Pub Date : 2023-07-04DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v11i1a7
Fajar
The study of capitalism in Indonesia cannot be separated from the two capitalist groups, namely the Indigenous and ethnic Chinese who dominate the economy in Indonesia. This article describes the power of local elites and post-authoritarian capitalist capitalists by looking at how Indigenous and Chinese ethnic groups reproduce political roles and their involvement in the national economy. The main objective is to find out how the position of local elite power and capitalists in Indonesian political practice. The method used in this study uses a phenomenological approach developed by Husserl and Heidegger which looks at individual experiences and individual existence. In general, this study concludes that the indigenous and ethnic Chinese elites are the differentiator where the ownership of capitalization by ethnic Chinese is part of the history of capitalism in Indonesia which then reaches all provinces in Indonesia through economic transformation in which material ownership becomes so strong domestic investment in Indonesia is different from the indigenous groups themselves, which are unequal because in general the natives cannot develop a national scale economic pattern.
{"title":"Kuasa Elit Lokal dan Kapitalis Pasca Otoritarianisme: Perspektif Pribumi dan Etnis Tionghoa","authors":"Fajar","doi":"10.24252/profetik.v11i1a7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24252/profetik.v11i1a7","url":null,"abstract":"The study of capitalism in Indonesia cannot be separated from the two capitalist groups, namely the Indigenous and ethnic Chinese who dominate the economy in Indonesia. This article describes the power of local elites and post-authoritarian capitalist capitalists by looking at how Indigenous and Chinese ethnic groups reproduce political roles and their involvement in the national economy. The main objective is to find out how the position of local elite power and capitalists in Indonesian political practice. The method used in this study uses a phenomenological approach developed by Husserl and Heidegger which looks at individual experiences and individual existence. In general, this study concludes that the indigenous and ethnic Chinese elites are the differentiator where the ownership of capitalization by ethnic Chinese is part of the history of capitalism in Indonesia which then reaches all provinces in Indonesia through economic transformation in which material ownership becomes so strong domestic investment in Indonesia is different from the indigenous groups themselves, which are unequal because in general the natives cannot develop a national scale economic pattern.","PeriodicalId":34003,"journal":{"name":"JPP Jurnal Politik Profetik","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46747059","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-30DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v11i1a3
Muhammad Mahsun
The Covid-19 pandemic has had a wide impact on various sectors of people’s lives, including socio-economic disruption. In Indonesia, at both local and national government levels, the social protection programs have become a key tool for policymakers to overcome the negative impacts of the Covid-19 pandemic crisis. This study aims to examine how the local authorities and community networks called P2SE (Pekalongan Peduli Sosial Ekonomi or Pekalongan Cares Socio-Economy) in Pekalongan city respond to the socio-economic crisis during the Covid-19 pandemic in order to increase the resilience of urban poor and vulnerable group as well as reducing social inequalities. One way of doing this is through integrated social protection provision involving various communities from local authority, academicians, civil society, businessman and micro small and medium enterprises. This article argues that the community networks-based integrated social protection provision model is an alternative strategy to help state authority in addressing poverty and socio-economic inequality in inclusive and participatory ways. In this way, some issues of inequality and political interests in the process of resource distribution related to the provision of social protection can be minimized. Therefore, this model of providing social protection based on integrated community networks can be used as an alternative strategy to reduce inequality and build the resilience of urban poor and other vulnerable groups when facing crisis due to unpredictable disasters such as the Covid-19.
