Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.15826/adsv.2022.50.010
V. Stepanenko
In 1895 G. Schlumberger published the seal of Arkadios, protospatharios and strategos of Bosporos. In 2008, I. Jordanov published the second find of similar seal found in Preslav. The strategos of Bosporos appeared in the Taktikon of 975, published by N. Oikonomides. According to written sources, Preslav was conquered by Byzantium in 971 and remained under its control as long as 986. According to the Byzantine historian Leo the Deacon, during negotiations with Prince Sviatoslav in 971, the Byzantine Emperor John I Tzimiskes demanded that the Prince of Kiev “should take the pay promised by the emperor Nikephoros <…> and should return to his own territory and the Cimmerian Bosporos.” This way, the establishment of the theme of Bosporos was a consequence of the appearance of the Rus’, before 971, on the shores of the Straits of Bosporos, where the so-called Tmutorokan Principality occurred in a later period. The theme in question existed for a short time. The seal of Leo, imperial spatharios and tourmarches of Gothia, was discovered in the area under study. The second find of this seal originates from Chersonese. The appearance of Leo’s seal indicates the changes in the structure of the Byzantine theme administration in Taurica in the 970s.
1895年，G.斯伦贝谢出版了《阿卡迪奥斯、原spatharios和博斯普鲁斯战略》的印章。2008年，I. Jordanov发表了在Preslav发现的第二个类似海豹的发现。博斯普鲁斯的战略出现在975年的Taktikon中，由N. Oikonomides出版。根据书面资料，普雷斯拉夫于971年被拜占庭征服，并在其控制下一直保持到986年。根据拜占庭历史学家Leo the Deacon的记载，在971年与Sviatoslav王子的谈判中，拜占庭皇帝John I Tzimiskes要求基辅王子“应该接受Nikephoros皇帝承诺的报酬，并且应该回到他自己的领土和Cimmerian Bosporos海峡。”这样看来，博斯普鲁斯主题的确立是971年之前罗斯人在博斯普鲁斯海峡沿岸出现的结果，后来所谓的特穆托罗坎公国就出现在那里。这个主题存在的时间很短。在研究的区域发现了利奥的印章，他是哥德堡的帝国领袖和旅行家。这枚印章的第二个发现来自切尔松尼斯。狮子座印章的出现表明了20世纪70年代陶里卡拜占庭主题管理机构结构的变化。
{"title":"The Theme of Bosporos According to Sigillography","authors":"V. Stepanenko","doi":"10.15826/adsv.2022.50.010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15826/adsv.2022.50.010","url":null,"abstract":"In 1895 G. Schlumberger published the seal of Arkadios, protospatharios and strategos of Bosporos. In 2008, I. Jordanov published the second find of similar seal found in Preslav. The strategos of Bosporos appeared in the Taktikon of 975, published by N. Oikonomides. According to written sources, Preslav was conquered by Byzantium in 971 and remained under its control as long as 986. According to the Byzantine historian Leo the Deacon, during negotiations with Prince Sviatoslav in 971, the Byzantine Emperor John I Tzimiskes demanded that the Prince of Kiev “should take the pay promised by the emperor Nikephoros <…> and should return to his own territory and the Cimmerian Bosporos.” This way, the establishment of the theme of Bosporos was a consequence of the appearance of the Rus’, before 971, on the shores of the Straits of Bosporos, where the so-called Tmutorokan Principality occurred in a later period. The theme in question existed for a short time. The seal of Leo, imperial spatharios and tourmarches of Gothia, was discovered in the area under study. The second find of this seal originates from Chersonese. The appearance of Leo’s seal indicates the changes in the structure of the Byzantine theme administration in Taurica in the 970s.","PeriodicalId":33782,"journal":{"name":"Antichnaia drevnost'' i srednie veka","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67247708","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.15826/adsv.2022.50.003
E. A. Mekhamadiev
