同的特性和领土控制。虽然斯涅格尔的总统职位稳定而受欢迎,但它依赖于民族主义者的支持。这种依赖需要边缘化少数民族的政策,并加剧与俄罗斯的冲突,后者希望将摩尔多瓦留在其势力范围内。然而,在意识到苏联后期和新兴的俄罗斯出现了许多危机之后,斯涅格尔做了一个可以计算的赌博,即俄罗斯将无法参与冲突。换句话说,斯奈格发现了一个机会之窗。然而,这场赌博失败了。然而,通过反事实的评估,这些发现得到进一步加强。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Why Minor Powers Risk Wars with Major Powers
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