{"title":"The Lack of Government Capacity and Rising Community Networks in Building Resilience During the Covid-19 Pandemic: An Insight from Pekalongan City, Indonesia","authors":"Muhammad Mahsun","doi":"10.24252/profetik.v11i1a3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24252/profetik.v11i1a3","url":null,"abstract":"The Covid-19 pandemic has had a wide impact on various sectors of people’s lives, including socio-economic disruption. In Indonesia, at both local and national government levels, the social protection programs have become a key tool for policymakers to overcome the negative impacts of the Covid-19 pandemic crisis. This study aims to examine how the local authorities and community networks called P2SE (Pekalongan Peduli Sosial Ekonomi or Pekalongan Cares Socio-Economy) in Pekalongan city respond to the socio-economic crisis during the Covid-19 pandemic in order to increase the resilience of urban poor and vulnerable group as well as reducing social inequalities. One way of doing this is through integrated social protection provision involving various communities from local authority, academicians, civil society, businessman and micro small and medium enterprises. This article argues that the community networks-based integrated social protection provision model is an alternative strategy to help state authority in addressing poverty and socio-economic inequality in inclusive and participatory ways. In this way, some issues of inequality and political interests in the process of resource distribution related to the provision of social protection can be minimized. Therefore, this model of providing social protection based on integrated community networks can be used as an alternative strategy to reduce inequality and build the resilience of urban poor and other vulnerable groups when facing crisis due to unpredictable disasters such as the Covid-19.","PeriodicalId":34003,"journal":{"name":"JPP Jurnal Politik Profetik","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44703872","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-30DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v11i1a5
Syahla Aurelya Djailani, Surwandono, Kata Kunci
This study investigates the relationship between the Human Development Index (HDI) and the Global Peace Index (GPI) in the Middle East. This quantitative analysis employs the Pearson correlation coefficient formula, with HDI as the independent variable and GPI as the dependent variable. The literature review utilizes numerous sources, including journals, books, news media, and the internet. The research sample included Yemen, Afghanistan, Iraq, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Palestine, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Qatar, and Israel. HDI and GPI are strongly negatively correlated (-0.854), indicating that an increase in one variable (HDI) diminishes the other variable (GPI). Consequently, countries in the Middle East with higher levels of human development tend to have lower GPI scores, indicating that higher levels of human development are associated with a greater likelihood of peace in this region.
{"title":"The Wealth-Peace Connection: Human Development Index and Global Peace Index in Middle Eastern Nations","authors":"Syahla Aurelya Djailani, Surwandono, Kata Kunci","doi":"10.24252/profetik.v11i1a5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24252/profetik.v11i1a5","url":null,"abstract":"This study investigates the relationship between the Human Development Index (HDI) and the Global Peace Index (GPI) in the Middle East. This quantitative analysis employs the Pearson correlation coefficient formula, with HDI as the independent variable and GPI as the dependent variable. The literature review utilizes numerous sources, including journals, books, news media, and the internet. The research sample included Yemen, Afghanistan, Iraq, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Palestine, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Qatar, and Israel. HDI and GPI are strongly negatively correlated (-0.854), indicating that an increase in one variable (HDI) diminishes the other variable (GPI). Consequently, countries in the Middle East with higher levels of human development tend to have lower GPI scores, indicating that higher levels of human development are associated with a greater likelihood of peace in this region.","PeriodicalId":34003,"journal":{"name":"JPP Jurnal Politik Profetik","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42974891","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-30DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v11i1a6
Anggriani Alamsyah
Social media content has taken up a lot of our attention, a lot of time and energy is spent either creating content or just exploring it. This of course does not only have a positive impact on us, on the other side of the pendulum there are 'mines' ready to blow up anyone who is not aware of the negative effects. This paper attempts to provide an overview of the hidden agendas of social media that are consciously or unconsciously realized by its users, where the hedonic treadmill concept is used as the main analysis knife. This article is qualitative by using impressions on YouTube as the object of writing. Shows that are used as the object of analysis include: 1) Why Social Media Is Toxic for Teen Mental Health | Fault Lines Documentary; 2) Teens, Social Media, and Technology (Full Documentary; 3) The Instagram Effect 2022 Documentary. The author finds that social media has great potential to encourage a continuous search for happiness as evidenced by the acquisition of as many like-view-shares as possible. In addition, the next finding is that social media makes a major contribution to the formation of a negative image of the body and mental disorders that lead to suicide. The ultimate terminal is the utilization of algorithms to generate more profit for social media.