The Later Roman court poet and panegyrist Claudius Claudianus (ca. 370 – after 404) supplies a main source on the military-political history of the Western half of the Roman Empire in 395–404, particularly the account of a revolt of North Africa’s warlord Gildo raised up in spring of 397 and suppressed in winter 398. A relatively fast defeat of Gildo was the one from the series of undoubted victories of the Roman general Stilicho, the commander-in-chief of all the Western Roman expeditionary troops. In this connection, Claudianus’ poem De bello Gildonico supplies the researchers with valuable evidence not only on the course of military events, but also on the internal composition of Stilicho’s troops sent against Gildo. Using the account of this poem, the author of the given paper’s aim is to determine the ethnic origin of the soldiers who fought against Gildo in Africa: the analysis of Claudianus’ data has showed that the military corps sent against Gildo comprised of mainly of German mercenaries and not of the soldiers of Roman origin. The author of this article explains why Claudianus consecutively named the German soldiers as the “Gauls” (Galli) and why the ethnic name Galli was so important to him. The author has extensively considered the ethnic names mentioned by Claudianus and has made the conclusion that Claudianus wanted to hide the presence of German mercenaries within Stilicho’s troops, because, as Claudianus thought, direct mentions of Germans’ participation in the raid would destroy the image of Stilicho as Roman commander. In this way the poet contraposed rebellious Gildo to Stilicho, who, according to poet, commanded only the warriors of the local Roman origin.
后来的罗马宫廷诗人和古埃及学家克劳迪亚斯·克劳迪亚斯(约370 - 404年后)提供了395-404年间罗马帝国西半部的军事政治史的主要资料，特别是对北非军阀吉尔多在397年春天起义并在398年冬天被镇压的记述。吉尔多的相对快速的失败是罗马将军斯蒂利科的一系列毫无疑问的胜利，他是所有西罗马远征军的总司令。在这方面，克劳迪亚努斯的诗De bello Gildonico不仅为研究人员提供了有关军事事件进程的宝贵证据，而且还提供了关于斯蒂利科派往吉尔多的军队的内部构成的宝贵证据。利用这首诗的叙述，本文作者的目的是确定在非洲与吉尔多作战的士兵的种族起源:对克劳狄努斯的数据的分析表明，派往吉尔多的军队主要由德国雇佣兵组成，而不是罗马血统的士兵。这篇文章的作者解释了为什么克劳狄亚斯连续将德国士兵命名为“高卢人”(加利)，以及为什么加利这个民族的名字对他如此重要。作者广泛地考虑了克劳迪亚努斯提到的种族名称，并得出结论，克劳迪亚努斯想要隐藏德国雇佣兵在斯提里科军队中的存在，因为，正如克劳迪亚努斯认为的那样，直接提到德国人参与突袭会破坏斯提里科作为罗马指挥官的形象。这样，诗人就把反叛的吉尔多与斯提里科对立起来，根据诗人的说法，斯提里科只指挥当地罗马血统的战士。
{"title":"395–398 AD Western Roman Expeditionary Army in Claudius Claudianus’ Poem De bello Gildonico: The Aspects of Ethnic Composition","authors":"E. A. Mekhamadiev","doi":"10.15826/adsv.2022.50.003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15826/adsv.2022.50.003","url":null,"abstract":"The Later Roman court poet and panegyrist Claudius Claudianus (ca. 370 – after 404) supplies a main source on the military-political history of the Western half of the Roman Empire in 395–404, particularly the account of a revolt of North Africa’s warlord Gildo raised up in spring of 397 and suppressed in winter 398. A relatively fast defeat of Gildo was the one from the series of undoubted victories of the Roman general Stilicho, the commander-in-chief of all the Western Roman expeditionary troops. In this connection, Claudianus’ poem De bello Gildonico supplies the researchers with valuable evidence not only on the course of military events, but also on the internal composition of Stilicho’s troops sent against Gildo. Using the account of this poem, the author of the given paper’s aim is to determine the ethnic origin of the soldiers who fought against Gildo in Africa: the analysis of Claudianus’ data has showed that the military corps sent against Gildo comprised of mainly of German mercenaries and not of the soldiers of Roman origin. The author of this article explains why Claudianus consecutively named the German soldiers as the “Gauls” (Galli) and why the ethnic name Galli was so important to him. The author has extensively considered the ethnic names mentioned by Claudianus and has made the conclusion that Claudianus wanted to hide the presence of German mercenaries within Stilicho’s troops, because, as Claudianus thought, direct mentions of Germans’ participation in the raid would destroy the image of Stilicho as Roman commander. In this way the poet contraposed rebellious Gildo to Stilicho, who, according to poet, commanded only the warriors of the local Roman origin.","PeriodicalId":33782,"journal":{"name":"Antichnaia drevnost'' i srednie veka","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67247846","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.15826/adsv.2022.50.012
