The article focuses on a captivating period in the history of Russia-Angola relations when UNITA, a military and political group headed by Jonas Savimbi, mounted a military mutiny in Luanda, the country’s capital, and other major cities to seize power by force in anticipation of its defeat in the 1992 general election. It is during these troubled days that the government troops from the People’s Armed Forces for the Liberation of Angola (FAPLA) demonstrated their courage, military excellence and political judgement. The same applied to the special forces and the country’s political leadership who had all benefi ted from many years of training by Soviet and later Russian military instructors and political mentors. The article presents the views of its authors who were directly involved in these events, finding themselves at the centre of the standoff between UNITA and the ruling MPLA-Labour Party. All the agencies and services in the Embassy coordinated their actions on the Embassy premises, as well as across various parts of the city. By doing so, they succeeded in providing the Ambassador with updates from various sources, enabling the mission to report the developments in the country to Moscow in real time. The article stresses the need to ensure that staff members at Russian missions abroad are ready to face challenging and non-standard circumstances that may occur during government coups or in other extraordinary situations in a given country.
{"title":"Russian embassies in emergency situations (as exemplified by the 1992 anti-government mutiny in Angola)","authors":"S. A. Shuvanov, M. Troyansky","doi":"10.33920/vne-01-2303-08","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2303-08","url":null,"abstract":"The article focuses on a captivating period in the history of Russia-Angola relations when UNITA, a military and political group headed by Jonas Savimbi, mounted a military mutiny in Luanda, the country’s capital, and other major cities to seize power by force in anticipation of its defeat in the 1992 general election. It is during these troubled days that the government troops from the People’s Armed Forces for the Liberation of Angola (FAPLA) demonstrated their courage, military excellence and political judgement. The same applied to the special forces and the country’s political leadership who had all benefi ted from many years of training by Soviet and later Russian military instructors and political mentors. The article presents the views of its authors who were directly involved in these events, finding themselves at the centre of the standoff between UNITA and the ruling MPLA-Labour Party. All the agencies and services in the Embassy coordinated their actions on the Embassy premises, as well as across various parts of the city. By doing so, they succeeded in providing the Ambassador with updates from various sources, enabling the mission to report the developments in the country to Moscow in real time. The article stresses the need to ensure that staff members at Russian missions abroad are ready to face challenging and non-standard circumstances that may occur during government coups or in other extraordinary situations in a given country.","PeriodicalId":339528,"journal":{"name":"Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service)","volume":"6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128024253","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Catalan issue, despite the apparent decrease in tension at the present time, has been on the agenda of the internal political life of the Kingdom of Spain for many years. This problem entered an acute phase in 2017, after the holding of an unconstitutional referendum on independence in the region. This move by Catalan nationalists provoked the largest political crisis in the country in the entire post-Fascist period of its existence. The Catalan issue has become one of the main components of a larger domestic political crisis in Spain, manifested in the destabilization of the country's party and political system. The importance of resolving the Catalan issue is due to the fact that the further existence of Spain as a nation-state within the current borders depends on the stabilization of this conflict. The Catalan issue is of particular importance in the light of the upcoming parliamentary elections in the country in 2023.
