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The Prophet, His Mevlud, and the Building of the Albanian Nation-State 先知,他的梅夫鲁德和阿尔巴尼亚民族国家的建立
Pub Date : 2021-11-10 DOI: 10.1163/9789004466753_012
Gianfranco Bria
This chapter aims to explain how the mevlud ( mawlid in Arabic, mevlit in Turkish) was linked to processes of nation-state building in Albania. For Albanians the term mevlud has various meanings, relating to the birth or birthday of the Prophet, celebratory events connected with his birth, and the artistic forms or genres that evolve along with and accompany these celebrations, such as panegyric poems. The present chapter concerns the latter two meanings, and treats them separately. Its first section analyses how translations into Albanian of the most widespread Turkish mevlit text, S ü leyman Ç elebi’s Vesîletü’n-Necât , underpinned the process of nation-building after the end of the Ottoman period, and contributed to forming an Islamic national literature and diffusing the Albanian language. Our second section analyses the affirmation of the mevlud festival as a symbol of Sunnī Islam during the interwar period and its subsequent suppression by the Communist regime, which substantially erased the community’s memory of the mevlud celebrations. Our aim is to understand the incorporation of the Sunnī authorities into national ideologies, and how they in turn use the mevlud ritual as a means of legitimis-ing their identity and leadership. The final section of the chapter examines the post-socialist revival of mevlud practices, secularised (and nationalised) by Sunnī national authorities and reshaped by foreign actors in a plural religious setting where believers, who are expressing their individual (and by now highly diversified) religiosity, know such traditions only superficially. Our aim is to understand how first socialist secularisation and then Salafist/globalised literalism decultured and alienated this ritual.
本章旨在解释mevlud(阿拉伯语为mawlid,土耳其语为mevlit)是如何与阿尔巴尼亚民族国家建设进程联系在一起的。对阿尔巴尼亚人来说,mevlud一词有各种含义,与先知的出生或生日、与他的出生有关的庆祝活动以及随着这些庆祝活动而发展的艺术形式或流派,如颂诗。本章涉及后两种含义,并分别对待它们。它的第一部分分析了最广泛的土耳其梅夫利特文本(S ü leyman Ç elebi的Vesîletü ' n- nec)的阿尔巴尼亚语翻译是如何支撑奥斯曼帝国时期结束后的国家建设进程的,并有助于形成伊斯兰民族文学和传播阿尔巴尼亚语。我们的第二部分分析了在两次世界大战期间,mevludd节作为逊尼派伊斯兰教象征的肯定,以及随后共产党政权的镇压,这基本上抹去了社区对mevludd庆祝活动的记忆。我们的目的是了解将逊派权威纳入国家意识形态,以及他们如何反过来利用米夫鲁德仪式作为使其身份和领导合法化的手段。本章的最后一部分考察了后社会主义复兴的梅夫鲁德实践,被逊尼派国家当局世俗化(和国有化),并在多元宗教环境中被外国行动者重塑,在这种宗教环境中,信徒们表达了他们个人(现在高度多样化)的宗教信仰,对这些传统只是肤浅的了解。我们的目标是理解首先是社会主义世俗化,然后是萨拉菲斯特/全球化的字面主义如何使这种仪式失去文化和异化。
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引用次数: 0
The Prophet in the Qurʾān 古兰经中的先知ān
Pub Date : 2021-11-10 DOI: 10.1163/9789004466739_004
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引用次数: 0
The Place and Functions of the Figure of the Prophet in Turkish School Textbooks and General Religious Teaching 先知形象在土耳其学校教科书和一般宗教教学中的地位和作用
Pub Date : 2021-11-10 DOI: 10.1163/9789004466753_011
Dilek Sarmis
The involvement of the Turkish state in religious teaching has a complex history, shaped by its particular relationship with secularism. The foundation of the Turkish Republic was based on a transfer of the prerogatives of şeyhülislam to the institutions of the new republican state, as part of a movement towards institutional secularisation, understood as a transfer to the state of authority over religious affairs. Religious education in public primary and secondary schools already existed at the end of the Ottoman Empire, and was maintained when the Turkish Republic was founded in 1923, but its extent varied in the subsequent decades. By the beginning of the 1930s religious instruction had almost disappeared from public schools, but its rehabilitation began at the end of the 1940s, brought about by politicians who used the importance of religion in national culture and its benefits in the forming of citizens to justify its gradual return; its indirect status as an Islamic reference point in the general education system fits in with the nationalistic politics of the Turkish state during and since the 1940s. In recent years, as a result of a movement that began during the early 1980s, courses in religious culture have become generalised throughout public education, both primary and secondary. In this context the place occupied by the Prophet in the disciplines concerned relates not only to his centrality as messenger, historic figure, and receiver of the revelation, but to concepts of republican citizenship.