A. Vinogradov
This article discusses some antiquities of Constantinople, described in the patriographic texts from the eighth to the tenth centuries. For the first time in Russian, it presents a detailed description and filiation of such texts as: Brief representations from the chronicles, Diegesis of the Great Church, and Patria Constantinopoleos. The exact dating of Παραστάσεις σύντομοι χρονικαί to the mid-eighth century has been proposed. Topographical and other details are clarified regarding the Hippodrome (bronze obelisks with ovae and the Underground Gates), the Senate (the astronomical construction where the Arians killed Archdeacon Arkadios), the Milion (the trial measure as “Stateros”), the Forums of Constantine and Taurus (the silver statue of Theodosius I and the “rough statues”), the Chalke gate (the statue of Ariadne), Artopolia (the person of Aristides), Myrelaion (the problem of Psarelaion and of the “two Myrelaia”), Pege (the legend of the construction of Theotokos church), the statues of Eudoxia (at St. Euphemia in ta Olybriou and on the Augustaion) and Janus (counting with the fingers of the hands). The genesis of the tradition of Apostle Andrew’s preaching in Byzantium has been reconstructed: from the apocryphal Acts of Andrew through the List of Disciples by Pseudo-Epiphanius of Cyprus to Epiphanius the Monk and the attempts of his followers to localize the Theotokos church on the Acropolis.
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Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.15826/adsv.2022.50.019
T. Kushch
This article examines the history of Venice’s struggle for the control over the Byzantine island of Tenedos. In the Late Middle Ages, this island was of great strategic importance, since its owner could control the passage of ships through the Hellespont to the Marmara and the Pontos. Following the fourth Crusade, Venice captured Tenedos, but Byzantium returned the island in 1305. Throughout the fourteenth century, La Serenissima repeatedly attempted to get the cession of the island from the Empire, nevertheless, avoiding military conflict and preferring to solve the “Tenedos question” by diplomacy. In the second half of the fourteenth century, the Venetians, taking the advantage of conflicts within the ruling imperial family, offered financial assistance to one of the parties several times in exchange for the transfer of the island. The fate of Tenedos was also discussed during diplomatic meetings and negotiations. Emperor John V Palaiologos, searching for the alliance with Venice, promised the transfer of the island several times, but never realized it. In result, Venice, using the weakening of the Empire, seized the island in 1376. The capture of Tenedos by the Venetians was disputed by the Genoese and led to a war (1379–1381), in which Byzantium occupied the position of an outside observer. The struggle for Tenedos not only illustrates the peculiarities of political and diplomatic contacts between Byzantium and Venice, but also reflects the changes in the geopolitical situation in the Eastern Mediterranean as the final decline of the Empire and the intensification of the Venetian–Genoese contradictions.