{"title":"Catalan Nationalism: Challenges for Spain and for United Europe","authors":"S. Gavrilova","doi":"10.33920/vne-01-2303-01","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2303-01","url":null,"abstract":"The Catalan issue, despite the apparent decrease in tension at the present time, has been on the agenda of the internal political life of the Kingdom of Spain for many years. This problem entered an acute phase in 2017, after the holding of an unconstitutional referendum on independence in the region. This move by Catalan nationalists provoked the largest political crisis in the country in the entire post-Fascist period of its existence. The Catalan issue has become one of the main components of a larger domestic political crisis in Spain, manifested in the destabilization of the country's party and political system. The importance of resolving the Catalan issue is due to the fact that the further existence of Spain as a nation-state within the current borders depends on the stabilization of this conflict. The Catalan issue is of particular importance in the light of the upcoming parliamentary elections in the country in 2023.","PeriodicalId":339528,"journal":{"name":"Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service)","volume":"132 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124283385","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Territorial disputes are a key element of Japanese security, directly aff ecting Tokyo's relations with all three of its closest neighbors: China, Russia and South Korea. Because of its complex history of repeated invasions as well as militaristic expansion, Japan has accumulated a tangled legacy of confl icts and disputes with its neighbors over the three contiguous territories, namely Senkaku, Dokdo, and the Kuril Islands, claiming or disputing sovereignty over them. The disputes discussed in the article are a direct result of Japan's involvement in World War II and the often ambiguous language used in treaties and other documents signed at the end of it. The article presents Tokyo's position based on Japanese documents and the positions of Beijing, Seoul and Moscow based on the Cairo Declaration, the Potsdam Declaration and the San Francisco Peace Treaty. The author illustrated her arguments with maps. During the analysis physiographic and historical approaches were used. The author's examination of these disputes provides a clear picture of how the changing security environment has aff ected the position of Japan and its neighbors over time. In the 2000s, Tokyo introduced a special term — territorial diplomacy "redogayko" which goal was international recognition of the legitimacy of Japanese sovereignty over disputed territories. The Ministry of Foreign Aff airs of Japan conducts an active policy to inform the world community about the rights of Tokyo to the Senkaku Islands, Takeshima, and the socalled "Northern Territories". During the analysis of the positions of the concerned countries the author concludes that Japan successfully defends the ownership of the Senkaku Islands, but so far has no proper results with Dokdo and the Kuril Islands. Russia's attitude to these disputes cannot be passive. First, Moscow is a direct party to one of them. Second, South Korea and China are basing their arguments on Japan's imperial past and, like Russia, on World War II documents.
{"title":"Japan's foreign policy in the settlement of territorial disputes","authors":"M. Sholkova","doi":"10.33920/vne-01-2303-06","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2303-06","url":null,"abstract":"Territorial disputes are a key element of Japanese security, directly aff ecting Tokyo's relations with all three of its closest neighbors: China, Russia and South Korea. Because of its complex history of repeated invasions as well as militaristic expansion, Japan has accumulated a tangled legacy of confl icts and disputes with its neighbors over the three contiguous territories, namely Senkaku, Dokdo, and the Kuril Islands, claiming or disputing sovereignty over them. The disputes discussed in the article are a direct result of Japan's involvement in World War II and the often ambiguous language used in treaties and other documents signed at the end of it. The article presents Tokyo's position based on Japanese documents and the positions of Beijing, Seoul and Moscow based on the Cairo Declaration, the Potsdam Declaration and the San Francisco Peace Treaty. The author illustrated her arguments with maps. During the analysis physiographic and historical approaches were used. The author's examination of these disputes provides a clear picture of how the changing security environment has aff ected the position of Japan and its neighbors over time. In the 2000s, Tokyo introduced a special term — territorial diplomacy \"redogayko\" which goal was international recognition of the legitimacy of Japanese sovereignty over disputed territories. The Ministry of Foreign Aff airs of Japan conducts an active policy to inform the world community about the rights of Tokyo to the Senkaku Islands, Takeshima, and the socalled \"Northern Territories\". During the analysis of the positions of the concerned countries the author concludes that Japan successfully defends the ownership of the Senkaku Islands, but so far has no proper results with Dokdo and the Kuril Islands. Russia's attitude to these disputes cannot be passive. First, Moscow is a direct party to one of them. Second, South Korea and China are basing their arguments on Japan's imperial past and, like Russia, on World War II documents.","PeriodicalId":339528,"journal":{"name":"Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service)","volume":"75 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121335581","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
"Soft power" — a term that was introduced 30 years ago by the American theorist J. Nye, and associated with a specifi c US foreign policy doctrine, has been actively used around the world in recent years, and the concept itself is being rethought based on specifi c goals, objectives and resources available to individual countries or international organizations. "Soft power" has not received a place in the "offi cial doctrines", but has been adopted by such organizations as UNE-COCO and the Council of Europe, the European Union, as well as by the heads of national foreign ministries and top offi cials of states. “Soft” power and public diplomacy are rather “aggressively” incorporated into national agendas for the formation of a foreign policy image, however, countries do not attach much importance to the concepts of the above categories, using the same terminology of J. Nye. What remains common for all subjects is that with the help of “soft power” they intend to broadcast a certain myth that is presented as reality, no matter whether it is about security, equal opportunities or some kind of worldview and way of life. And the particulars differ quite strongly. If initially the term meant the export of the American dream outside, today it can be human rights, gender equality, "green" and "blue" economy, ecology, principles of tolerance, humanitarian aid, migration and other areas used not only and not so much the United States, but also the states of Europe, Latin America and Russia, which was one of the fi rst to introduce the concept of "soft power" into the political lexicon. This article discusses the transformation of the “soft power” discourse that has been taking place in the last decade, its adaptation to the needs of various actors (states and organizations), the expansion of the toolkit and the “blurring” of the very concept of “soft power” in conjunction with the -th challenges facing the world community.
