Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.15826/adsv.2021.49.008
A. Vinogradov, V. Chkhaidze
This paper offers a corrected reading of a lead seal excavated at Anakopia which belonged to Konstantinos, the son of the protoproedros and exousiokrator of all Alania. Although the palaeography of the seal dates it to the second half of the eleventh century, the historical context and the title of protoproedros makes the chronology narrow, as 1065–1075. This find can be linked to the Byzantine-Georgian conflict over Anakopia and probably to the negotiations on returning the town to the Georgian king which happened shortly after 1074. The narrow chronology of the seal speaks in favour of the identification of the Alanian exousiokrator as Dorgholel (mentioned in 1068), thus excluding the possibility that Konstantinos of the seal and Konstantinos Alanos (mentioned in 1045–1047) were the same person. The former Konstantinos, a possible heir to Dorgholel, might be a brother of Irene, the wife of protoproedros Isaak Komnenos, so the same high title given to his father in 1065–1075 points to a Byzantine-Alan alliance which made possible the marriage of Irene and Isaak Komnenos in 1072 and the participation of 6,000 Alanian horsemen in suppressing Roussel de Bailleul’s revolt in 1073–1074. The unique title of “exousiokrator of all Alania” attested on the seal and in the list of the metropolitans of Bulgaria possibly reflected the struggle of the Alanian ruler against centrifugal tendencies in his domain during the twelfth century; its later disappearance suggests that this title was a Dorgholel’s situational invention.
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Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.15826/adsv.2021.49.005
M. Kazanski
In the Romano-Germanic Museum in Cologne (Diergardt collection) there is a combat knife originating from Cimmerian Bosporos. Its hilt is decorated with a bronze image of eagle’s head. The purpose of this publication is to call attention to this artifact almost not known to Eastern European archaeologists. The handles of swords decorated with eagle’s heads from the Roman Period are well known primarily from iconographic data. Noteworthy is the image on a silver bowl from Avignon (the so-called “Briseis Cup”) dated to the fourth century. It depicts a weapon with a rather short blade and a U-shaped chape; all these features resemble the Bosporan combat knife. In the Late Roman Period, swords with eagle-headed hilts were well represented in the images of the persons of status, probably indicating their prominent role of a symbol of power. Generally, eagle is well represented among the symbols of power of the Late Empire, for example, on consular rods or shields with the emblems of military units mentioned in the Notitia Dignitatum. In the Late Roman Period, sword hilts featuring bird’s head also occurred outside the Empire. This is evidenced by the image of the Sassanian Shah Shapur II on a plate from Turusheva. In the “chieftain” culture of the Eastern and Central European Barbaricum and the Northern Black Sea Area from the Great Migration Period, the inlaid patterns showing eagle or bird’s heads is well known on weapons, including swords and horse trappings. In the Barbaricum, there probably appeared the well-known phenomenon of imitatio imperii.
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Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.15826/adsv.2021.49.006
A. Aibabin
The Goths and Alans settled in the Mountainous Crimea about the mid-third century. The Eastern Roman Empire pursued the policy of integrating barbarians on the frontier in order to strengthen its northern borders. In the mountainous Crimea, the Goths and Alans assimilated Greek language in result of political and ideological interaction and trading with Cherson and other cities and towns of the Eastern Roman Empire. The earliest in this area Greek inscriptions were dipinti drawn on the light-clay narrow-neck amphorae of D. B. Shelov’s type F, which were produced in Herakleia Pontike. According to the life of St. John of Gothia who led a revolt against Khazar domination in Gothia, the correspondence of Theodore of Stoudios with the archimandrite of Gothia, and official church documents, Greek was the only language of worship in the churches and monasteries of Gothia from the establishment of the Gothic bishopric on. The priests and monks contributed to the spread of Greek language among the Goths and Alans. From the eighth to thirteenth centuries, there appeared numerous epitaphs in church burials and in cemeteries located around these churches starting with a typical Byzantine phrase: Φῶς ζωή (“Light – life”), Κύριε, βοήθει... (“Lord, help...”), Ἰησοῦς Χριστὸς νηκᾷ (“Jesus Christ conquers”), Ἐκοιμήθη (“Deceased” or “passed away”), and so on. From the materials examined there are reasons to state that, by the ninth century, the Goths and Alans assimilated Greek language, which from the ninth to thirteenth centuries predominated in Gothia. There are several written sources documenting the preservation of Gothic and Alan languages in the first half of the thirteenth century. In the mid-sixteenth century, the Goths of the mountainous Crimea spoke mostly Greek. According to written sources, the functioning of Crimean Gothic dialect was restricted and started disappearing from the sixteenth century on.
