Russia's conduct of a special military operation in Ukraine has brought back to the agenda a long-known discussion among experts in the fi eld of foreign policy and diplomacy about the role of force in international relations. Claims about the possibility of using force in our time arose as a result of the appearance of nuclear weapons. Today, US politicians continue to assert that war will remain an acceptable instrument of national policy of states at the level of international subsystems, that is, in various regions. In their opinion, the power of a major power is capable of exerting an effective psychological influence on how often such conflicts will arise and what their outcome will be. At one time, Russia clearly outlined the "red line" in connection with attempts to integrate Ukraine into NATO and repeatedly and unequivocally warned that it would take active actions in response to this, i. e. use "hard force". In response to this, the United States and NATO have been fueling anti-Russian sentiments in Ukraine for a long time, considering it as a tool to deter Moscow and turning it into antiRussia. One of the components of this policy was the reckless expansion of NATO to the east, despite the obligations of non-expansion of the alliance. All this forced Russia to announce the conduct of a special military operation in Ukraine, the purpose of which is the de–Nazification and demilitarization of the neighboring state.
{"title":"Diplomacy of force and special military operation of the Russian Armed Forces in Ukraine: general and special","authors":"V. Vinokurov","doi":"10.33920/vne-01-2203-05","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2203-05","url":null,"abstract":"Russia's conduct of a special military operation in Ukraine has brought back to the agenda a long-known discussion among experts in the fi eld of foreign policy and diplomacy about the role of force in international relations. Claims about the possibility of using force in our time arose as a result of the appearance of nuclear weapons. Today, US politicians continue to assert that war will remain an acceptable instrument of national policy of states at the level of international subsystems, that is, in various regions. In their opinion, the power of a major power is capable of exerting an effective psychological influence on how often such conflicts will arise and what their outcome will be. At one time, Russia clearly outlined the \"red line\" in connection with attempts to integrate Ukraine into NATO and repeatedly and unequivocally warned that it would take active actions in response to this, i. e. use \"hard force\". In response to this, the United States and NATO have been fueling anti-Russian sentiments in Ukraine for a long time, considering it as a tool to deter Moscow and turning it into antiRussia. One of the components of this policy was the reckless expansion of NATO to the east, despite the obligations of non-expansion of the alliance. All this forced Russia to announce the conduct of a special military operation in Ukraine, the purpose of which is the de–Nazification and demilitarization of the neighboring state.","PeriodicalId":339528,"journal":{"name":"Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service)","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128141958","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article shows the importance and increasing role of the information and psychological warfare factor as the Ukrainian crisis escalates. The role of the Special Operations Forces of Ukraine in the informational and psychological confrontation is noted. The structure and functionality of the 16th, 72nd, 74th and 83rd centers of information and psychological operations of the Special operations Forces of Ukraine are considered. The main functions of these centers are shown, such as intelligence and subversive activities, identification of internal opponents, disinformation of the population, information terrorism, demoralization of citizens of Donbass, etc. The tools used by the centers of information and psychological operations in their activities are considered, in addition to the official media, several thousand Internet resources, information and news sites, coordinated groups of users of social networks and individual "platforms" in social networks are used. The role of the NATO Coordination Center for Responding to Computer Incidents (NCIRC — NATO Computer Incident Response Capability), the NATO Center of Excellence for Joint Cyber Defense (NATO CCD COE — NATO Cooperative Cyber Defense Center of Excellence — Tallinn) and the cyber operations center in Mons (Belgium) is noted.
