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China’s BRI expansion and great power ambition: The Silk Road on the ice connecting the Arctic 中国的“一带一路”扩张和大国野心:连接北极的冰上丝绸之路
Pub Date : 2019-01-25 DOI: 10.22261/CJES.F3OSGP
Kamrul Hossain, Yue Xu, Li Lifan
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引用次数: 2
Complex regionalism in Central Asia: Local, regional, and global factors 中亚的复杂地区主义:地方、区域和全球因素
Pub Date : 2018-12-19 DOI: 10.22261/CJES.J6Y3O7
M. Rakhimov
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引用次数: 4
Performing Eurasia in the textiles and clothing businesses along the Silk Road 在丝绸之路沿线的纺织和服装贸易中发挥欧亚作用
Pub Date : 2018-05-18 DOI: 10.22261/CJES.5N9400
Emma Dick, M Shahidi, G. Jorayev
The article looks at the processes, metaphors and politics of the “Silk Road” as an ideological concept and the ways in which “authenticity” is actively constructed, implemented and performed as a strategy for development by government, non-governmental agencies and business owners. Case studies from Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Kazakhstan are touched upon and material from interviews, observations and examples from material culture presented. This project seeks to analyse: the culture of the textiles business in Central Asia and how this operates at the seams of national-ethnic identity within the Eurasian context; the formal and informal business practices of the everyday, operating within the discourses of economic development; and how consumer culture may be interrogated as a means for performing identity at the local and global perspectives. Contemporary intersectional approaches to understanding the business of textiles and fashion in Central Asia should redress the marginalisation of academic efforts across multiple disciplines to unite the region inwardly and outwardly and call for an integrated approach to considering both the cultural and economic value of handmade textiles, which acknowledges and makes visible the role of the artisan, the designer, the entrepreneur, the retailer and all the stages that exist in the value chain between production the final consumer. The precursors to the current framework of research necessarily lie in the work of scholars of development and industrialisation established during the Soviet period. Their expertise must be called upon to enrich the perspective presented here, which is focused on contemporary craftsmanship and enterprise in Central Asia and how current practices in design and business may offer fruitful opportunities for development of the New Silk Road project, both intellectually and economically.
本文着眼于“丝绸之路”作为一种意识形态概念的过程、隐喻和政治,以及“真实性”作为一种发展战略被政府、非政府机构和企业主积极构建、实施和执行的方式。本书涉及乌兹别克斯坦、塔吉克斯坦和哈萨克斯坦的案例研究,并介绍了来自访谈、观察和物质文化实例的材料。该项目旨在分析:中亚纺织企业的文化,以及在欧亚背景下如何在民族民族认同的接缝处运作;日常的正式和非正式的商业实践,在经济发展的话语中运作;以及消费文化如何在本地和全球视角下作为一种表现身份的手段而受到质疑。理解中亚纺织品和时尚业务的当代交叉方法应该纠正跨多个学科的学术努力的边缘化,以团结该地区的内部和外部,并呼吁采取综合方法来考虑手工纺织品的文化和经济价值,承认并使工匠,设计师,企业家,零售商和价值链中存在的从生产到最终消费者的所有阶段。当前研究框架的先驱必然是苏联时期建立的发展和工业化学者的工作。他们的专业知识必须被呼吁来丰富这里所呈现的观点,该观点侧重于中亚的当代工艺和企业,以及当前的设计和商业实践如何为新丝绸之路项目的发展提供富有成效的机会,无论是在智力上还是在经济上。
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引用次数: 2
Ethno-cultural associations in Kazakhstan: The Soviet footprint and resources for civil society 哈萨克斯坦的民族文化协会:苏联的足迹和公民社会的资源
Pub Date : 2018-04-02 DOI: 10.22261/CJES.PDXWGC
Timur Alexandrov
This study examines ethno-cultural associations—public institutions representing interests of minority groups—and discusses their role in the development of civil society in ethnically rich Kazakhstan. Minority associations developed in Soviet times inherited Soviet-era property and certain charitable and social practices. The Soviet footprint translates into hierarchy and state subordination. Based on interviews with representatives of associations and their visitors in Almaty, the study focuses on their quotidian activities and attempts to explain why these associations are providers of various resources for civil society development. The findings show evidence of the state being a part of the institutional synergy in the civil sphere. As part of the Assembly of the People of Kazakhstan and being “government-organised NGOs,” ethno-cultural associations add their voice on “togetherness” and “unification” of diverse nationalities and to the official rhetoric of the new patriotic act. Despite transparent loyalty to the authorities and lacking a formal political agenda, cultural and social activities of these associations remain relatively autonomous. The study concludes that their real non-decorative functions deal with creating unionism, providing opportunities for social capital development, and fostering an understanding and appreciation of ethnic diversity. These associations have a potential to bridge the gap between communities while providing platforms for civic exchanges and being intermediaries between the public, the state and their kin states.