哥特人和阿兰人大约在三世纪中叶定居在克里米亚山区。东罗马帝国为了巩固其北部边界，推行了整合边疆蛮族的政策。在多山的克里米亚，哥特人和阿兰人在与切尔森和其他东罗马帝国城镇的政治和意识形态互动和贸易中吸收了希腊语。该地区最早的希腊铭文是在Herakleia Pontike生产的D. B. Shelov的F型轻粘土窄颈双耳瓶上绘制的斜体。根据领导反抗可萨人统治的哥德堡的圣约翰的生平、斯托迪奥斯的西奥多与哥德堡大主教的通信以及官方教会文件，从哥德堡主教区建立起，希腊语就是哥德堡教堂和修道院唯一的礼拜语言。祭司和僧侣对希腊语在哥特人和阿兰人之间的传播做出了贡献。从八世纪到十三世纪，在教堂墓地和这些教堂周围的墓地中出现了大量的墓志铭，以一个典型的拜占庭式短语开始:Φ ω ς ζωή(“光-生命”)，Κύριε， βο θει…(“主啊,帮助…”),ἸησοῦςΧριστὸςνηκᾷ(耶稣基督“征服”),Ἐκοιμήθη(“已故”或“去世”),等等。从研究的材料来看，有理由认为，到9世纪，哥特人和阿兰人吸收了希腊语，从9世纪到13世纪，希腊语在哥德占主导地位。有一些书面资料记录了哥特语和艾伦语在13世纪上半叶的保存情况。16世纪中期，克里米亚山区的哥特人主要说希腊语。根据书面资料，克里米亚的哥特方言的功能受到限制，并从16世纪开始消失。
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Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.15826/adsv.2021.49.004
Mikhail Nikolaevich Butyrskii
This paper compares iconography of the “image of power” on Roman coins of Emperor Aurelian (minted in Serdica, minted in 274–275) and Byzantine pieces of Emperor Justinian II (Constantinople and several Western provincial mints, 705–711). Not synchronous coin types demonstrate the similarity of the idea and image, which affirmed the divine power over the earthly empire in the pagan and Christian periods of its existence. This was achieved due to the novelty of the iconographic language: the half-length images of Sol and Christ, both titled “dominus”, are placed on obverse, with their physiognomy close to the appearance of the ruling emperor showed as a portrait or standing figure on reverse. The iconography of sun deity Sol called the “Lord of the Roman Empire” on the coins of Aurelian anticipated the iconography of Christ as the Lord and “Rex regnantium” on the coins of Justinian II; the latter, in the version from 705–711, inherited pre-Christian tradition of paired images of emperor and his deity-patron on the Roman coins (third and fourth centuries), demonstrating a “personal union” of the ruler and the deity.