{"title":"The role of information and psychological operations in the escalation of the Ukrainian crisis","authors":"I. Surma","doi":"10.33920/vne-01-2203-04","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2203-04","url":null,"abstract":"The article shows the importance and increasing role of the information and psychological warfare factor as the Ukrainian crisis escalates. The role of the Special Operations Forces of Ukraine in the informational and psychological confrontation is noted. The structure and functionality of the 16th, 72nd, 74th and 83rd centers of information and psychological operations of the Special operations Forces of Ukraine are considered. The main functions of these centers are shown, such as intelligence and subversive activities, identification of internal opponents, disinformation of the population, information terrorism, demoralization of citizens of Donbass, etc. The tools used by the centers of information and psychological operations in their activities are considered, in addition to the official media, several thousand Internet resources, information and news sites, coordinated groups of users of social networks and individual \"platforms\" in social networks are used. The role of the NATO Coordination Center for Responding to Computer Incidents (NCIRC — NATO Computer Incident Response Capability), the NATO Center of Excellence for Joint Cyber Defense (NATO CCD COE — NATO Cooperative Cyber Defense Center of Excellence — Tallinn) and the cyber operations center in Mons (Belgium) is noted.","PeriodicalId":339528,"journal":{"name":"Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service)","volume":"9 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133766474","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article refutes the widely circulated claim that India has made its geopolitical choice in favor of the USA through joining it in confront-ing China by participating in the QUAD dialogue format. While considering the factors of substantial advance in US-Indian relationship, the author points out that it was rather the geopolitical choice of the USA itself, that the Obama Administration’s “pivot” went to consolidate after quite a prolonged period of ultimately futile attempts by Washington to incorporate Beijing into its “uni-polar moment.” With China-India rivalry having definitely increased, their mechanism of regular meetings on the border problem has enabled them to put the issue outside the general context of their relationship. It facilitated the creation of possibilities for a substantial advance of relations between the two countries in trade and investment spheres, setting up the political dialogue, including at the summit level, and interaction within a number of multilateral formats. Analysis of the geopolitical concept of India’s present Foreign Minister shows, that it is based on a design to take advantage from the interest taken in obtaining India’s support by the opponents of the establishment in the Indo-Pacific region of “China’s hegemony” while avoiding “excessively antagonizing” the latter. This is confirmed by India’s care to avoid giving the QUAD the shape of a military bloc, which has been taken into account by its partners within “the four” at the current stage. Highlighted is the importance attached by India to promoting its continental geopolitical interests by enhancing its relations with Russia and participating in the SCO and the RIC, especially taking into account the disorderly withdrawal of the US forces from Afghanistan. The Indians attaching lately a place of importance in their Indo-Pacific doctrine to Russia has been taken note of. The article comes to a conclusion that India continues its geopolitical maneuvering, which remains an important part of the real picture of world politics with a potential to be used for the benefit of its positive evolution.
{"title":"India at the Geopolitical Crossroads","authors":"S. Velichkin","doi":"10.33920/vne-01-2203-02","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2203-02","url":null,"abstract":"The article refutes the widely circulated claim that India has made its geopolitical choice in favor of the USA through joining it in confront-ing China by participating in the QUAD dialogue format. While considering the factors of substantial advance in US-Indian relationship, the author points out that it was rather the geopolitical choice of the USA itself, that the Obama Administration’s “pivot” went to consolidate after quite a prolonged period of ultimately futile attempts by Washington to incorporate Beijing into its “uni-polar moment.” With China-India rivalry having definitely increased, their mechanism of regular meetings on the border problem has enabled them to put the issue outside the general context of their relationship. It facilitated the creation of possibilities for a substantial advance of relations between the two countries in trade and investment spheres, setting up the political dialogue, including at the summit level, and interaction within a number of multilateral formats. Analysis of the geopolitical concept of India’s present Foreign Minister shows, that it is based on a design to take advantage from the interest taken in obtaining India’s support by the opponents of the establishment in the Indo-Pacific region of “China’s hegemony” while avoiding “excessively antagonizing” the latter. This is confirmed by India’s care to avoid giving the QUAD the shape of a military bloc, which has been taken into account by its partners within “the four” at the current stage. Highlighted is the importance attached by India to promoting its continental geopolitical interests by enhancing its relations with Russia and participating in the SCO and the RIC, especially taking into account the disorderly withdrawal of the US forces from Afghanistan. The Indians attaching lately a place of importance in their Indo-Pacific doctrine to Russia has been taken note of. The article comes to a conclusion that India continues its geopolitical maneuvering, which remains an important part of the real picture of world politics with a potential to be used for the benefit of its positive