{"title":"\"Soft power\": new elements in the \"sustainable\" transformation of the concept","authors":"K. Tabarintseva-Romanova","doi":"10.33920/vne-01-2303-05","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2303-05","url":null,"abstract":"\"Soft power\" — a term that was introduced 30 years ago by the American theorist J. Nye, and associated with a specifi c US foreign policy doctrine, has been actively used around the world in recent years, and the concept itself is being rethought based on specifi c goals, objectives and resources available to individual countries or international organizations. \"Soft power\" has not received a place in the \"offi cial doctrines\", but has been adopted by such organizations as UNE-COCO and the Council of Europe, the European Union, as well as by the heads of national foreign ministries and top offi cials of states. “Soft” power and public diplomacy are rather “aggressively” incorporated into national agendas for the formation of a foreign policy image, however, countries do not attach much importance to the concepts of the above categories, using the same terminology of J. Nye. What remains common for all subjects is that with the help of “soft power” they intend to broadcast a certain myth that is presented as reality, no matter whether it is about security, equal opportunities or some kind of worldview and way of life. And the particulars differ quite strongly. If initially the term meant the export of the American dream outside, today it can be human rights, gender equality, \"green\" and \"blue\" economy, ecology, principles of tolerance, humanitarian aid, migration and other areas used not only and not so much the United States, but also the states of Europe, Latin America and Russia, which was one of the fi rst to introduce the concept of \"soft power\" into the political lexicon. This article discusses the transformation of the “soft power” discourse that has been taking place in the last decade, its adaptation to the needs of various actors (states and organizations), the expansion of the toolkit and the “blurring” of the very concept of “soft power” in conjunction with the -th challenges facing the world community.","PeriodicalId":339528,"journal":{"name":"Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service)","volume":"89 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131367103","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
"Color revolutions" are a form of "hybrid war" unleashed by the global hegemon against uncontrolled states in order to maintain its dominance in the world. Today they are becoming the main destabilizing factor both for a single nation and for the system of international relations as a whole. A comparative analysis of the "color revolutions" since the collapse of the USSR allows us to conclude that the theses spread by Western propaganda about the positive impact of the "soft power" on the "progress of democracy" are unfounded. Despite the presence of real socio-economic diffi culties and the so-called "protest potential” in the impacted countries "color revolutions" are primarily staged and controlled from abroad. As a rule, the main object of infl uence in the preparation of "color revolutions" are traditional family values, historical memory and the country's top political leadership as a guarantor of national sovereignty. The key actors of color revolutions are foreign-funded NGOs and the media which broadcast values and meanings alien to national self-consciousness into the information space and also “heat up” protest relations in the society. The point of application to seize control within the "color revolution" is the election of the country's national leadership or referendums on socially signifi cant issues. Accordingly, the most crucial task of sovereign states is to protect the electoral process from external interference, the spread of false information about elections and their discredit. An important factor in protecting the electoral rights of citizens and legitimizing state power is public observation of voting. Tools and resources of “soft power” are underestimated and poorly used by the post-Soviet states to defend national interests, protect the sovereign choice of the people and counteract attempts of external interference into domestic political processes. Promising directions for expanding infl uence on international relations are concentrated in the information, communication and political fi eld of the Internet which is still a territory of relative legal “freedom”. Among the main areas of protection "information sovereignty" are the following: expansion of Russian jurisdiction to representative offi ces of foreign IT platforms operating within the Russian Federation, development of media literacy and critical thinking of citizens, the need for constant refutation of "fakes", introduction of special programs that can recognize them and determine their distributors, prohibition of anonymity in social media, increasing legal liability for the production and distribution of "fakes".