土耳其政府参与宗教教学有着复杂的历史,这是由其与世俗主义的特殊关系所决定的。土耳其共和国的基础是将伊斯兰教的特权转移到新的共和国家的机构,作为机构世俗化运动的一部分,被理解为转移到宗教事务的权力国家。在奥斯曼帝国末期,公立小学和中学的宗教教育已经存在,并在1923年土耳其共和国成立时得到维持,但在随后的几十年里,其程度有所不同。到20世纪30年代初,宗教教育几乎从公立学校消失了,但在20世纪40年代末,宗教教育开始恢复,这是由政治家们带来的,他们利用宗教在国家文化中的重要性及其对公民形成的好处来证明宗教的逐渐回归是合理的;它在普通教育体系中作为伊斯兰参考点的间接地位,与20世纪40年代以来土耳其国家的民族主义政治相吻合。近年来,由于20世纪80年代初开始的一场运动,宗教文化课程在中小学的公共教育中得到普及。在这种背景下,先知在相关学科中所占据的地位不仅与他作为信使、历史人物和启示接受者的中心地位有关,而且与共和公民的概念有关。
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引用次数: 0
Theology of Veneration of the Prophet Muḥammad 崇拜先知神学Muḥammad
Pub Date : 2021-11-10 DOI: 10.1163/9789004466739_008
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引用次数: 0
Présence du Prophète dans l’art du panégyrique (madīḥ) et de l’audition spirituelle (samāʿ) 可是对艺术中的先知的存在(madī精神和听力(samāḥ)ʿ)
Pub Date : 2021-11-10 DOI: 10.1163/9789004466739_017
Thami El Harrak, spirituelle samā, M. Harrak, El Harrak
Pour suivre les traces de la présence du Prophète dans l’art du panégyrique, il faut observer la manière dont se dessinent les traits de sa personne dans des textes destinés à être chantés1. Dans ces textes s’interpénètrent poésie, mélodie, mesure rythmique et chant. Ils sont produits et reçus dans divers contextes religieux et dans certains lieux : mosquées, zaouias, mausolées et maisons privés. Leur production est soumise à certaines conditions et aménagements qui favorisent l’impact de ces chants sur les âmes et les esprits à la mesure des significations et des valeurs qu’ils véhiculent. Si nous considérons le corpus poétique du panégyrique et de l’audition spirituelle, nous trouvons d’un côté des textes qui chantent la présence prophétique et de l’autre, des textes soufis ou « parole des initiés » (kalām al-qawm) dont l’objet est la présence divine. La composition de ces textes s’étend sur des siècles et leurs auteurs ont vécu dans divers temps et lieux, entre Orient, Andalus et Maghreb. On a également affaire à plusieurs genres : poésie classique, muwashshaḥ, zajal andalou et malḥûn maghrébin. Ces textes sont chantés dans toutes sortes de circonstances religieuses et sociales, privées et publiques, dans les moments de joie et de tristesse. Ils accompagnent le musulman en général et le musulman marocain en particulier du berceau à la tombe. Il est donc impossible de rendre compte de tous les aspects que revêt dans ces textes la figure de l’Élu de Dieu. C’est pourquoi notre présentation consistera à relever les principaux thèmes où se manifeste plus particulièrement la présence du Prophète et par lesquels ils exercent une fonction spirituelle et esthétique, tant sur le plan individuel que collectif. A propos de ces chants, il faut tenir compte des deux faces de cet art : la première, comme on l’a dit axée sur la présence prophétique, est partagée par tous, le grand public et les initiés, car elle n’est pas exposée à la critique dont peuvent être l’objet les poèmes destinés aux initiés, caractérisés par leur langage allusif et symbolique, bachique et érotique, expression d’une