{"title":"Tirani Kebahagiaan dan Media Sosial: Sebuah Kajian Media dan Politik","authors":"Anggriani Alamsyah","doi":"10.24252/profetik.v11i1a6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24252/profetik.v11i1a6","url":null,"abstract":"Social media content has taken up a lot of our attention, a lot of time and energy is spent either creating content or just exploring it. This of course does not only have a positive impact on us, on the other side of the pendulum there are 'mines' ready to blow up anyone who is not aware of the negative effects. This paper attempts to provide an overview of the hidden agendas of social media that are consciously or unconsciously realized by its users, where the hedonic treadmill concept is used as the main analysis knife. This article is qualitative by using impressions on YouTube as the object of writing. Shows that are used as the object of analysis include: 1) Why Social Media Is Toxic for Teen Mental Health | Fault Lines Documentary; 2) Teens, Social Media, and Technology (Full Documentary; 3) The Instagram Effect 2022 Documentary. The author finds that social media has great potential to encourage a continuous search for happiness as evidenced by the acquisition of as many like-view-shares as possible. In addition, the next finding is that social media makes a major contribution to the formation of a negative image of the body and mental disorders that lead to suicide. The ultimate terminal is the utilization of algorithms to generate more profit for social media. \u0000 ","PeriodicalId":34003,"journal":{"name":"JPP Jurnal Politik Profetik","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45765997","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-30DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v11i1a2
K. R. Nababan
Democracy education in Indonesia tends to be based on the national curriculum which often does not consider local values and socio-cultural contexts. This article aims to analyze local wisdom-based democratic education, with a focus on mandok hata as a model of local wisdom practice. This study used a qualitative method with primary data collection techniques through interviews and observation of 5 research subjects who were key informants, as well as secondary data through literature studies. The results of the study show that mandok hata contains the principles of democratic education, including active involvement and participation, understanding of rights and obligations, criticism and reflection, practical communication, ability to work together and mutual cooperation, and social awareness. An approach to democratic education that integrates the values and traditions of mandok hata can help develop individual participation and political awareness within families and local communities. Thus, local wisdom-based democratic education has an important role in forming a democratic and participatory society, as well as in strengthening and preserving local wisdom as a valuable cultural heritage.
{"title":"Mandok Hata Sebagai Pendidikan Demokrasi dalam Kebudayaan Batak","authors":"K. R. Nababan","doi":"10.24252/profetik.v11i1a2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24252/profetik.v11i1a2","url":null,"abstract":"Democracy education in Indonesia tends to be based on the national curriculum which often does not consider local values and socio-cultural contexts. This article aims to analyze local wisdom-based democratic education, with a focus on mandok hata as a model of local wisdom practice. This study used a qualitative method with primary data collection techniques through interviews and observation of 5 research subjects who were key informants, as well as secondary data through literature studies. The results of the study show that mandok hata contains the principles of democratic education, including active involvement and participation, understanding of rights and obligations, criticism and reflection, practical communication, ability to work together and mutual cooperation, and social awareness. An approach to democratic education that integrates the values and traditions of mandok hata can help develop individual participation and political awareness within families and local communities. Thus, local wisdom-based democratic education has an important role in forming a democratic and participatory society, as well as in strengthening and preserving local wisdom as a valuable cultural heritage.","PeriodicalId":34003,"journal":{"name":"JPP Jurnal Politik Profetik","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42526354","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-30DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v11i1a4
Abon Ronaldi, Andi M. Faisal Bakti, Kata Kunci
The problems that adorn the world of politics in Indonesia are manipulative politics which tend to discredit political opponents. This article aims to examine Baitul Muslimin Indonesia as a wing organization of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP). This research was conducted using a qualitative analytical descriptive approach based on literature study. Primary data comes from books, journals and news. The theory used is Dan Nimmo's political persuasion perspective which includes the concepts of propaganda, advertising and political rhetoric. The results of this study prove that the existence of BAMUSI is a preventive measure against the many negative stigmas against PDIP. The propaganda practice carried out against PDIP is propaganda name calling. Even though it has a negative nuance, this propaganda is considered effective as a form of strategy to erode the credibility of political opponents. Nevertheless, the wing organization of this political party continues to strengthen the identity of its parent party. For example by making persuasive non-commercial advertising. And also the rhetoric of the PDIP's character is carried out without being negatively charged such as advisory (exhortive) rhetoric.