{"title":"\"Soft power\", \"color revolution\" and \"hybrid war\": public diplomacy vs political technology","authors":"F. V. Nitochkin","doi":"10.33920/vne-01-2303-04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2303-04","url":null,"abstract":"\"Color revolutions\" are a form of \"hybrid war\" unleashed by the global hegemon against uncontrolled states in order to maintain its dominance in the world. Today they are becoming the main destabilizing factor both for a single nation and for the system of international relations as a whole. A comparative analysis of the \"color revolutions\" since the collapse of the USSR allows us to conclude that the theses spread by Western propaganda about the positive impact of the \"soft power\" on the \"progress of democracy\" are unfounded. Despite the presence of real socio-economic diffi culties and the so-called \"protest potential” in the impacted countries \"color revolutions\" are primarily staged and controlled from abroad. As a rule, the main object of infl uence in the preparation of \"color revolutions\" are traditional family values, historical memory and the country's top political leadership as a guarantor of national sovereignty. The key actors of color revolutions are foreign-funded NGOs and the media which broadcast values and meanings alien to national self-consciousness into the information space and also “heat up” protest relations in the society. The point of application to seize control within the \"color revolution\" is the election of the country's national leadership or referendums on socially signifi cant issues. Accordingly, the most crucial task of sovereign states is to protect the electoral process from external interference, the spread of false information about elections and their discredit. An important factor in protecting the electoral rights of citizens and legitimizing state power is public observation of voting. Tools and resources of “soft power” are underestimated and poorly used by the post-Soviet states to defend national interests, protect the sovereign choice of the people and counteract attempts of external interference into domestic political processes. Promising directions for expanding infl uence on international relations are concentrated in the information, communication and political fi eld of the Internet which is still a territory of relative legal “freedom”. Among the main areas of protection \"information sovereignty\" are the following: expansion of Russian jurisdiction to representative offi ces of foreign IT platforms operating within the Russian Federation, development of media literacy and critical thinking of citizens, the need for constant refutation of \"fakes\", introduction of special programs that can recognize them and determine their distributors, prohibition of anonymity in social media, increasing legal liability for the production and distribution of \"fakes\".","PeriodicalId":339528,"journal":{"name":"Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service)","volume":"24 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127051176","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article covers the pressing issues that Brussels is challenged with, key points of its current foreign policy and a possible role of the European Union in the international arena in the near future. As the system of international relations has been transforming increasingly following the start of the Russian special military operation in Ukraine, the present-day capacities of the Union are signifi cantly aff ected by several matters. Elaborating on them, the author focuses on the vulnerability caused by the weakened European security architecture, pivotal peculiarities of the EU engagement with Russia, its dialog across the Atlantic and with the countries in Asia, especially China, the Middle East, Africa and Latin America, as well as mounting unsolved questions within the EU itself. At the same time the future of the EU disposition on the global stage is likely to be modifi ed by a multipolar world order which is taking shape right now. In this context, further collaboration across the Eurasian mainland may be formed within the so-called `Big Eurasia` format proposed by Russia.
{"title":"Future of the European Union: challenges and prospects","authors":"","doi":"10.33920/vne-01-2302-06","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2302-06","url":null,"abstract":"The article covers the pressing issues that Brussels is challenged with, key points of its current foreign policy and a possible role of the European Union in the international arena in the near future. As the system of international relations has been transforming increasingly following the start of the Russian special military operation in Ukraine, the present-day capacities of the Union are signifi cantly aff ected by several matters. Elaborating on them, the author focuses on the vulnerability caused by the weakened European security architecture, pivotal peculiarities of the EU engagement with Russia, its dialog across the Atlantic and with the countries in Asia, especially China, the Middle East, Africa and Latin America, as well as mounting unsolved questions within the EU itself. At the same time the future of the EU disposition on the global stage is likely to be modifi ed by a multipolar world order which is taking shape right now. In this context, further collaboration across the Eurasian mainland may be formed within the so-called `Big Eurasia` format proposed by Russia.","PeriodicalId":339528,"journal":{"name":"Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service)","volume":"84 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129232919","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article is devoted to the analysis of the growing number of problems in the global environment of information and communication technologies (ICT), which characterize the current crisis military-political situation. Until recently, experts from different countries spoke about many of them purely theoretically, and possible scenarios of using ICT for malicious infl uence on military critical infrastructure were sometimes even denied. Now this problem is not only recognized by the scientific and expert community, but we are already talking about the voiced facts of the practical use of cyber weapons, other information and cyber means in the conditions of the crisis. Thus, the malicious use of ICT can provoke the outbreak of an interstate military confl ict. First of all, because of the disproportionate use of methods of responding to threats and attacks, when the aff ected party can use real weapons in response. In addition, a confl ict may arise by mistake, since there is currently no universal methodology for identifying violators, criteria for classifying cyberattacks as an armed attack have not been worked out, universal principles for investigating incidents have not been formed. The issues of coordination of measures taken in response to information operations recognized as acts of use of force have not yet been resolved. As a result, information wars and the use of new technologies can become the detonator of an interstate military confl ict with the use of even nuclear weapons. Therefore, the question of the need for active actions of the "great powers" to prevent confl icts in the global information space, which in the conditions of military operations can develop into a global confl ict, is as relevant as possible. The article provides a factual analysis of ICT threats during the special military operation of Russia, explores the possibilities of creating an international regime for the prohibition of information (including cybernetic) weapons, the relevance and increasing importance of studying these processes by the scientific community. The article substantiates the formulation of the problem of international information security as part of a broader topic of international security against the background of global challenges.