要在赞美的艺术中追踪先知的存在,我们必须观察他的性格特征是如何在要唱的文本中被描绘出来的在这些文本中,诗歌、旋律、节奏和歌曲交织在一起。它们是在各种宗教环境和某些地方生产和接受的:清真寺、zawiyah、陵墓和私人住宅。它们的制作受到一定的条件和安排的限制,这些条件和安排有利于这些歌曲对灵魂和精神的影响,与它们所传达的意义和价值相称。看看大全颂词的诗意和听力文本的精神,我们一边唱着预言,另一边,苏菲文本的存在或«»圈内人的发言(kal al-qawmām),其目标是神圣的存在。这些文本的构成跨越了几个世纪,它们的作者生活在不同的时间和地点,在东方、安达卢西亚和马格里布之间。还有几个流派:古典诗学打交道,muwashshaḥzajal、安达卢西亚和邪恶ḥ有人北非人。这些歌词在各种宗教和社会环境中演唱,无论是私人的还是公共的,在欢乐和悲伤的时刻。他们陪伴着穆斯林,尤其是摩洛哥穆斯林从摇篮到坟墓。因此,在这些经文中,不可能描述上帝的选民的形象所包含的所有方面。这就是为什么我们的演讲将包括强调先知的存在特别表现出来的主要主题,并通过这些主题在个人和集体层面上发挥精神和美学功能。说起这些歌曲时,必须考虑到这种艺术的两面:第一,注重预言的存在,正如大家所共享,是公众和知情者,因为她没有暴露在可能遭受的批评,针对初学者的诗歌语言的特点,其allusif和bachique和情爱的象征,一个表情
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引用次数: 1
Les poèmes d’éloge du Prophète de Lisān al-Dīn Ibn al-Khāṭīb (713-776/1313-1374 ou 75) 先知的诗赞扬百合花al-Dānīn Ibn al-Khāṭīb(713-776/1313-1374或75)
Pub Date : 2021-11-10 DOI: 10.1163/9789004466739_016
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引用次数: 0
Visualising the Prophet – Rhetorical and Graphic Aspects of Three Ottoman-Turkish Poems 可视化先知——三首奥斯曼-土耳其诗歌的修辞和图形方面
Pub Date : 2021-11-10 DOI: 10.1163/9789004466739_022
Süleymān Çelebi’s, Tobias Heinzelmann
: Narrative and panegyric poems about the Prophet Muḥammad were among the most widely read texts in the Ottoman Empire. They made the Prophet accessible to a broad readership; they were recited during rites; and the acts of copying them with one’s own hand, reading them, and presenting them as endowments promised reward on the day of judgement. There also was a strong visual aspect to the production and usage of these manuscripts: the beauty of the Prophet, the beauty of the (spoken) word, and the beauty of the handwriting were interrelated. Much can therefore be learned about the image of the Prophet Muḥammad in Ottoman society, and specifically in Ottoman book culture, by analysing this interrelation. In my study I focus on three poems, which are preserved in large numbers in manuscript collections all over the world, and which were published in several printed editions – Süleymān Çelebi’s Vesīlet en-Necāt (812/1409), Yazıcıoğlı Muḥammed’s Muḥammedīye (853/1449), and Ḫāḳānī’s Ḥilye (1007/1598–9). These have several features in common: their topic (the biography and/or the physiognomy of Muḥammad); their form (poetry); the fact that the texts are transmitted with the signature of their author; and a precise date. However, the authors employed very different strategies to visualise the Prophet, and so did the copyists, calligraphers, and illustrators. The three texts are analysed successively. Each section begins with a short survey of the intention of the authors as described in prefaces or colophons, and, if relevant, later biographical and hagiographical texts. Then the structure of the texts and narrative, along with their poetical and rhetorical characteristics, will be described, and, in a concluding step, the interrelation with graphic aspects of selected manuscripts and printed copies is explored. Muḥammad in