本研究考察了民族文化协会——代表少数民族利益的公共机构——并讨论了它们在民族丰富的哈萨克斯坦公民社会发展中的作用。苏联时期发展起来的少数民族协会继承了苏联时期的财产和某些慈善和社会习俗。苏联的足迹转化为等级制度和国家从属关系。根据对阿拉木图协会代表及其访客的采访,本研究侧重于他们的日常活动,并试图解释为什么这些协会是民间社会发展各种资源的提供者。研究结果表明,国家是民间领域制度协同作用的一部分。作为哈萨克斯坦人民大会的一部分和“政府组织的非政府组织”,民族文化协会为不同民族的“团结”和“统一”发声,并加入到新的爱国法案的官方修辞中。尽管这些协会明显忠于当局,没有正式的政治议程,但它们的文化和社会活动仍然相对自主。该研究得出结论,他们真正的非装饰功能是创造工会主义,为社会资本的发展提供机会,并促进对种族多样性的理解和欣赏。这些协会有可能弥合社区之间的差距,同时为公民交流提供平台,并成为公众、国家及其亲属国家之间的中介。
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引用次数: 2
Engagement and contestation: The entangled imagery of the Silk Road 参与与争论:丝绸之路的纠缠意象
Pub Date : 2018-03-01 DOI: 10.22261/CJES.Q4GIV6
Timur Dadabaev, R. Allison, A. Bukh
There is considerable debate over how and in what form Central Asian (CA) states should conduct relations among each other and with other post-Soviet states. The notion of the “Silk Road” has become one of the symbols of extended economic and political cooperation. Notably, however, Japan (Silk Road Diplomacy, 1996–1999), China (One Belt, One Road [OBOR] or the Belt and Road initiative [BRI]) and South Korea (Silk Road Strategy, 2011) have used the rhetoric of reviving the Silk Road to imply closer engagement with the CA region but with different connotations. This paper focuses on the formation of this discourse of engagement with the CA region through the notion of the Silk Road in China, South Korea and Japan and raises the following questions: What are the approaches that facilitate the most effective ways of engaging CA states under this “Silk Road” rhetoric? What are the principles that have detrimental effects on the successes and failures of the engagement of China, Japan and South Korea? The primary objective of this paper is to address these questions and to stimulate debate among both academics and policy makers on the formats of engagement and cooperation in Eurasia.
关于中亚(CA)国家之间以及与其他后苏联国家之间应该如何以及以何种形式处理关系,存在着相当大的争论。“丝绸之路”的概念已成为扩大经济和政治合作的象征之一。然而,值得注意的是,日本(1996-1999年的“丝绸之路外交”)、中国(“一带一路”或“一带一路”倡议)和韩国(“丝绸之路战略”,2011年)都使用复兴丝绸之路的修辞来暗示与中亚地区更密切的接触,但内涵不同。本文重点关注通过中国、韩国和日本的丝绸之路概念与中亚地区接触的话语形成,并提出以下问题:在这种“丝绸之路”的修辞下,哪些方法有助于最有效地与中亚国家接触?哪些原则对中国、日本和韩国接触的成败有不利影响?本文的主要目的是解决这些问题,并激发学者和政策制定者就欧亚大陆接触与合作的形式进行辩论。
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引用次数: 7
Energy security and pattern of regional conflicts in Eurasia: From a constructive framework of analysis 欧亚地区能源安全和地区冲突格局:一个建设性分析框架
Pub Date : 2018-02-21 DOI: 10.22261/CJES.UQ2OTI
Nalin Kumar Mohapatra
The term energy security is undergoing a sea change from a state-centric economic conception to a sociological one. The definitional aspect is undergoing a transformation because of the changing pattern of relations between “energy producing and consuming states” along with “transit states”. Eurasia is one such region where the broader definition of energy security can be applicable. The existence of historically rooted social conflicts like Chechnya, South Ossetia, Crimea, “simmering discontent” in Siberia and Far East, and primordial apprehensions between ethnic groups (Armenian and Azeri) in Nagorno Karabakh are providing a structural basis for the accentuation of regional conflicts. Most of these conflicts are taking place in Eurasia due to existence of natural resources like energy. Often competition over controlling transportation corridor is also generating societal tension. Some of these trajectories are putting this geopolitical space into a “cauldron.” Against this backdrop, Constructivism is emerging as a major theoretical approach to study the securitization processes in Eurasia.