evolution.","PeriodicalId":339528,"journal":{"name":"Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service)","volume":"21 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133772603","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article shows that today all the Baltic countries are united in their views on the outcome of the Second World War and relations with Russia. Official propaganda, the elite and the ruling circles of the Baltic States constantly position Russia as the main threat to stability in the region and the world and constantly replicate the thesis of the USSR's fault in the current problems of the development of their state. It is emphasized that Latvia, like Lithuania and Estonia, evokes associations of a consistent anti-Russian irritant in the domestic and international public consciousness. The author shows that in the Baltic countries the phenomenon of collaboration during the Second World War had a specific national peculiarity and was associated with the hope of local elites that the military presence of Germany would allow them to recreate the nation-states in the former, pre-war format. The author notes that attempts to compensate for the inability to conduct a creative policy with Russophobia and revanchism will end, unfortunately, not tomorrow. The author examines the main reasons why the authorities of the Baltic countries are so tolerant of neo-Nazis. However, at the same time, Russia stands for balancing and leveling relations with the Baltic States and maintaining them at a level that allows for a fairly effective political dialogue and developing economic ties. Moreover, as the author notes, the situation can change quite quickly and radically with the appearance of real independent personalities in this political environment who are able to resolutely defend the truly national interests of the population of their countries, which, ultimately, will restore the regional and international authority of the Baltic countries and increase their attractiveness both politically and economically.
{"title":"Systemic Nationalism — the Baltics states on the way from pseudo-democracy to a new fascism","authors":"Ludmila Nikolaevna Zhilina","doi":"10.33920/vne-01-2203-03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2203-03","url":null,"abstract":"The article shows that today all the Baltic countries are united in their views on the outcome of the Second World War and relations with Russia. Official propaganda, the elite and the ruling circles of the Baltic States constantly position Russia as the main threat to stability in the region and the world and constantly replicate the thesis of the USSR's fault in the current problems of the development of their state. It is emphasized that Latvia, like Lithuania and Estonia, evokes associations of a consistent anti-Russian irritant in the domestic and international public consciousness. The author shows that in the Baltic countries the phenomenon of collaboration during the Second World War had a specific national peculiarity and was associated with the hope of local elites that the military presence of Germany would allow them to recreate the nation-states in the former, pre-war format. The author notes that attempts to compensate for the inability to conduct a creative policy with Russophobia and revanchism will end, unfortunately, not tomorrow. The author examines the main reasons why the authorities of the Baltic countries are so tolerant of neo-Nazis. However, at the same time, Russia stands for balancing and leveling relations with the Baltic States and maintaining them at a level that allows for a fairly effective political dialogue and developing economic ties. Moreover, as the author notes, the situation can change quite quickly and radically with the appearance of real independent personalities in this political environment who are able to resolutely defend the truly national interests of the population of their countries, which, ultimately, will restore the regional and international authority of the Baltic countries and increase their attractiveness both politically and economically.","PeriodicalId":339528,"journal":{"name":"Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service)","volume":"438 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116017584","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Russia and Latin American states are united by a long history of mutually beneficial and multi-format cooperation. The Parties fairly share common values and the vector of fundamental principles in international politics. The inadmissibility of a unipolar world is also mutually recognized and any segregation in the world community is denied. The Latin Americas states remain reliable partners of Russia in the face of escalating Russophobia and global disinformation. Despite unilateral Western sanctions and harsh pressure from the United States, the LAC states express support and solidarity with Russia, maintaining trade and diplomatic contacts at the same level. The countries of the Latin American region are interested in increasing bilateral trade and, together with Russian partners, are looking for new ways to develop trade cooperation. Two-way dialogue channels are still permanently used for the direct transmission of information. Russian diplomatic missions are actively working to maintain a positive image of Russia in the region and are deepening all-round ties with the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean. In addition, Russian diplomatic missions efficiently cope with delivering objective and truthful information to the public in the Latin America and develop innovative response approaches in the context of information warfare. The active work of Russian diplomatic missions in social networks and messengers attracts the attention of foreigners and compatriots, creating a solid foundation for opposing discrediting in the media and the Internet space. No hostile action will outweigh the importance of the strategic relationship between Russia and the states of Latin America. Historically, the parties have opposed the sanctions strategy of putting pressure on sovereign states and hard influence on the state will.