{"title":"The International Legal Regime of Control over Cyber Weapons in the Future World Order: Threats and Prospects","authors":"N. Romashkina","doi":"10.33920/vne-01-2302-07","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2302-07","url":null,"abstract":"The article is devoted to the analysis of the growing number of problems in the global environment of information and communication technologies (ICT), which characterize the current crisis military-political situation. Until recently, experts from different countries spoke about many of them purely theoretically, and possible scenarios of using ICT for malicious infl uence on military critical infrastructure were sometimes even denied. Now this problem is not only recognized by the scientific and expert community, but we are already talking about the voiced facts of the practical use of cyber weapons, other information and cyber means in the conditions of the crisis. Thus, the malicious use of ICT can provoke the outbreak of an interstate military confl ict. First of all, because of the disproportionate use of methods of responding to threats and attacks, when the aff ected party can use real weapons in response. In addition, a confl ict may arise by mistake, since there is currently no universal methodology for identifying violators, criteria for classifying cyberattacks as an armed attack have not been worked out, universal principles for investigating incidents have not been formed. The issues of coordination of measures taken in response to information operations recognized as acts of use of force have not yet been resolved. As a result, information wars and the use of new technologies can become the detonator of an interstate military confl ict with the use of even nuclear weapons. Therefore, the question of the need for active actions of the \"great powers\" to prevent confl icts in the global information space, which in the conditions of military operations can develop into a global confl ict, is as relevant as possible. The article provides a factual analysis of ICT threats during the special military operation of Russia, explores the possibilities of creating an international regime for the prohibition of information (including cybernetic) weapons, the relevance and increasing importance of studying these processes by the scientific community. The article substantiates the formulation of the problem of international information security as part of a broader topic of international security against the background of global challenges.","PeriodicalId":339528,"journal":{"name":"Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service)","volume":"10 4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126805989","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The relevance of the topic is associated with the destabilization of the situation in the world and in the countries of the African continent. West Africa, the Sahel zone, the Eastern and Central part of the continent are engulfed in armed local and regional conflicts. The number of refugees and temporarily displaced persons is growing. Political instability of African states negatively aff ects the national security of recipient countries, which should provide accommodation and fi nancial support for refugees. It is not uncommon for migrants to impose their traditional rules in their new places of residence and oppress indigenous peoples by claiming their territory. This results in humanitarian disasters. Often this happens in border areas, where migrant evacuation points or permanent refugee camps are organized. The article analyzes the causes of conflicts, as well as their consequences for the civilian population. Attention is focused on the most complex military and political situations in the countries of the continent. The author concludes that the destabilization of political regimes in Africa is associated with the low social level of most of the states of the continent, the weakness of power structures which are unable to protect civilians.
{"title":"Migration Processes in Sub-Saharan Africa in the 21-st Century","authors":"","doi":"10.33920/vne-01-2302-08","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2302-08","url":null,"abstract":"The relevance of the topic is associated with the destabilization of the situation in the world and in the countries of the African continent. West Africa, the Sahel zone, the Eastern and Central part of the continent are engulfed in armed local and regional conflicts. The number of refugees and temporarily displaced persons is growing. Political instability of African states negatively aff ects the national security of recipient countries, which should provide accommodation and fi nancial support for refugees. It is not uncommon for migrants to impose their traditional rules in their new places of residence and oppress indigenous peoples by claiming their territory. This results in humanitarian disasters. Often this happens in border areas, where migrant evacuation points or permanent refugee camps are organized. The article analyzes the causes of conflicts, as well as their consequences for the civilian population. Attention is focused on the most complex military and political situations in the countries of the continent. The author concludes that the destabilization of political regimes in Africa is associated with the low social level of most of the states of the continent, the weakness of power structures which are unable to protect civilians.","PeriodicalId":339528,"journal":{"name":"Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service)","volume":"44 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134543783","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Hero of national liberation struggle in Latin América S.Bolívar’s ideological heritage regarding the necessity of unity for creole nations came through in the documents of Panamá congress which had laid down the base for the concept of continental solidarity and mutual assistance. This combination of conceptual positions serves a guideline for patriotic part of local society till now. However, the creative potential of these ideas has been repeatedly distorted and interpreted in the favor of the USA which, by fate, was situated on the same continent. So, it appears very important to clarify the true aspirations of the leader of national liberation struggle and, taking as examples historical facts, to compare his vision with actual situation. The author’s analysis determines relevance of this theme.
