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For My Teacher, Walterio Carbonell 献给我的老师,沃尔特里奥·卡博纳尔
Pub Date : 2022-11-10 DOI: 10.13169/zanjglobsoutstud.4.1.0003
Tomás Fernández Robaina
This essay is dedicated to Walterio Carbonell (1920-2008), the controversial Afro-Cuban Marxist thinker, on the 50th year of the publication of his masterpiece Como Surgió la Cultura Nacional (“On The Emergence of National Culture”). It was published in a 1961, a year marked by the official declaration of the socialist character of the Cuban Revolution, the victory of Playa Girón (the “Bay of Pigs”), and the launching of a massive literacy campaign. Carbonnell’s text confronts the traditional version of Cuban history, which assigns the leading role of the gestation of Cuban nationality to an enlightened aristocracy of White Creoles of Spanish origin. According to this version, such intellectual groups generated an ideology of independence that led to the beginning of the anti-colonial wars against Spain in 1868. Today, this explanation, with slight modifications, continues to be the most widespread in Cuba.
这篇文章是献给备受争议的非裔古巴马克思主义思想家Walterio Carbonell(1920-2008)的,纪念他的代表作《Como Surgió la Cultura Nacional》(《论民族文化的出现》)出版50周年。这本书出版于1961年,这一年正式宣布了古巴革命的社会主义性质,普拉亚Girón(“猪湾”)的胜利,并发起了大规模的扫盲运动。Carbonnell的文本面对古巴历史的传统版本,它将古巴国籍孕育的主要角色分配给了西班牙血统的白人克里奥尔人的开明贵族。根据这个版本,这些知识分子团体产生了一种独立的意识形态,导致了1868年反对西班牙的反殖民战争的开始。今天,这一解释经过轻微修改,仍然是古巴最普遍的解释。
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引用次数: 0
An Interplay of Shadows and Light: The Decolonial Potential of Red-Black Unit (Part 1) 光影的相互作用:红黑单位的去殖民化潜力(上)
Pub Date : 2022-10-14 DOI: 10.13169/zanjglobsoutstud.3.1.0004
W. Churchill
This essay traces the history of Red-Black unity within the context of U.S. settler colonialism and is presented in two parts. Here is the first and the second will be published in Volume 3, Number 2.
本文追溯了美国殖民主义背景下红黑团结的历史,分为两个部分。这是第一篇,第二篇将在第三卷第2号发表。
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引用次数: 0
Tracing Dividing Lines from the US South: Concepts, Theory, Process, Practice 从美国南方追溯分界线:概念、理论、过程、实践
Pub Date : 2022-10-14 DOI: 10.13169/zanjglobsoutstud.3.1.0001
Steven D. Gayle, Jesse Benjamin
Introduction to the Special Issue.
特刊简介。
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引用次数: 0
The Path to Montezuma: The Political Economy of Indianness and Blackness 通往蒙特祖玛之路:印度和黑人的政治经济学
Pub Date : 2022-10-14 DOI: 10.13169/zanjglobsoutstud.3.1.0003
Steven D. Gayle
This paper will attempt to identify and discuss the following issues: (1) the concepts of African American and Native American identities as aspects of the mode of production in Euro-American or Western capitalism, specifically as employed by the former North American colonies that now comprise the United States, as well as the United States during the modern era; (2) How these identities in the form of “Blackness” and “Indianness” were utilized to establish Euro-American capitalism in the modern era; (3) The concept of political and economic upheaval in the form of what I have dubbed the “Montezuma Effect”; and finally, (4) how mental and physical maroon spaces within the overlapping realms of Indianness and Blackness present the potentiality of a Montezuma Effect to take hold in modern capitalism.
本文将试图确定并讨论以下问题:(1)非裔美国人和印第安人身份的概念作为欧美或西方资本主义生产方式的方面,特别是由现在组成美国的前北美殖民地以及现代美国所采用的;(2)这些以“黑性”和“印度性”为形式的身份是如何被用来建立近代欧美资本主义的;(3)政治和经济动荡的概念,我称之为“蒙特祖玛效应”;最后,(4)在印度和黑人重叠的领域内,精神和身体上的栗色空间如何呈现蒙特祖玛效应在现代资本主义中占据主导地位的可能性。
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引用次数: 0
Sinister Schooling: Modern-Day Implications of Hampton Model Industrial Schools and American Indian Boarding Schools 邪恶的学校教育:汉普顿模范工业学校和美国印第安寄宿学校的现代含义
Pub Date : 2022-10-14 DOI: 10.13169/zanjglobsoutstud.3.1.0005
B. Hunt
Throughout American history, the government has taken various systemic measures to monitor, surveil and control its burgeoning minority populations. In the postbellum era, these aims were primarily focused on assimilation and cultural genocide modeled, beginning with the creation of schools like the Hampton Model Schools for Black students and American Indian boarding schools for Indigenous students. Though neither remain in operation, their spirit lives, particularly as we see Native and Black students being funneled into occupational tracks in high school, having disproportionately high rates of suspension and expulsion, and being subjected to a whitewashed curriculum that positions them as victims, criminals, or non-existent. This work seeks to explore the linkages between these historical institutions and the current status of Native and Black students in modern-day schools.