{"title":"Features of information and analytical work of Russian foreign institutions in the LAC countries in new conditions","authors":"M. Troyansky, A. Chesnokova","doi":"10.33920/vne-01-2203-07","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2203-07","url":null,"abstract":"Russia and Latin American states are united by a long history of mutually beneficial and multi-format cooperation. The Parties fairly share common values and the vector of fundamental principles in international politics. The inadmissibility of a unipolar world is also mutually recognized and any segregation in the world community is denied. The Latin Americas states remain reliable partners of Russia in the face of escalating Russophobia and global disinformation. Despite unilateral Western sanctions and harsh pressure from the United States, the LAC states express support and solidarity with Russia, maintaining trade and diplomatic contacts at the same level. The countries of the Latin American region are interested in increasing bilateral trade and, together with Russian partners, are looking for new ways to develop trade cooperation. Two-way dialogue channels are still permanently used for the direct transmission of information. Russian diplomatic missions are actively working to maintain a positive image of Russia in the region and are deepening all-round ties with the countries of Latin America and the Caribbean. In addition, Russian diplomatic missions efficiently cope with delivering objective and truthful information to the public in the Latin America and develop innovative response approaches in the context of information warfare. The active work of Russian diplomatic missions in social networks and messengers attracts the attention of foreigners and compatriots, creating a solid foundation for opposing discrediting in the media and the Internet space. No hostile action will outweigh the importance of the strategic relationship between Russia and the states of Latin America. Historically, the parties have opposed the sanctions strategy of putting pressure on sovereign states and hard influence on the state will.","PeriodicalId":339528,"journal":{"name":"Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service)","volume":"65-66 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123128252","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This brief survey of 19th century Latin America countries economy offered for reader’s attention represents the second article within a series of papers thought by the author in order to follow historical genesis of economical complex of regional states. The indicated period is to be of special interest due to the fact that within it happened development of its specialization accompanied by fundamental processes in commodity production based on destructing of communal Indian land ownership, abolition of slavery and stimulating of European immigration. The experience obtained during application of liberal conceptions in Latin America’s states at the beginning of capitalist economy clearly showed senselessness to borrow alien ideology without taking into consideration local specifics, because this fact frequently contradicted the needs of authentic development in the receiving countries. As a rule these conceptions represented requirements of foreign agents as well as interests of small part of local society aimed at intensification in exploitation of labour and natural resources. Moreover, its implementation led to strengthening of financial and political dependence, imposing rapid economic transformation and converting young creole republics into pseudo-state political formations («banana republics» in Central America, Puerto Rico, Cuba). Submitting more advanced South American areas (La Plata, Brazil, Peru) neocolonial methods have been tested: ruinous foreign loans, direct and indirect control of local industries and change of its structure in the interests of overseas investors. Here could be mentioned artificial boom of raw material export, control and destruction of local processing works. The said economic paradigm conditioned convulsive forms of social life: appearance of caudillos, dictatorships and authoritarian regimes as well as interregional conflicts (Pacific «Salitre» War between Chile, Peru and Bolivia, intervention of Triple Alliance in Paraguay, separation of Panama for constructing of interocean channel etc.). In particular, dynamics and correlation of these events in context of struggle for real national emancipation laid foundations for contemporary state of economic situation in each country including its alliances and determined its peripheral position in international division of labour. This phenomenon should be considered for building effective cooperation with the most of regional partners.