:关于先知Muḥammad的叙事诗和赞美诗是奥斯曼帝国最广泛阅读的文本之一。他们使《先知》有广泛的读者群;它们在仪式中被诵读;亲手抄写,阅读,并作为礼物呈上的行为保证在审判之日得到回报。这些手稿的制作和使用也有很强的视觉方面:先知的美、(口头)文字的美和笔迹的美是相互关联的。因此,通过分析这种相互关系,可以了解到许多关于先知Muḥammad在奥斯曼社会中的形象,特别是在奥斯曼图书文化中。在我的研究中,我重点研究了三首诗,它们大量保存在世界各地的手稿集中,并以几个印刷版出版:Süleymān Çelebi的ves let en-Necāt (812/1409), Yazıcıoğlı Muḥammed的Muḥammedīye(853/1449)和Ḫāḳānī的Ḥilye(1007/1598-9)。它们有几个共同的特点:它们的主题(Muḥammad的传记和/或地貌);他们的形式(诗歌);文本是在作者签名的情况下传送的;还有一个精确的日期。然而,作者采用了非常不同的策略来想象先知,抄写员、书法家和插画家也是如此。对这三篇文章进行了先后分析。每个部分开始与作者的意图,如在序言或附注描述的简短调查,如果相关,后来的传记和圣徒文本。然后文本和叙事的结构,随着他们的诗意和修辞的特点,将被描述,并在最后一步,与选定的手稿和印刷副本的图形方面的相互关系进行了探讨。μḥammad在
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引用次数: 0
Al-Dawla al-nabawiyya
Pub Date : 2021-11-10 DOI: 10.1163/9789004466753_019
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引用次数: 0
The Prophet as a Sacred Spring: Late Ottoman Hilye Bottles 先知是神圣的泉源:晚期奥斯曼希尔耶瓶
Pub Date : 2021-11-10 DOI: 10.1163/9789004466739_021
C. Gruber
Among its vast collection of manuscripts, the Topkapı Palace Library in Istanbul preserves four large glass bottles filled with devotional objects and ornaments. Three of these bottles contain hilyes, or verbal descriptions of the Prophet Muḥammad, while a fourth contains a miniature Qurʾān displayed on a wooden stand decorated with colorful beads (Figure 18.1). Executed by the under-glass painter Muḥammad Rifʿat and dated 1308/1891, the Qurʾān bottle has at least four companion pieces held in two other museums in Istanbul.1 Although Qurʾān bottles will not be discussed in the present essay, their production alongside hilye bottles suggests that these glass containers were intended to house both the icons of God (via His holy book) and the Prophet (via his verbal icon). At present, hilye bottles remain understudied. While about a dozen exist in international collections,2 one bottle emerged on the art market some years ago under the title “lodge hilye” (tekke hilyesi)3 and another hilye bottle dated 1219/1804–5 is currently on display in the Mevlevihane Museum in Galata, Istanbul.4 As is evident from the Topkapı Palace materials, however, hilye
在其大量的手稿收藏中,伊斯坦布尔的托普卡比宫图书馆保存了四个大玻璃瓶,里面装满了虔诚的物品和装饰品。其中三个瓶子里装着对先知Muḥammad的口头描述,而第四个瓶子里装着一个微型的古兰经ān,陈列在一个装饰着彩色珠子的木架上(图18.1)。古兰经ān瓶子由玻璃下画家Muḥammad Rif ā at制作,日期为138 /1891年,在伊斯坦布尔的另外两个博物馆中至少有四个伙伴。1尽管古兰经ān瓶子将不会在本文中讨论,但它们与山瓶一起生产表明这些玻璃容器旨在容纳上帝的图标(通过他的圣书)和先知(通过他的口头图标)。目前,hilye瓶仍未得到充分研究。虽然大约有十几瓶在国际收藏中,但几年前在艺术市场上出现了一瓶,名为“洛奇·希尔耶”(tekke hilyesi)3,另一瓶日期为1219/1804-5的希尔耶瓶目前在伊斯坦布尔加拉塔的Mevlevihane博物馆展出。然而,从托普卡比宫的材料可以明显看出,希尔耶
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引用次数: 1
Religious Revival (tajdīd) and Politics in Contemporary Morocco 当代摩洛哥的宗教复兴与政治