本文考察了威尼斯为控制拜占庭的特内多斯岛而斗争的历史。在中世纪晚期，这座岛具有重要的战略意义，因为它的主人可以控制船只从赫勒斯滂到马尔马拉和本托斯的通道。第四次十字军东征之后，威尼斯占领了特内多斯岛，但拜占庭在1305年归还了该岛。整个14世纪，La Serenissima多次试图从帝国手中获得该岛的割让，尽管如此，他还是避免了军事冲突，更倾向于通过外交手段解决“特内多斯问题”。14世纪下半叶，威尼斯人利用统治帝国内部的矛盾，多次向其中一方提供经济援助，以换取该岛的转让。在外交会议和谈判中也讨论了特内多斯的命运。寻求与威尼斯结盟的皇帝约翰五世·帕莱奥洛戈斯(John V Palaiologos)多次承诺转让该岛，但从未实现。结果，威尼斯利用帝国的衰弱，于1376年占领了该岛。威尼斯人占领特内多斯引起了热那亚人的争议，并导致了一场战争(1379-1381)，拜占庭在这场战争中占据了一个旁观者的位置。特内多斯之争不仅说明了拜占庭与威尼斯之间政治和外交交往的特殊性，而且反映了随着帝国的最终衰落和威尼斯-热那亚矛盾的加剧，东地中海地缘政治局势的变化。
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Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.15826/adsv.2022.50.021
T. Belorussova
In the late fourteenth century, Albanian tribes moved from Thessaly and settled in the Peloponnesos getting the permission from the Despotes of the Morea, Theodore I Palaiologos (1383–1407). Although this migration changed the ethnic situation in the despotate, it solved some economic and demographic problems. In particular, the Albanians replenished the army of the despotes. This article analyzes the participation of the Albanian tribes in the political events in the Despotate of Morea in the first half of the fifteenth century. The aim is to reveal whether the Albanian warriors really got a privileged status in the Morea and to determine their significance for the policy of the despotai of the Morea. The source base of this research is the fifteenth-century Byzantine epistolary and narrative sources, as well as the official documentation of the rulers of the Morea. It has been revealed that the Byzantine despotai actively encouraged the Albanians to military service, thus contributing to their promotion in the despotate. A significant number of Albanians were involved in the defense of the peninsula from the Ottoman Turks. Despite the privileges granted to their leaders, the Albanians remained strangers to the Romaioi: as long as the mid-fifteenth century, they were a particular ethnic group of the population of the Morea; as soon as they got an opportunity, the Albanians rebelled against the Byzantine rulers and declared themselves as an independent political force of the Morea.
{"title":"On the Despotate of the Morea’s Service: The Participation of Albanian Population in the Political Events in the Peloponnesos in the First Half of the Fifteenth Century","authors":"T. Belorussova","doi":"10.15826/adsv.2022.50.021","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15826/adsv.2022.50.021","url":null,"abstract":"In the late fourteenth century, Albanian tribes moved from Thessaly and settled in the Peloponnesos getting the permission from the Despotes of the Morea, Theodore I Palaiologos (1383–1407). Although this migration changed the ethnic situation in the despotate, it solved some economic and demographic problems. In particular, the Albanians replenished the army of the despotes. This article analyzes the participation of the Albanian tribes in the political events in the Despotate of Morea in the first half of the fifteenth century. The aim is to reveal whether the Albanian warriors really got a privileged status in the Morea and to determine their significance for the policy of the despotai of the Morea. The source base of this research is the fifteenth-century Byzantine epistolary and narrative sources, as well as the official documentation of the rulers of the Morea. It has been revealed that the Byzantine despotai actively encouraged the Albanians to military service, thus contributing to their promotion in the despotate. A significant number of Albanians were involved in the defense of the peninsula from the Ottoman Turks. Despite the privileges granted to their leaders, the Albanians remained strangers to the Romaioi: as long as the mid-fifteenth century, they were a particular ethnic group of the population of the Morea; as soon as they got an opportunity, the Albanians rebelled against the Byzantine rulers and declared themselves as an independent political force of the Morea.","PeriodicalId":33782,"journal":{"name":"Antichnaia drevnost'' i srednie veka","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67248826","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.15826/adsv.2022.50.015
P. Lysikov
This research addresses the chronologically first episode among dynastic conflicts during the reign of Andronikos II Palaiologos (1282–1328), when the emperor’s younger brother Constantine Porphyrogennetos made a conspiracy. The scholarship has not developed a consensus as to the fairness of accusations against the latter. This article uses the analysis of written sources account to prove that there was a real conspiracy and to find out its content, circumstances, and consequences for the Byzantine state and society. The conclusion is that the conspiracy was uncovered at an early stage, so it did not take full shape. The initiator of the conflict was Constantine Palaiologos. The conspirators, the high-ranking Byzantine military commander representing a major noble family Michael Strategopoulos in particular, tried to lean on various social elements and even to use for their own advantage the controversies within the Byzantine Church, with their final goal to overthrow Andronikos II with the use of military force. Despite his exceptional position in the hierarchy of court titles, Constantine Palaiologos was actually deprived of power as public administrator, and therefore he tried to usurp the rights for which, in his view, he could claim due to uncertainty of his place in power relations in Byzantium of the late thirteenth century. By uncovering the conspiracy against him, Andronikos II strengthened his position on the throne and neutralized the immediate threat of destabilizing the state, preventing (or postponing?) the possible outbreak of civil war in the Empire.