能源安全一词正经历着从以国家为中心的经济概念向社会学概念的巨大转变。由于“能源生产国和消费国”以及“过境国”关系格局的变化,能源定义方面正在发生转变。欧亚大陆就是这样一个可以适用更广泛的能源安全定义的地区。车臣、南奥塞梯、克里米亚等历史上根深蒂固的社会冲突的存在,西伯利亚和远东地区“酝酿的不满”,以及纳戈尔诺-卡拉巴赫(Nagorno - Karabakh)少数民族(亚美尼亚人和阿塞拜疆人)之间的原始担忧,都为地区冲突的加剧提供了结构性基础。由于能源等自然资源的存在,这些冲突大多发生在欧亚大陆。通常,对交通走廊控制的竞争也会产生社会紧张局势。其中一些轨迹正在把这个地缘政治空间变成一个“大锅”。在此背景下,建构主义成为研究欧亚大陆证券化进程的主要理论方法。
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引用次数: 0
The Eurasian Silk Road: Its historical roots and the Chinese imagination 欧亚丝绸之路:历史根源与中国人的想象
Pub Date : 2018-02-01 DOI: 10.22261/CJES.XW4ESF
S. Church
This article takes a long historical perspective on the Silk Road, attempting to see it from a Chinese point of view. It focuses on five themes that figure in the Chinese imagination of the Silk Road, all rooted in China’s history. These include influences that came to China via the Silk Road in prehistoric and early historic times, patterns of military expansion of Chinese power in the Western regions, the threat of invasion from the northern and north-western frontiers, commercial exchanges and individual travel. Individuals journeyed across the Silk Road for diplomatic, military, commercial and sometimes religious reasons and the various themes overlap to some extent. Some myths are also dispelled: first, the Silk Road was not one route but many; second, other commodities besides silk travelled along it and third, the maritime Silk Road should also be included in the concept. Under Mongol rule, the route was at times an unbroken corridor between East and West on which many people travelled in both directions. When the Mongol empire broke up, travel overland was restricted again, which may have been why China took to the seas in the Ming. At present, China is building a New Silk Road to connect with the rest of the world in a more integrated way than ever before. The focus of this article is on establishing the patterns of the past in the hopes that it will contribute to the discussion of whether these patterns will be repeated in the present or if we are in completely uncharted territory. China’s perspective on the historical Silk Road is such a large topic that one would need several volumes to do it justice. This article focuses on certain key themes that figure in the Chinese imagination of the Silk Road, all rooted in China’s history and the history of her interaction with Eurasia and the rest of the world in premodern times (roughly before 1800 CE). The first of these themes is that while the term “Silk Road” is relatively new in origin, having been coined by the geologist Baron Ferdinand von Richthofen (1833–1905) in 1877, the Silk Road itself, defined collectively from the Chinese perspective as the various overland routes extending from China’s north-western and western frontiers to Central Asia and beyond, was a corridor for the exchange of goods and the transfer of information dating back to prehistoric times. It was the route by which many foreign influences came into China during the formative years of Chinese civilisation. The second theme is that beginning with the Han dynasty (206 BCE–220 CE), China’s state expansion into the north-western and western frontiers tended to be sporadic, with military expeditions and the establishment of protectorates undertaken by ambitious emperors during the early years of strong dynasties, such as the Han and Tang, when there was ample wealth to support these operations.When these campaigns became overextended and the regime’s wealth drained away from the provision of essential goods and service