在整个美国历史上,政府采取了各种系统措施来监视、监视和控制其迅速增长的少数民族人口。在战后时代,这些目标主要集中在同化和文化灭绝模式上,首先是为黑人学生创建汉普顿模范学校和为土著学生创建美国印第安寄宿学校。虽然两者都没有继续运作,但他们的精神仍然存在,特别是当我们看到土著和黑人学生在高中被输送到职业轨道时,他们被停学和开除的比例高得不成比例,他们受到粉饰过的课程的影响,将他们定位为受害者、罪犯或不存在的人。这项工作旨在探索这些历史机构与现代学校中土著和黑人学生的现状之间的联系。
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引用次数: 0
The Jose Antonio Dias Pelaez Experimental Art School and the Artwork of Yuleisy Fernandez Cruzata and Jesús Molina Jose Antonio Dias Pelaez实验艺术学校和Yuleisy Fernandez Cruzata和Jesús Molina的艺术作品
Pub Date : 2022-10-14 DOI: 10.13169/zanjglobsoutstud.3.1.0002
Yuleisy Fernández Cruzata, J. Molina
Photo essay featuring the work of and behind-the-scenes photos from Cruzata and Molina.
照片散文的工作和幕后的照片从克鲁扎塔和莫利纳。
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引用次数: 0
“Movements Come and Go and Are Soon Forgotten”: The Black Campus Movement at Fayetteville State, 1966-1972 “运动来了又走,很快就被遗忘”:费耶特维尔州立大学的黑人校园运动,1966-1972
Pub Date : 2022-09-20 DOI: 10.13169/zanjglobsoutstud.6.1.0004
Francena F. L. Turner
Broad surveys of college student activism are impossible without the study of individual campuses. Studies of activism on historically Black college and university (HBCU) campuses in the United States tend to focus on larger more well-known campuses or those in large urban areas. Studies of student activism within North Carolina repeatedly highlight only three of the eleven extant institutions. This study contributes to the historiography of Black campus activism by using nine oral history interviews conducted with university alumni paired with extensive archival research to excavate the ways Fayetteville State University students contributed to the Black Campus Movement. This essay is a narrative of student protests between 1966 and 1972. Ultimately, such protests were grounded in major breakdowns in meaningful communication between faculty, administrators, alumni, and students and in HBCU students’ shared desire to have a say in decisions that affected their lives. Fayetteville State’s student body fully invoked James Baldwin’s notion of critiquing America in that they loved their institution more than any other institution in the world, and, exactly for that reason, they insisted on the right to criticize Fayetteville State and demanded that she rise to the occasion for which she was formed.
如果没有对个别校园的研究,就不可能对大学生激进主义进行广泛调查。对美国历史悠久的黑人学院和大学(HBCU)校园的行动主义研究往往集中在更大、更知名的校园或大城市地区。对北卡罗来纳州学生激进主义的研究反复强调,现存的11所大学中只有3所。本研究通过对大学校友进行的九次口述历史访谈,结合广泛的档案研究,挖掘费耶特维尔州立大学学生对黑人校园运动的贡献,为黑人校园运动的史学做出了贡献。这篇文章是对1966年至1972年间学生抗议活动的叙述。最终,这些抗议活动的基础是教师、管理人员、校友和学生之间缺乏有意义的沟通,HBCU学生希望在影响他们生活的决定中拥有发言权的共同愿望。费耶特维尔州立大学的学生团体充分引用了詹姆斯·鲍德温批评美国的观点,因为他们爱自己的学校胜过世界上任何其他的学校,正是因为这个原因,他们坚持有批评费耶特维尔州立大学的权利,并要求她站到她成立的目的。
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引用次数: 0
From Civil Rights To Black Power: The Hidden History Of Black Community College Activism In Chicago 从民权到黑人权力:芝加哥黑人社区大学运动的隐藏历史
Pub Date : 2022-09-20 DOI: 10.13169/zanjglobsoutstud.6.1.0005
Frederick Douglas Dixon
During the rise of the Black Power movement, the Afro-American History Club fought for control of Chicago’s Woodrow Wilson Junior College, by challenging the viability of the college’s mostly Eurocentric curriculum for Black students. In doing so, they found themselves in public battles with Chicago’s mayor, Richard J. Daley. As America’s most powerful mayor, Daley controlled the City Colleges of Chicago campuses with a system of political nepotism that fixed Black students at the lowest rung of the educational strata. This chapter critically examines the fight between the Afro-American History Club and “Pharoah” Daley in 1967-1968. Also, it investigates the impact of Daley politics on student activism and protest at Woodrow Wilson Junior College during the growth and development of the Black Power movement.