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Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.15826/adsv.2022.50.022
N. Pashkin
This article addresses historical circumstances under which the negotiations on the church union between Byzantium and Latin West started in the fifteenth century. The author finds the origins of the process in a letter from the Hungarian King Sigismund of Luxembourg to the Byzantine Emperor Manuel II Palaiologos. According to the most recent scholarship, it appeared in the first half of 1412. Taking the analysis of the source into account, it has been concluded that the King’s initiative, which called the Eastern Emperor to take joint action against the Turks in addition to the idea of the union of churches, was not the result of the Byzantine Empire’s appeal for help. Although Byzantium was experiencing an acute crisis in relations with the Ottomans at that time, the author of the article proves that the goal of the eastern ruler was an agreement with one of the representatives of the Ottoman dynasty. The obstacle to the agreement was the conflict between King Sigismund and Venice. The researcher assigns a special place in the said conflict to the Pope elected at the Council of Pisa, following which Sigismund got chances for the imperial crown. In this regard the participation of Byzantium in the relations of the “Pisan” Antipope John XXIII with Venice and the Hungarian King has been revealed. The author has determined the time and method of introducing the idea of the church union into the diplomatic process and has come to the conclusion that it became possible in result of the temporary coincidence of the interests of the Pope and the Emperor in the unfolding conflict. From the analysis of the international situation and actions of Byzantine diplomacy there are reasons to suppose that Byzantium viewed the union as the form to declare neutrality and the instrument of mediation in relations with Western states. It was the way to prevent their military intervention in the situation in the East and, in result, the condition for the survival of the Empire on the principles of peaceful coexistence with the Turks.
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Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.15826/adsv.2022.50.009
A. Aibabin
The theme period in the Klimata of Cherson started in 841. Using the Khazars’ dependence on the Eastern Roman Empire military assistance, Emperor Theophilos returned the towns and forts located on the Inner Range of the Crimean Mountains and established there a new military and administrative unit, the thema (θέμα). The strategos of this theme controlled the fortress of Cherson and neighbouring Klimata, the latter were governed by local archontes. The strategos held supreme power in the region. The archontes were recognized as the Empire’s officials. The strategos was in charge of judicial, financial, and tax affairs of the province; he was responsible for maintaning order in the territory entrusted to him. Apparently in 850 or 860, the theme was called the theme of Cherson by the seals. According to the materials of archaeological excavations, fortifications in the κάστρον and πολίσματα on the plateaux of Mangup, Eski-Kermen, and Bakla were partly restored, and a new fort atop of the high plateau of Suiren’ was constructed following the establishment of the theme. In the late tenth century, the theme of Cherson was divided into the tourmai of Cherson and Gothia, and the Klimata were reorganized into the topoteresiai. The officers of the Byzantine army were charged with commanding the tourmai and topoteresiai. The tourmarches of Gothia had the title of spatharios, typical of the Byzantine tourmarchai. His residence was in the fortress atop of the plateau of Mangup. There is an inscription informing that the topoteretes commanded his troop and also supervised the reconstruction of fortifications. In the second half of the eleventh century, the town of Sougdaia was included into the theme of Cherson. Probably a few years after, the theme was transformed into the katepanate. The limits of the katepanate of Cherson remain obscure. It comprised of the theme of Cherson with the topoteresiai of the tourma of Gothia, Sougdaia, and Khazaria. From the seals of Byzantine aristocrats originating from the territory of the Klimata and the materials of archaeological excavations of the towns and forts located on the Inner Mountain Range, there are reasons to suppose that the Eastern Roman Empire kept control over Gothia as long as it was defeated by the Crusaders in 1204.