这篇文章从历史的角度来看待丝绸之路,试图从中国人的角度来看待它。它聚焦于中国对丝绸之路想象中的五个主题,这些主题都植根于中国的历史。这些影响包括史前和早期历史时期通过丝绸之路传入中国的影响,中国在西部地区的军事扩张模式,来自北方和西北边境的入侵威胁,商业交流和个人旅行。人们为了外交、军事、商业,有时还有宗教原因而穿越丝绸之路,各种主题在某种程度上重叠。一些神话也被打破了:首先,丝绸之路不是一条路线,而是多条路线;第二,除了丝绸之外,其他商品也会沿着丝绸之路流通。第三,海上丝绸之路也应该包括在内。在蒙古人的统治下,这条路线有时是东西方之间不间断的走廊,许多人在两个方向上旅行。当蒙古帝国解体时,陆路旅行再次受到限制,这可能就是中国在明朝走向海洋的原因。当前,中国正在建设新丝绸之路,以前所未有的一体化方式与世界接轨。本文的重点是建立过去的模式,希望它将有助于讨论这些模式是否会在现在重复,或者我们是否处于完全未知的领域。中国对历史上丝绸之路的看法是一个如此庞大的话题,以至于需要好几卷才能公正地表达出来。这篇文章关注的是中国人对丝绸之路想象中的一些关键主题,这些主题都植根于中国的历史以及她在前现代时期(大约在公元1800年之前)与欧亚大陆和世界其他地区的互动历史。第一个主题是,虽然“丝绸之路”一词的起源相对较新,是由地质学家费迪南德·冯·里希特霍芬男爵(1833-1905)于1877年创造的,但丝绸之路本身,从中国人的角度来看,被统称为从中国西北和西部边境延伸到中亚及其他地区的各种陆路路线,是一条可以追溯到史前时代的货物交换和信息传递的走廊。在中国文明的形成时期,许多外国影响都是通过这条路线进入中国的。第二个主题是,从汉朝(公元前206年-公元220年)开始,中国向西北和西部边境的国家扩张往往是零星的,在强大王朝的早期,如汉唐,当有充足的财富支持这些行动时,雄心勃勃的皇帝会进行军事远征和建立保护国。然而,当这些运动变得过度扩张,政府的财富从向中国政治中心的民众提供基本商品和服务中枯竭时,国家往往会退出这些遥远的活动,以便将有限的资源部署在更紧迫的国内问题上。通过这种方式,我们可以看到,尽管中国对1并不缺乏兴趣,但在中亚地图上,它的德文形式(die Seidenstraße)被用来表示东西方之间的贸易路线。该地图发表于《费迪南德·冯·里希霍芬:Ergebnisse eigener Reisen und darauf gegr<s:1> ndeter studen》(柏林:D. Reimer, 1877)。剑桥J.欧亚种马。#XW4ESF | https://doi.org/10.22261/CJES.XW4ESF在世界其他地方,她的首要任务是照顾自己国内的人民。因此,在国内出现危机的时候,她倾向于放弃外交事务,把注意力集中在国内事务上。第三,由于中国的北部和西北部边境容易受到游牧民族和其他外国入侵者的袭击,北部、西北部和西部的边境地区被视为威胁帝国和平与安全的潜在来源,特别是在国内混乱、分裂和软弱的时候。第四个主题是,某些商品往往会在丝绸之路上遇到,或者在丝绸之路上进行交易,比如葡萄酒、玉石和马,由于它们在诗歌和历史记载中被提及,它们与丝绸之路联系在一起,并融入了中国人对丝绸之路的想象。这里要讨论的最后一个主题是,几个世纪以来,某些人往往独立于重大的政治和经济事件,穿越了分隔东西方的遥远距离。他们每个人都有自己的旅行理由,无论是出于军事或外交任务,还是出于宗教目的或商业利益。
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引用次数: 4
Afghanistan in the whirlwind of US-Russia rivalry in Central Asia 阿富汗卷入了美俄在中亚的竞争旋风
Pub Date : 2017-11-29 DOI: 10.22261/CJES.4ZEWGU
Yahia Baiza
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引用次数: 2
Re-interpreting cultural values: Tajikistani students abroad 重新诠释文化价值:塔吉克斯坦留学生
Pub Date : 2017-11-15 DOI: 10.22261/CJES.DKC8NT
Nazira Sodatsayrova, Anise Waljee
This article looks at the mobility of Tajikistani students and how they negotiate their place in an increasing globalised world, where national boundaries are becoming more navigable. It explores how structural and cultural factors intersect and influence young people’s choices as they re-shape their connections to their homeland, and re-negotiate cultural meanings in the new geographical and cultural contexts they find themselves in. This inquiry uses the concept of translocality which frames the negotiation of cultural meanings in a distant geographical and (host) cultural space by acknowledging the place of the “local connection” within international mobility. It does this by examining students’ perceptions of two cultural concepts: nomus or “keeping the family name high in the community” and kase shudan or “being the shaper of one’s own destiny.” Drawing on Stephen and Storey’s conceptualisation of culture (and the local notions of agency) the article explores how continuity and contestation are juxtaposed and brought to bear on the new meaning-making by the students, against the national and international agendas that define student mobility choices. Using qualitative methodology, the researchers engaged with Tajikistani research participants in England and Japan, and looked at what those decisions about mobility mean for the individual students, locating them in a translocal (as opposed to a transnational) space. The article finds that contrary to the usual expectations of immigrants adhering more closely to cultural values (for fear of diluting them) in a new setting, while the local cultures keep evolving, these students re-interpreted traditional values to take account of their new settings and their exposure to new cultures and spaces and sought to expand meanings rather than constrain them in traditional moulds.