{"title":"Christ as Comes Augusti: On the Question of Numismatic Iconography of Justinian II","authors":"Mikhail Nikolaevich Butyrskii","doi":"10.15826/adsv.2021.49.004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15826/adsv.2021.49.004","url":null,"abstract":"This paper compares iconography of the “image of power” on Roman coins of Emperor Aurelian (minted in Serdica, minted in 274–275) and Byzantine pieces of Emperor Justinian II (Constantinople and several Western provincial mints, 705–711). Not synchronous coin types demonstrate the similarity of the idea and image, which affirmed the divine power over the earthly empire in the pagan and Christian periods of its existence. This was achieved due to the novelty of the iconographic language: the half-length images of Sol and Christ, both titled “dominus”, are placed on obverse, with their physiognomy close to the appearance of the ruling emperor showed as a portrait or standing figure on reverse. The iconography of sun deity Sol called the “Lord of the Roman Empire” on the coins of Aurelian anticipated the iconography of Christ as the Lord and “Rex regnantium” on the coins of Justinian II; the latter, in the version from 705–711, inherited pre-Christian tradition of paired images of emperor and his deity-patron on the Roman coins (third and fourth centuries), demonstrating a “personal union” of the ruler and the deity.","PeriodicalId":33782,"journal":{"name":"Antichnaia drevnost'' i srednie veka","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67246988","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.15826/adsv.2021.49.014
E. Khairedinova
The thirteenth and fourteenth century Christian burials in the the south-western Crimea and Sudak contained the fragments of wheel-made vessels and building ceramic ware showing the graffiti drawn on baked clay in the form of a simple cross (type 1), a cross with two-line formula “IC XC NIKA” (type 2) inscribed between the arms, or the formula “IC XC NIKA” written in one line (type 3). These graffiti were applied to ceramic shards specifically for burials; the finds of this kind are not known in cultural layers of the settlements. The graffiti of type 1 replaced underwear crosses worn during the human’s life and served as apotropaic amulets for the dead. In the graves, they were placed under the lower jaw, at the neck or head of the deceased person. The formula “IC XC NIKA” is a partially abbreviated form of the Greek “Ἰησοῦς Χριστòς νίκα” (“Jesus Christ, conquer”) or “ Ἰησοῦς Χριστòς νίκᾷ” (“Jesus Christ conquers”). It is accepted that this formula first appeared in 720 on the coins of Leo III and his son Constantine IV and proclaimed the victory of the Byzantines over the Arabs under the protection of Christ and His Cross. Later on, imperial connotations of triumph and victory gave way to a more modest prayer for help and protection from the forces of evil. In the Crimea, the formula “IC XC NIKA” occurred from the late eighth century in building inscriptions, on architectural details, tombstones, and individual worship objects. From the thirteenth century on, the formula “IC XC NIKA” combined with a cross or independently appeared in burials: on slabs placed vertically at the eastern end of the grave so that the face of the deceased was turned to the image, or on ceramic shards that covered the mouth or neck of the deceased. The artefacts featuring this image were placed mainly in the burials of untimely departed persons: children, teenagers, or those who suffered from serious illnesses during their lifetime. The rite of placing ceramic fragments with Christian graffiti into burials for protection and scaring away evil spirits is documented in the Crimea in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, though in Byzantium it appeared from the tenth century on.