{"title":"Some Aspects of Economic Diplomacy of Latin American countries in the XIX century","authors":"Y. M. Lezginсev","doi":"10.33920/vne-01-2203-06","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2203-06","url":null,"abstract":"This brief survey of 19th century Latin America countries economy offered for reader’s attention represents the second article within a series of papers thought by the author in order to follow historical genesis of economical complex of regional states. The indicated period is to be of special interest due to the fact that within it happened development of its specialization accompanied by fundamental processes in commodity production based on destructing of communal Indian land ownership, abolition of slavery and stimulating of European immigration. The experience obtained during application of liberal conceptions in Latin America’s states at the beginning of capitalist economy clearly showed senselessness to borrow alien ideology without taking into consideration local specifics, because this fact frequently contradicted the needs of authentic development in the receiving countries. As a rule these conceptions represented requirements of foreign agents as well as interests of small part of local society aimed at intensification in exploitation of labour and natural resources. Moreover, its implementation led to strengthening of financial and political dependence, imposing rapid economic transformation and converting young creole republics into pseudo-state political formations («banana republics» in Central America, Puerto Rico, Cuba). Submitting more advanced South American areas (La Plata, Brazil, Peru) neocolonial methods have been tested: ruinous foreign loans, direct and indirect control of local industries and change of its structure in the interests of overseas investors. Here could be mentioned artificial boom of raw material export, control and destruction of local processing works. The said economic paradigm conditioned convulsive forms of social life: appearance of caudillos, dictatorships and authoritarian regimes as well as interregional conflicts (Pacific «Salitre» War between Chile, Peru and Bolivia, intervention of Triple Alliance in Paraguay, separation of Panama for constructing of interocean channel etc.). In particular, dynamics and correlation of these events in context of struggle for real national emancipation laid foundations for contemporary state of economic situation in each country including its alliances and determined its peripheral position in international division of labour. This phenomenon should be considered for building effective cooperation with the most of regional partners.","PeriodicalId":339528,"journal":{"name":"Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service)","volume":"5 1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133032728","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article examines the position and actions of China to resolve the situation in Afghanistan. As soon as the United States withdrew its troops from Afghanistan, other major powers, including China, began to take a number of actions in the region. For China, which borders Afghanistan’s remote Wakhan Corridor, the priority is to ensure stability in that area and strengthen border controls there to prevent separatists from Xinjiang from infiltrating. Afghanistan is currently facing a severe humanitarian crisis and economic hardship. China extended a helping hand to the Afghan population and provided Kabul with emergency humanitarian aid in the form of food and medical supplies, including a shipment of coronavirus vaccines. In addition, the Chinese Foreign Minister met with officials of the interim government of Afghanistan during his visit to Qatar and the parties discussed possible ways to stabilize the situation in the region. Countries have resumed the export of Afghan pine nuts to China. This brought Afghanistan income from external foreign exchange transactions, and also provided Afghan farmers with a livelihood. The importance of the contribution of the Chinese initiative “One Belt, One Road” to the development of the region is also noted. Promoting the export of Afghan agricultural products to China is China’s tangible action for the economic recovery of Afghanistan, and will also contribute to peace and stability in Afghanistan. The author comes to the conclusion that the restoration of stability in Afghanistan is an important task facing today not only China, but also the entire world community.