本文着眼于塔吉克斯坦学生的流动性,以及他们如何在日益全球化的世界中谈判自己的位置,在这个世界上,国家边界变得更加容易驾驭。它探讨了结构和文化因素如何交叉并影响年轻人的选择,因为他们重新塑造他们与祖国的联系,并在新的地理和文化背景下重新谈判文化意义。这项研究使用了跨地域的概念,通过承认“当地联系”在国际流动中的地位,在遥远的地理和(东道国)文化空间中构建文化意义的谈判。它通过调查学生对两种文化概念的看法来做到这一点:nomus或“保持家族姓氏在社区中的地位”和kase shudan或“成为自己命运的塑造者”。借鉴Stephen和Storey对文化的概念化(以及当地的代理概念),本文探讨了连续性和争议性是如何并列的,并在学生的新意义创造中发挥作用,反对定义学生流动选择的国家和国际议程。研究人员使用定性方法,与英国和日本的塔吉克斯坦研究参与者进行了接触,并研究了这些关于流动性的决定对个体学生意味着什么,将他们定位在跨地方(而不是跨国)的空间中。文章发现,与移民在新环境中更紧密地坚持文化价值观(担心稀释它们)的通常期望相反,当当地文化不断发展时,这些学生重新解释了传统价值观,以考虑到他们的新环境和他们接触到新的文化和空间,并寻求扩展意义而不是将其限制在传统模式中。
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引用次数: 0
Competition for pipeline export routes in the Caspian region: The new Great Game of the new Silk Road? 里海地区管道出口路线的竞争:新丝绸之路的新大博弈?
Pub Date : 2017-09-20 DOI: 10.22261/5B75G8
Serik Orazgaliyev, W. Ostrowski, Paul Kubicek
It has often been argued that since 1991 Central Asian and Caspian region had become a playground for the New Great Game between the global superpowers. Analysing the geopolitical competition for Caspian energy resources, this article argues that the New Great Game framework has its limitations as it fails to incorporate the active role played by the Newly Independent Caspian (NIC) states. One cannot deny the fact that the strategic competition among the geopolitical powers for hydrocarbon resources of the Caspian shaped the trajectories of the new pipeline routes. At the same time, the NIC states, namely, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan benefited from the competition as they managed to diversify their export options, achieving greater political and economic independence. In the end, the interaction between the NIC states and energy consumers has led to strengthened energy cooperation along the same area where the ancient Silk Road crossed East Asia, Central Asia and Europe. The findings support the theoretical argument of the article, which stipulates that in exploring the developments in the Caspian region both realist and liberal theories of international relations should be applied in conjunction.
人们经常认为,自1991年以来,中亚和里海地区已成为全球超级大国之间新大博弈的游乐场。本文分析了里海能源的地缘政治竞争,认为新大博弈框架有其局限性,因为它没有纳入新独立的里海国家所发挥的积极作用。不可否认的事实是,地缘政治大国之间对里海碳氢化合物资源的战略竞争决定了新管道路线的轨迹。与此同时,NIC国家,即阿塞拜疆、哈萨克斯坦和土库曼斯坦从竞争中受益,因为它们设法使出口选择多样化,实现了更大的政治和经济独立。最后,NIC国家与能源消费国之间的互动,使得古丝绸之路横跨东亚、中亚和欧洲的同一地区的能源合作得到加强。调查结果支持文章的理论论点,其中规定,在探讨里海地区的发展时,国际关系的现实主义理论和自由主义理论应同时适用。
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引用次数: 9
期刊
Cambridge Journal of Eurasian Studies
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