13世纪和14世纪在克里米亚西南部和苏达克地区的基督教墓葬中，有轮式容器和建筑陶瓷的碎片，上面有在烤粘土上画的涂鸦，形式是一个简单的十字架(类型1)，十字架在手臂之间刻有两行公式“IC XC NIKA”(类型2)，或者一行写着公式“IC XC NIKA”(类型3)。这些涂鸦被应用于专门用于墓葬的陶瓷碎片上;这类发现在定居点的文化层中并不为人所知。第一类的涂鸦取代了人类一生中穿的内衣十字架，成为死者的护身符。在坟墓中，它们被放置在死者的下颚，颈部或头部。公式“IC XC NIKA”是希腊语“Ἰησο ο ς Χριστòς ν末梢κα”(“耶稣基督，征服”)或“Ἰησο ο ς Χριστòς ν末梢κ ”(“耶稣基督征服”)的部分缩写形式。人们普遍认为，这个公式最早出现在720年利奥三世和他的儿子君士坦丁四世的硬币上，并宣布拜占庭人在基督和他的十字架的保护下战胜了阿拉伯人。后来，胜利和胜利的帝国内涵让位给了更谦虚的祈求帮助和保护免受邪恶势力侵害的祈祷。在克里米亚，“IC XC NIKA”的公式出现在8世纪晚期的建筑铭文、建筑细节、墓碑和个人崇拜对象上。从13世纪开始，“IC XC NIKA”的公式结合一个十字架或单独出现在葬礼上:在坟墓东端垂直放置的石板上，使死者的脸转向图像，或者在覆盖死者嘴或脖子的陶瓷碎片上。具有这一形象的人工制品主要被放置在过早离开的人的坟墓中:儿童，青少年或那些在他们的一生中遭受严重疾病的人。将带有基督教涂鸦的陶瓷碎片放入墓葬中以保护和吓跑恶灵的仪式在13世纪和14世纪的克里米亚有记载，尽管在拜占庭它从10世纪开始出现。
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Pub Date : 2021-01-01DOI: 10.15826/adsv.2021.49.012
Vladimir Kirilko
The gate church of the Theodorite castle near the village of Funa appeared in 1459 and existed to 1778. Left unattended later on, it became decayed, quickly dilapidated, and finally turning into ruin after the earthquake of 1927. The experts’ conclusions concerning its origin are based mainly on the typical features of the architectonics and carved decoration of the structure, correlated with the traditions of Armenian architecture and Seljuk ornamentation. The most exquisite architectural detail of the building is the large slab with relief ornamentation that overlapped from outside the doorway of the south entrance. Two iconographic sources are published for the first time to supply new information about the slab in question along with the results of a substantive study of a large fragment of the artefact which was found by chance outside the castle short time ago. Almost a half of the composition that adorned the outermost part of the architrave survived. Its completely lost middle part can be reconstructed reliably by the photograph taken by N. N. Klepinin and the drawing by D. M. Strukov. The ornamental motif of the slab is one of the most popular in mediaeval art, being typical of the eastern decorative tradition. It is still not possible to discover the origin and exact date of the architrave which was secondary used in the church of 1459. Stylistically, structurally, and technologically it is comparable with carved architectural details of many main buildings of the capital town of Theodoro, which were erected in the 1420s. Therefore, the slab in question possibly has the same chronology, but still it could be made even earlier.
富纳村附近的迪奥多利特城堡的大门教堂出现于1459年，一直存在到1778年。后来无人看管，它开始腐烂，很快就荒废了，最终在1927年的地震后变成了废墟。专家们关于其起源的结论主要基于建筑的典型特征和结构的雕刻装饰，与亚美尼亚建筑和塞尔柱装饰的传统有关。该建筑最精致的建筑细节是带有浮雕装饰的大板，从南入口的门口重叠。首次发表的两份图像资料提供了有关这块石板的新信息，以及对不久前在城堡外偶然发现的一大块人工制品碎片的实质性研究结果。装饰门楣最外层的构图几乎有一半保存了下来。它完全丢失的中间部分可以通过N. N. Klepinin拍摄的照片和D. M. Strukov的图纸可靠地重建。石板的装饰图案是中世纪艺术中最流行的图案之一，是典型的东方装饰传统。在1459年的教堂中次要使用的门楣的起源和确切日期仍然无法确定。在风格、结构和技术上，它与1420年代建造的首都西奥多罗的许多主要建筑的雕刻细节相当。因此，这块石板可能有相同的年代，但仍可能制作得更早。
{"title":"Architrave Slab of the Entrance into the Gate Church of Funa","authors":"Vladimir Kirilko","doi":"10.15826/adsv.2021.49.012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15826/adsv.2021.49.012","url":null,"abstract":"The gate church of the Theodorite castle near the village of Funa appeared in 1459 and existed to 1778. Left unattended later on, it became decayed, quickly dilapidated, and finally turning into ruin after the earthquake of 1927. The experts’ conclusions concerning its origin are based mainly on the typical features of the architectonics and carved decoration of the structure, correlated with the traditions of Armenian architecture and Seljuk ornamentation. The most exquisite architectural detail of the building is the large slab with relief ornamentation that overlapped from outside the doorway of the south entrance. Two iconographic sources are published for the first time to supply new information about the slab in question along with the results of a