Pub Date : 2021-11-10 DOI: 10.1163/9789004466753_016
Rachida Chih
The most popular of the so-called Islamist movements in Morocco, Justice and Spirituality (al-ʿAdl wa-l-Iḥsān), was not born out of opposition to Sufism, as was the case for most such theological and political movements in the contemporary Muslim world, which have rejected Sufi practices as reprehensible innovations (bidʿa). On the contrary, it was inspired by Islamic spirituality and the Sufi concept of imitation of the Prophet (ittibāʾ al-nabī) in the interior lives of believers as in their outward acts. The founder of this movement, Shaykh Abdessalam Yassine (d. 2012), laid claim to the earthly heritage of the Prophet, in competition with both Morocco’s monarchy, to which he was openly opposed, and the Sufi brotherhoods from which he sprang and ultimately distanced himself. Unlike the monarchy, Shaykh Yassine does not justify his Prophetic legitimacy by means of sharaf genealogy (although he nevertheless remembered to underline the fact that he was also a descendant of the Prophet, in the Idrīsid branch), but because of his exemplary conduct, conforming in every way to the Muḥammadan model. In addition, his mission is different from that of the monarchy, which exercises political power, or that of his original Sufi brotherhood, the Qādiriyya-Būdshīshiyya, which teaches spiritual progression and realisation: Yassine worked towards reform and social justice, which may explain why his teachings have mostly been studied by sociologists or political scientists.1 Yassine’s ideas were not restricted to the field of politics, in which his positions earned him the status of principal opponent of the monarchy. Above all a man of religion, very heavily influenced by or even impregnated with Sufism, he was a major Muslim thinker of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries and author of an important body of work that is much discussed at international conferences. The Qādiriyya-Būdshīshiyya Sufi brotherhood and Justice and
摩洛哥最受欢迎的所谓伊斯兰运动,正义与灵性(al- al- Adl wa-l-Iḥsān),并不像当代穆斯林世界的大多数神学和政治运动那样,诞生于对苏菲主义的反对,这些运动将苏菲的实践视为应受谴责的创新(bid ā a)。相反,它的灵感来自伊斯兰教的灵性和苏菲派的概念,即在信徒的内心生活中模仿先知(ittibna - al- nabi),就像在他们的外在行为中一样。这一运动的创始人谢赫·阿卜杜勒萨拉姆·亚辛(2012年出生)宣称拥有先知的世俗遗产,与他公开反对的摩洛哥君主制和他最终远离的苏菲兄弟会竞争。与君主制不同的是,谢赫·亚辛并没有通过sharaf家谱来证明他的先知合法性(尽管他仍然记得强调他也是先知的后裔,在idr分支中),而是因为他的模范行为,在各个方面都符合Muḥammadan模式。此外,他的使命不同于行使政治权力的君主政体,也不同于他最初的苏菲兄弟会Qādiriyya-Būdshīshiyya(教导精神进步和实现):亚辛致力于改革和社会正义,这可能解释了为什么他的教义主要被社会学家或政治学家研究亚辛的思想并不局限于政治领域,在政治领域,他的立场为他赢得了君主制主要反对者的地位。最重要的是,他是一个有宗教信仰的人,深受苏非主义的影响,甚至浸透了苏非主义的思想。他是20世纪和21世纪一位重要的穆斯林思想家,他的一系列重要著作在国际会议上被广泛讨论。Qādiriyya-Būdshīshiyya苏菲兄弟会和正义
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引用次数: 0
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The Presence of the Prophet in Early Modern and Contemporary Islam
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