{"title":"Pan-Americanism of S. Bolivar vs. Pan — Americanism of the USA","authors":"","doi":"10.33920/vne-01-2302-04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2302-04","url":null,"abstract":"Hero of national liberation struggle in Latin América S.Bolívar’s ideological heritage regarding the necessity of unity for creole nations came through in the documents of Panamá congress which had laid down the base for the concept of continental solidarity and mutual assistance. This combination of conceptual positions serves a guideline for patriotic part of local society till now. However, the creative potential of these ideas has been repeatedly distorted and interpreted in the favor of the USA which, by fate, was situated on the same continent. So, it appears very important to clarify the true aspirations of the leader of national liberation struggle and, taking as examples historical facts, to compare his vision with actual situation. The author’s analysis determines relevance of this theme.","PeriodicalId":339528,"journal":{"name":"Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service)","volume":"42 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130013702","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article is devoted to the issues of personnel training to counter the infected and hybrid free war against the Russian Federation in connection with the start of the Special Military Operation in Ukraine. It is noted that programs such as "Information and hybrid wars" are a structure for the formation in the Russian Federation of a nationwide system to counter information and hybrid war. In modern programs for training specialists in countering information and hybrid wars of great importance for international and analytical work, the main justifications and methods are disclosed in the courses "Analytical support for special military and police operations" and "Information support for special military and police operations in the media and New York". media". The data on the results are read taking into account the experience gained during the fi rst trade operation in Ukraine, with the involvement of specialists from the Russian Ministry of Defense and military journalists. Given the specific indicators, much attention is paid to special intelligence and military companies. To this end, the curriculum includes a course on Competitive Intelligence and Private Intelligence Companies, as well as special courses such as Competitive Intelligence Methods and Private Medical Companies in Special Military, Police and Peacekeeping Operations. Thus, the formation of a system for training specialists to counter hybrid wars is really beginning in Russia. The emergence of such programs as "Information and hybrid wars" is one of the signs of the creation of such a system. We have good chances on this plane, but they were also seen in this country of the West Country.
{"title":"\"Hybrid diplomacy\": on the production of personnel in the field of countering foreign information and hybrid wars","authors":"","doi":"10.33920/vne-01-2302-05","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2302-05","url":null,"abstract":"This article is devoted to the issues of personnel training to counter the infected and hybrid free war against the Russian Federation in connection with the start of the Special Military Operation in Ukraine. It is noted that programs such as \"Information and hybrid wars\" are a structure for the formation in the Russian Federation of a nationwide system to counter information and hybrid war. In modern programs for training specialists in countering information and hybrid wars of great importance for international and analytical work, the main justifications and methods are disclosed in the courses \"Analytical support for special military and police operations\" and \"Information support for special military and police operations in the media and New York\". media\". The data on the results are read taking into account the experience gained during the fi rst trade operation in Ukraine, with the involvement of specialists from the Russian Ministry of Defense and military journalists. Given the specific indicators, much attention is paid to special intelligence and military companies. To this end, the curriculum includes a course on Competitive Intelligence and Private Intelligence Companies, as well as special courses such as Competitive Intelligence Methods and Private Medical Companies in Special Military, Police and Peacekeeping Operations. Thus, the formation of a system for training specialists to counter hybrid wars is really beginning in Russia. The emergence of such programs as \"Information and hybrid wars\" is one of the signs of the creation of such a system. We have good chances on this plane, but they were also seen in this country of the West Country.","PeriodicalId":339528,"journal":{"name":"Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service)","volume":"21 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117194839","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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