{"title":"China’s attitude towards the situation in Afghanistan","authors":"A. Galimzyanova","doi":"10.33920/vne-01-2202-01","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2202-01","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the position and actions of China to resolve the situation in Afghanistan. As soon as the United States withdrew its troops from Afghanistan, other major powers, including China, began to take a number of actions in the region. For China, which borders Afghanistan’s remote Wakhan Corridor, the priority is to ensure stability in that area and strengthen border controls there to prevent separatists from Xinjiang from infiltrating. Afghanistan is currently facing a severe humanitarian crisis and economic hardship. China extended a helping hand to the Afghan population and provided Kabul with emergency humanitarian aid in the form of food and medical supplies, including a shipment of coronavirus vaccines. In addition, the Chinese Foreign Minister met with officials of the interim government of Afghanistan during his visit to Qatar and the parties discussed possible ways to stabilize the situation in the region. Countries have resumed the export of Afghan pine nuts to China. This brought Afghanistan income from external foreign exchange transactions, and also provided Afghan farmers with a livelihood. The importance of the contribution of the Chinese initiative “One Belt, One Road” to the development of the region is also noted. Promoting the export of Afghan agricultural products to China is China’s tangible action for the economic recovery of Afghanistan, and will also contribute to peace and stability in Afghanistan. The author comes to the conclusion that the restoration of stability in Afghanistan is an important task facing today not only China, but also the entire world community.","PeriodicalId":339528,"journal":{"name":"Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service)","volume":"34 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117117828","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article analyzes the EU's position after the hasty withdrawal of U. S. troops from Afghanistan. The EU was skeptical about the U. S. withdrawal, considering it a violation of its alliance with the Europeans. There is a very definite trend in the relationship between the European Union and the Taliban. The EU does not yet recognize the movement politically but is willing to cooperate with the new Afghan authorities on certain terms, taking into account the economic and financial crisis that has broken out in that country. A key influence on the relationship between the U. S., the EU and other countries with geopolitical influence will be the financial issue. They also noted that it is the lack of funds that will prevent the Taliban from strengthening control of Afghanistan. For the Taliban, the only sensible way out is to think about diplomatic ties with other countries seeking to spread influence in South Asia and, if possible, gain their loyalty. This includes, above all, Afghanistan's neighbors such as Iran, Pakistan, Turkey and India, but also major powers such as Russia and China. How active contacts with the new Afghan authorities will be, the EU will decide by observing the concrete actions of the Taliban and the new Afghan government. The chaotic withdrawal of U. S. troops from Afghanistan has had serious military and political implications for the EU and has catalyzed a debate on how to build up its military capabilities to secure its own interests. Russia, as Afghanistan's closest neighbor, is seriously interested in security and stability in the region and is in favor of maintaining civil peace and avoiding violence in the country, as well as establishing a real inter-Afghan dialogue.
{"title":"EU relations with Afghanistan: a new reality","authors":"K. N. Mozel","doi":"10.33920/vne-01-2202-03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2202-03","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyzes the EU's position after the hasty withdrawal of U. S. troops from Afghanistan. The EU was skeptical about the U. S. withdrawal, considering it a violation of its alliance with the Europeans. There is a very definite trend in the relationship between the European Union and the Taliban. The EU does not yet recognize the movement politically but is willing to cooperate with the new Afghan authorities on certain terms, taking into account the economic and financial crisis that has broken out in that country. A key influence on the relationship between the U. S., the EU and other countries with geopolitical influence will be the financial issue. They also noted that it is the lack of funds that will prevent the Taliban from strengthening control of Afghanistan. For the Taliban, the only sensible way out is to think about diplomatic ties with other countries seeking to spread influence in South Asia and, if possible, gain their loyalty. This includes, above all, Afghanistan's neighbors such as Iran, Pakistan, Turkey and India, but also major powers such as Russia and China. How active contacts with the new Afghan authorities will be, the EU will decide by observing the concrete actions of the Taliban and the new Afghan government. The chaotic withdrawal of U. S. troops from Afghanistan has had serious military and political implications for the EU and has catalyzed a debate on how to build up its military capabilities to secure its own interests. Russia, as Afghanistan's closest neighbor, is seriously interested in security and stability in the region and is in favor of maintaining civil peace and avoiding violence in the country, as well as establishing a real inter-Afghan dialogue.","PeriodicalId":339528,"journal":{"name":"Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service)","volume":"216 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123300040","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