在黑人权力运动兴起期间,非裔美国人历史俱乐部(african - american History Club)为争夺芝加哥伍德罗·威尔逊初级学院(Woodrow Wilson Junior College)的控制权,挑战该学院为黑人学生开设的以欧洲为中心的课程的可行性。在这样做的过程中,他们发现自己陷入了与芝加哥市长理查德·j·戴利(Richard J. Daley)的公开斗争中。作为美国最有权势的市长,戴利控制着芝加哥城市学院的校园,其政治裙带关系体系将黑人学生固定在教育阶层的最底层。本章批判性地考察了1967-1968年美国黑人历史俱乐部与“法老”戴利之间的斗争。此外,它还调查了戴利政治在黑人权力运动成长和发展期间对伍德罗威尔逊初级学院学生激进主义和抗议活动的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Black Students and the U.S. Anti-Apartheid Movements on Campus, 1976-1985 黑人学生与美国校园反种族隔离运动,1976-1985
Pub Date : 2022-09-20 DOI: 10.13169/zanjglobsoutstud.6.1.0002
Amanda Joyce Hall
This essay discusses the Black student anti-apartheid activism on campus from 1976 to 1985, and emphasizes the importance of HBCU’s as early incubators for anti-apartheid activism. It highlights the transnational interconnectedness of African Americans and Africans, referencing African America’s long-standing solidarity with African liberation movements, and suggests this coalition and its results are indicative of the power of previous generations of Black radicalism expressed in Civil Rights, Black Power, and anti-colonialism movements.
本文讨论了1976年至1985年校园黑人学生反种族隔离运动,强调了HBCU作为反种族隔离运动早期孵化器的重要性。它强调了非裔美国人和非洲人的跨国相互联系,引用了非裔美国人长期以来与非洲解放运动的团结,并表明这一联盟及其结果表明了前几代黑人激进主义在民权运动、黑人权力运动和反殖民主义运动中的力量。
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引用次数: 0
A Black Thang: Black Nia F.O.R.C.E, Radical Student Reading Circles, and Intellectual Freedom 一个黑人的东西:黑人Nia F.O.R.C.E,激进的学生阅读圈,和知识自由
Pub Date : 2022-09-20 DOI: 10.13169/zanjglobsoutstud.6.1.0003
Joshua Myers
One of the central themes of Black student activism in the latter half of the twentieth century was re-education. Finding the curriculums confronted in their schooling to be inadequate, student activists fought for Black Studies. But they also built alternatives to formal schooling. These reading circles and study groups became incubators for radical thinking, places that were free from the authority of campus administrations. This essay explores the prominence of reading circles in the context of Black student struggles at Howard University in the 1980s, through a focus on the organization, Black Nia F.O.R.C.E. It seeks to demonstrate that the preface for radical action, for their radical orientation, was knowledge and that ultimately, it was within self-determined intellectual spaces, where we find the true roots of “Black Study.”
二十世纪下半叶黑人学生运动的中心主题之一是再教育。学生积极分子发现学校的课程设置不足,为黑人研究而斗争。但他们也建立了正规学校教育的替代方案。这些读书圈和学习小组成为激进思想的孵化器,是不受校园管理部门权威约束的地方。这篇文章通过对Black Nia F.O.R.C.E.这个组织的关注,探讨了阅读圈在20世纪80年代霍华德大学黑人学生斗争背景下的突出地位。它试图证明激进行动的序言,他们的激进取向,是知识,最终,它是在自我决定的知识空间里,我们找到了“黑人研究”的真正根源。
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Zanj: The Journal of Critical Global South Studies
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