substantive study of a large fragment of the artefact which was found by chance outside the castle short time ago. Almost a half of the composition that adorned the outermost part of the architrave survived. Its completely lost middle part can be reconstructed reliably by the photograph taken by N. N. Klepinin and the drawing by D. M. Strukov. The ornamental motif of the slab is one of the most popular in mediaeval art, being typical of the eastern decorative tradition. It is still not possible to discover the origin and exact date of the architrave which was secondary used in the church of 1459. Stylistically, structurally, and technologically it is comparable with carved architectural details of many main buildings of the capital town of Theodoro, which were erected in the 1420s. Therefore, the slab in question possibly has the same chronology, but still it could be made even earlier.","PeriodicalId":33782,"journal":{"name":"Antichnaia drevnost'' i srednie veka","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67247237","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-01DOI: 10.15826/adsv.2020.48.021
Nadezhda I. Barmina
The basilica located atop Mangup plateau in the south-western highland is one of the Christian monuments of the Crimea which research provided abundant archaeological materials. Especially interesting to historians are the data related to the investigations at the Christian cemetery which developed in different chronological periods within the basilica and around it. Supplementary excavations of the basilica (1967–2005) uncovered a series of carved tombstones, which featured the architectural properties different from early slab covering of the graves. The tombstones in question testify to the flourishing of the art of stone carving in Taurica in the fourteenth and fifteenth century. From their description and analysis, it is possible to draw the conclusions concerning the stone-carving art forms development in the mediaeval Crimea. It has been remarked that the Mangup stone-carvers considered the religion of the persons who lived there and paid especial attention to the decorative design of the monuments. In the making of the tombstones for the Christian cemetery at the basilica, the local stone-carvers applied artistic techniques taken from various styles (Byzantine, Seljuk, North Caucasus), which resulted in the appearance of specific “Mangup” style of architectural ornamentation. The local craftsmen re-worked decorative and carving techniques borrowed from foreign stone-carvers. The local products featured brevity and restrained manner.
{"title":"Tombstones of the Cemetery at the Basilica of Mangup","authors":"Nadezhda I. Barmina","doi":"10.15826/adsv.2020.48.021","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15826/adsv.2020.48.021","url":null,"abstract":"The basilica located atop Mangup plateau in the south-western highland is one of the Christian monuments of the Crimea which research provided abundant archaeological materials. Especially interesting to historians are the data related to the investigations at the Christian cemetery which developed in different chronological periods within the basilica and around it. Supplementary excavations of the basilica (1967–2005) uncovered a series of carved tombstones, which featured the architectural properties different from early slab covering of the graves. The tombstones in question testify to the flourishing of the art of stone carving in Taurica in the fourteenth and fifteenth century. From their description and analysis, it is possible to draw the conclusions concerning the stone-carving art forms development in the mediaeval Crimea. It has been remarked that the Mangup stone-carvers considered the religion of the persons who lived there and paid especial attention to the decorative design of the monuments. In the making of the tombstones for