According to its potential, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO, Organization) belongs to the largest regional multilateral associations of states. On June 7, 2002, in St. Petersburg, the SCO heads of State, following up on the Declaration on the Establishment of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization adopted earlier in 2001, signed an Agreement on the Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS). This Agreement fixed the tasks and functions of the RATS, as a permanent body of the Organization, in the status of a fool, to facilitate coordination and interaction of the competent authorities of the Parties in the fight against terrorism, separatism and extremism. In addition to tasks and functions, the Agreement also defined its structure — in the form of the Council of the SCO RATS, the governing body that makes binding decisions, as well as the Executive Committee of the SCO RATS, a permanent working body that carries out daily work to coordinate interaction. To date, the documents prepared by the RATS on anti-terrorist issues are regularly discussed and highly appreciated and approved by the top leadership of the countries at the Council of Heads of State and the Council of Heads of Government of the SCO member States. As a natural result of the daily, almost twenty years of work, the Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, having passed a unique path of formation that has no effective analogues, began to play and occupy a special significant place in the transnational arena in the system of international regional bodies responsible for combating terrorism, separatism and extremism. At the same time, the current dynamics of the development of the situation in the world indicates the persistence of existing threats and the emergence of new security challenges. New challenges and threats, including those fueled by third-party geopolitical factors for the region, are not always obvious and obvious, and the search for tools and the development of techniques to fend them off remain labor- and resource-intensive. In these conditions, an asymmetric response is required, which will reduce the time and save energy for a response. The reserve of such optimization, in our opinion, is seen in a certain adjustment of the accepted methodology of interaction (methods of organization and construction of activities) The SCO RATS Executive Committee with the competent authorities of the Organization's member States by assigning it a number of new tasks.
{"title":"On improving the methodology of interaction of the Executive Committee of the Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization with the competent authorities of the member States of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization","authors":"Vitaly Viktorovich Tsarkov","doi":"10.33920/vne-01-2202-05","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2202-05","url":null,"abstract":"According to its potential, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO, Organization) belongs to the largest regional multilateral associations of states. On June 7, 2002, in St. Petersburg, the SCO heads of State, following up on the Declaration on the Establishment of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization adopted earlier in 2001, signed an Agreement on the Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS). This Agreement fixed the tasks and functions of the RATS, as a permanent body of the Organization, in the status of a fool, to facilitate coordination and interaction of the competent authorities of the Parties in the fight against terrorism, separatism and extremism. In addition to tasks and functions, the Agreement also defined its structure — in the form of the Council of the SCO RATS, the governing body that makes binding decisions, as well as the Executive Committee of the SCO RATS, a permanent working body that carries out daily work to coordinate interaction. To date, the documents prepared by the RATS on anti-terrorist issues are regularly discussed and highly appreciated and approved by the top leadership of the countries at the Council of Heads of State and the Council of Heads of Government of the SCO member States. As a natural result of the daily, almost twenty years of work, the Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, having passed a unique path of formation that has no effective analogues, began to play and occupy a special significant place in the transnational arena in the system of international regional bodies responsible for combating terrorism, separatism and extremism. At the same time, the current dynamics of the development of the situation in the world indicates the persistence of existing threats and the emergence of new security challenges. New challenges and threats, including those fueled by third-party geopolitical factors for the region, are not always obvious and obvious, and the search for tools and the development of techniques to fend them off remain labor- and resource-intensive. In