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Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.15826/adsv.2022.50.004
A. Kozlov
This research reveals the signs of ideological, political, and, partially, social orientation of the anonymous compilations from Italy (most likely dated shortly after 523 AD), known as Auctarium Hauniense (which are a part of the document entitled Continuatio Prosperi Hauniensis), and presenting a mix of a chronicle and a duplicate of excerpts from a number of consular lists of the Roman Empire from 455–523. The attention is focused on the composition of the part of Auctarium which describes the events related to the disappearance of the position of emperors of the Western Roman Empire. It has been revealed that the content of the document shows clear signs of reworking and incomplete editing of sections devoted to the proclamation of Julius Nepos as emperor, the insurrection of Orestes, the elevation of Romulus Augustulus to the throne, and the stay of Nepos in Dalmatia. These reports emphasize the legitimacy of Nepos’ power and the illegitimacy of Augustulus’ reign. This is the reason why Auctarium Hauniense focused on the fate of Nepos and ignored the dethroning of Augustulus by the military commander Odoacer. The author hints that the stability of Italy no longer depended on the empire, but rather on the barbarian rulers, who for the most part were pragmatic warriors and politicians. In contrast to a number of seventh- and eighth-century chroniclers and historians, the compiler did not share the views of the tradition of Cassiodorus, which exalted the power of Theodoric and emphasized the positivity of the barbarians’ control of the provinces of the Empire.
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Pub Date : 2022-01-01DOI: 10.15826/adsv.2022.50.008
N. A. Alekseienko
Sigillographic sources from the Taurica supply information on the relations of this region with the central government along with provincial administrations and representatives of aristocratic circles of the Byzantine Empire, as well as with various Orthodox Church institutions. An illustration to the latter could be an eleventh-century mollybdoboullon discovered in the Crimea, which features a rare image of the Mother of God Spelaiotissa (of the Cave) and belonged to the monk Leo Spelaiotis. From the combination of the sigillographic type and the nickname of the seal’s owner there are reasons to suppose that the monument introduced into the scholarship is not a seal of the Byzantine noble families but belonged to a representative of a famous pilgrimage centre in the Peloponnesus. The find of the seal of a clergyman of the Mother of God Spelaiotissa’s Monastery in the Crimea widens the geography of the region’s pilgrimage connections and uncovers the contacts of the Taurica priests with the monasteries in the South Pontic coast, the Asia Minor, and Central Greece.
{"title":"A Seal of Leo Spelaiotis from the Crimea","authors":"N. A. Alekseienko","doi":"10.15826/adsv.2022.50.008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15826/adsv.2022.50.008","url":null,"abstract":"Sigillographic sources from the Taurica supply information on the relations of this region with the central government along with provincial administrations and representatives of aristocratic circles of the Byzantine Empire, as well as with various Orthodox Church institutions. An illustration to the latter could be an eleventh-century mollybdoboullon discovered in the Crimea, which features a rare image of the Mother of God Spelaiotissa (of the Cave) and belonged to the monk Leo Spelaiotis. From the combination of the sigillographic type and the nickname of the seal’s owner there are reasons to suppose that the monument introduced into the scholarship is not a seal of the Byzantine noble families but belonged to a representative of a famous pilgrimage centre in the Peloponnesus. The find of the seal of a clergyman of the Mother of God Spelaiotissa’s Monastery in the Crimea widens the geography of the region’s pilgrimage connections and uncovers the contacts of the Taurica priests with the monasteries in the South Pontic coast, the Asia Minor, and Central Greece.","PeriodicalId":33782,"journal":{"name":"Antichnaia drevnost'' i srednie veka","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67248003","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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