the Christian cemetery at the basilica, the local stone-carvers applied artistic techniques taken from various styles (Byzantine, Seljuk, North Caucasus), which resulted in the appearance of specific “Mangup” style of architectural ornamentation. The local craftsmen re-worked decorative and carving techniques borrowed from foreign stone-carvers. The local products featured brevity and restrained manner.","PeriodicalId":33782,"journal":{"name":"Antichnaia drevnost'' i srednie veka","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67246905","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-01-01DOI: 10.15826/adsv.2020.48.011
L. Lukhovitskiy
This paper addresses the Ekthesis Chronica (Ἔκθεσις χρονική), a Greek chronicle compiled by an anonymous cleric of the Patriarchate of Constantinople in the first half of the sixteenthcentury, which encompassed the events of the Late Byzantine and Early Ottoman history. Its distinctive feature is a recurrent alternation of seemingly mutually excluding points of view. Its neighboring chapters comply with the demands of different genres, accepting the set of values associated with them. The imaginary world of the chapters dealing with the events prior to 1453 reminds the reader of the heroic world of chivalric romances. The chapters describing the fall of Constantinople are may be read as a prosaic lamentation of the loss of the city which embodied the Byzantine civilization as a whole. In the post-Byzantine section, there appeared three approaches to the Ottoman rule over the Greeks. Whenever the chronicle-writer switches to the apocalyptic mode, the sultan becomes an infidel murderer of Christians. If, by contrast, he adopts the aretalogic (hagiographic) mode, the same sultan transforms into a philosopher on the throne. Finally, the pragmatic mode makes him a self-serving albeit sympathetic moderator in the conflicts inside the Patriarchate of Constantinople. The closer is the author to contemporary history, the more unfitting he feels the generic forms inherited from the age of the fall of Constantinople. Eventually, the chronicle-writer makes an attempt to create a new type of narrative with the characters on the foreground, which will allow his reader to feel empathy for them notwithstanding their language and faith.
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Pub Date : 2020-01-01DOI: 10.15826/adsv.2020.48.008
D. Chernoglazov
John Apokaukos (ca. 1155–1233), the metropolitan of Naupaktos, was a church and political figure of the early thirteenth century and an outstanding Byzantine writer. So far the collection of Apokaukos’ letters has been studied mainly as a historical source. This paper has made a philological analysis of his epistles with the question raised how the author’s self is portrayed. This research has shown that Apokaukos’ letters formed an individual image of the author extending beyond epistolary clichés. This image is not without internal contradictions: on the one hand, Apokaukos portrays himself as a decrepit old man, enduring punishment for his sins, and on the other, he appears proud of his achievements and erudition, ready to stand up for his rights or defend the interests of his eparchy. Moreover, when the author speaks of his weakness and insignificance, he is not always serious, for the self-abasement sometimes turns into a caricature: for example, the author emphasizes his gluttony using grotesque comparisons. The author’s image is not static: Apokaukos often portrays himself as a doubter, hesitating over two opinions and changing his position under the influence of circumstances. This paper has analysed the author’s image in Apokaukos’ letters in the context of Byzantine epistolography in the Komnenian renaissance. Some common tendencies have been determined in the epistles of John Apokaukos, Michael Psellos, John Tzetzes, and Theodore Prodromos.