these conditions, an asymmetric response is required, which will reduce the time and save energy for a response. The reserve of such optimization, in our opinion, is seen in a certain adjustment of the accepted methodology of interaction (methods of organization and construction of activities) The SCO RATS Executive Committee with the competent authorities of the Organization's member States by assigning it a number of new tasks.","PeriodicalId":339528,"journal":{"name":"Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service)","volume":"22 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134500285","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the article, the author conducts a thorough and objective analysis of the Ukrainian crisis, it would seem, from a completely obvious, but rather unexpected side. The author believes that when considering the Ukrainian problem, it is necessary to focus on its "nuclear aspect". According to the author, the acuteness of the Ukrainian crisis after the collapse of the USSR and Ukraine's independence was exacerbated, first of all, because of the desire to acquire its own "nuclear status" to "contain Russia", but to ensure which it did not have the appropriate resources. The author tells about the dramatic situation that developed during the division of the nuclear arsenal of the former USSR after its collapse. The author convincingly substantiates Russia's position regarding the confirmation of its rights to the absolute possession of nuclear weapons, since it was necessary to put them under reliable and unified control. The author rightly believes that after the collapse of the USSR and the formation of four nuclear states instead of one at once, on the territory of which nuclear arsenals were located, the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT, 1968) would be violated. The author analyzes in detail the Budapest memorandum of 1994 and proves that its main essence was to convince Ukraine to confirm its "non-nuclear status". The author reveals the role of the US and NATO in providing "guarantees" to Ukraine to confirm its "non-nuclear status". In the current situation, according to the author, it was necessary to preserve international nuclear security as a single system, which also met the interests of Russia. A special place in the article is occupied by the analysis of the "Crimean issue", which is part of the Ukrainian crisis. The author reveals the essence of "nuclear parity" and argues that the "spread" of nuclear weapons breaks the entire existing system of international nuclear security and will not be able to ensure peace. The author comes to the conclusion that the "nuclear aspect" is the main meaning of the Ukrainian crisis, which should be resolved not by unilateral, but by universal efforts.
{"title":"Ukrainian crisis: «Nuclear» aspect","authors":"Lidiya E. Grishaeva","doi":"10.33920/vne-01-2202-02","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2202-02","url":null,"abstract":"In the article, the author conducts a thorough and objective analysis of the Ukrainian crisis, it would seem, from a completely obvious, but rather unexpected side. The author believes that when considering the Ukrainian problem, it is necessary to focus on its \"nuclear aspect\". According to the author, the acuteness of the Ukrainian crisis after the collapse of the USSR and Ukraine's independence was exacerbated, first of all, because of the desire to acquire its own \"nuclear status\" to \"contain Russia\", but to ensure which it did not have the appropriate resources. The author tells about the dramatic situation that developed during the division of the nuclear arsenal of the former USSR after its collapse. The author convincingly substantiates Russia's position regarding the confirmation of its rights to the absolute possession of nuclear weapons, since it was necessary to put them under reliable and unified control. The author rightly believes that after the collapse of the USSR and the formation of four nuclear states instead of one at once, on the territory of which nuclear arsenals were located, the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT, 1968) would be violated. The author analyzes in detail the Budapest memorandum of 1994 and proves that its main essence was to convince Ukraine to confirm its \"non-nuclear status\". The author reveals the role of the US and NATO in providing \"guarantees\" to Ukraine to confirm its \"non-nuclear status\". In the current situation, according to the author, it was necessary to preserve international nuclear security as a single system, which also met the interests of Russia. A special place in the article is occupied by the analysis of the \"Crimean issue\", which is part of the Ukrainian crisis. The author reveals the essence of \"nuclear parity\" and argues that the \"spread\" of nuclear weapons breaks the entire existing system of international nuclear security and will not be able to ensure peace. The author comes to the conclusion that the \"nuclear aspect\" is the main meaning of the Ukrainian crisis, which should be resolved not by unilateral, but by universal efforts.","PeriodicalId":339528,"journal":{"name":"Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service)","volume":"42 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-04-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115060969","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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