约翰·阿波考科斯(约1155-1233年)，诺帕克托斯的都会主教，是13世纪早期的一位教会和政治人物，也是一位杰出的拜占庭作家。到目前为止，阿波考科斯的信件主要是作为一个历史来源来研究的。本文对他的书信作了文献学分析，并提出了作者的自我是如何被描绘的问题。研究表明，阿波考科斯的书信形成了一种超越书信体陈词滥调的作者个人形象。这一形象并非没有内在的矛盾:一方面，阿波考科斯把自己描绘成一个年老体弱的老人，忍受着对自己罪行的惩罚;另一方面，他似乎对自己的成就和博学感到自豪，准备捍卫自己的权利或捍卫他的王国的利益。此外，当作者谈到自己的软弱和渺小时，他并不总是严肃的，因为这种自卑有时会变成一种讽刺:例如，作者用怪诞的比喻来强调他的贪吃。作者的形象不是一成不变的:阿波考科斯经常把自己描绘成一个怀疑者，在两种观点之间犹豫不决，并在环境的影响下改变自己的立场。本文在科曼尼文艺复兴时期拜占庭书信学的背景下，分析了阿波考科斯书信中作者的形象。在John Apokaukos, Michael Psellos, John Tzetzes和Theodore Prodromos的书信中已经确定了一些共同的趋势。
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Pub Date : 2020-01-01DOI: 10.15826/adsv.2020.48.017
N. A. Alekseienko
This research republishes an interesting sigillographic find from Byzantine Cherson (Shumen, 2011), which first attribution was tentative, suggesting subsequent clarifications and corrections. Oleksandr Alf’orov has provided a new reading of the place-name on the seal reverse, thus indicating the necessity of setting aside the initial attribution of the seal to one of the bishoprics in Bulgaria and allowing one to relate the find from Cherson with the metropolis of Rus’. Now the obverse legend has been successfully reconstructed, uncovering that the seal certainly shows not the traditional image of St. Nikephoros, but rather that of the homonymous saint, the glorified patriarch of Constantinople in the ninth century. The image of St. Nikephoros is among the rarest pieces of Byzantine sigillography, though the image of St. Patriarch Nikephoros of Constantinople does not meet with any analogies. The chronology of the seal depends on the specific script and abbreviations in the legend, typical of the period from the twelfth to fourteenth century. Taking stylistic and epigraphic features of the find from Cherson and the term πάσης Ῥωσίας (“of all Rus’) used in the legend into account, there are reasons to consider that, among two metropolitans of Kiev bearing the same name in the twelfth century, the owner of the seal in question was Nikephoros (Nikifor) II who headed the Rus’ian Orthodox church in the late twelfth and the very early thirteenth centuries. The new attribution of this seal clarifies the list of church figures who received letters from Byzantine Cherson in the Late Byzantine period and uncovers this seal’s role of a source valuable and important for the history of the region, which testifies to the existence of inter-church connections between Cherson and Rus’ at the turn of the twelfth and thirteenth century.
{"title":"Seal of Nikephoros, the Metropolitan πάσης Ῥωσίας, from Byzantine Cherson","authors":"N. A. Alekseienko","doi":"10.15826/adsv.2020.48.017","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15826/adsv.2020.48.017","url":null,"abstract":"This research republishes an interesting sigillographic find from Byzantine Cherson (Shumen, 2011), which first attribution was tentative, suggesting subsequent clarifications and corrections. Oleksandr Alf’orov has provided a new reading of the place-name on the seal reverse, thus indicating the necessity of setting aside the initial attribution of the seal to one of the bishoprics in Bulgaria and allowing one to relate the find from Cherson with the metropolis of Rus’. Now the obverse legend has been successfully reconstructed, uncovering that the seal certainly shows not the traditional image of St. Nikephoros, but rather that of the homonymous saint, the glorified patriarch of Constantinople in the ninth century. The image of St. Nikephoros is among the rarest pieces of Byzantine sigillography, though the image of St. Patriarch Nikephoros of Constantinople does not meet with any analogies. The chronology of the seal depends on the specific script and abbreviations in the legend, typical of the period from the twelfth to fourteenth century. Taking stylistic and epigraphic features of the find from Cherson and the term πάσης Ῥωσίας (“of all Rus’) used in the legend into account, there are reasons to consider that, among two metropolitans of Kiev bearing the same name in the twelfth century, the owner of the seal in question was Nikephoros (Nikifor) II who headed the Rus’ian Orthodox church in the late twelfth and the very early thirteenth centuries. The new attribution of this seal clarifies the list of church figures who received letters from Byzantine Cherson in the Late Byzantine period and uncovers this seal’s role of a source valuable and important for the history of the region, which testifies to the existence of inter-church connections between Cherson and Rus’ at the turn of the twelfth and thirteenth century.","PeriodicalId":33782,"journal":{"name":"Antichnaia drevnost'' i srednie veka","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67246787","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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