{"title":"Eksistensi Baitul Muslimin Indonesia Sebagai Organisasi Sayap Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan dalam Kinerja Persuasi Politik","authors":"Abon Ronaldi, Andi M. Faisal Bakti, Kata Kunci","doi":"10.24252/profetik.v11i1a4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24252/profetik.v11i1a4","url":null,"abstract":"The problems that adorn the world of politics in Indonesia are manipulative politics which tend to discredit political opponents. This article aims to examine Baitul Muslimin Indonesia as a wing organization of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP). This research was conducted using a qualitative analytical descriptive approach based on literature study. Primary data comes from books, journals and news. The theory used is Dan Nimmo's political persuasion perspective which includes the concepts of propaganda, advertising and political rhetoric. The results of this study prove that the existence of BAMUSI is a preventive measure against the many negative stigmas against PDIP. The propaganda practice carried out against PDIP is propaganda name calling. Even though it has a negative nuance, this propaganda is considered effective as a form of strategy to erode the credibility of political opponents. Nevertheless, the wing organization of this political party continues to strengthen the identity of its parent party. For example by making persuasive non-commercial advertising. And also the rhetoric of the PDIP's character is carried out without being negatively charged such as advisory (exhortive) rhetoric.","PeriodicalId":34003,"journal":{"name":"JPP Jurnal Politik Profetik","volume":"871 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41279058","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-30DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v11i1a1
Ibnu Chaerul Mansyur
In the 1950s, political life was divided due to sect politics. The New Order and Reform had suppressed and made political polarization subside, but political polarization strengthened again in 2014, due to the meeting of two spectrums between pluralist and Islamist groups. This study aims to examine the causes of the strengthening of political polarization between Islamists and pluralists in Indonesia, after it has faded for so long in a repressive and open political system. This research uses a qualitative approach with literature study method. The results of the study found that political actors pursue their political goals by using polarization strategies, such as mobilizing voters to divide them, spreading hate speech, and exploiting public unrest. The conclusion is that the political polarization that occurred between Islamists and pluralists in Indonesia in 2014-2019 was caused by strategic political actors. This research will add to the study of political polarization in Indonesia which is still limited, especially those discussing the causes of political polarization.
{"title":"Polarisasi Politik di Indonesia 2014-2019: Sebuah Kajian Pustaka","authors":"Ibnu Chaerul Mansyur","doi":"10.24252/profetik.v11i1a1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24252/profetik.v11i1a1","url":null,"abstract":"In the 1950s, political life was divided due to sect politics. The New Order and Reform had suppressed and made political polarization subside, but political polarization strengthened again in 2014, due to the meeting of two spectrums between pluralist and Islamist groups. This study aims to examine the causes of the strengthening of political polarization between Islamists and pluralists in Indonesia, after it has faded for so long in a repressive and open political system. This research uses a qualitative approach with literature study method. The results of the study found that political actors pursue their political goals by using polarization strategies, such as mobilizing voters to divide them, spreading hate speech, and exploiting public unrest. The conclusion is that the political polarization that occurred between Islamists and pluralists in Indonesia in 2014-2019 was caused by strategic political actors. This research will add to the study of political polarization in Indonesia which is still limited, especially those discussing the causes of political polarization.","PeriodicalId":34003,"journal":{"name":"JPP Jurnal Politik Profetik","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41743477","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-26DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v10i2a6
Syarifuddin Jurdi
This article explains the General Elections Commission (KPU) institution in facing the 2024 General Election (Pemilu). The main aims to understand the process of forming an election management body and its institutional transformation as well as the readiness of the KPU in facing the 2024 simultaneous elections. This paper tends to use verstehen analysis which developed by Weber, to look within the institution and slightly oriented towards phenomenological analysis developed by Berger and Luckmann. This research employs genealogical perspective as theoretical perspective. In general, this article concludes that to hold clean election, independent and credible institutions are needed. Therefore; First, it is necessary to strengthen the capacity, technical capabilities and the substance of election organizers, support from human resources with integrity is needed to produce elections with dignity; Second, the readiness of regulations and policies related to all stages of the election and election program can be carried out in accordance with the regulations and stages that govern them; Third, strengthening the organizing institutions to encourage voter participation through outreach and voter education in order to have critical, intelligent voters, and those who reject money politics, not easily mobilized and anti-hoax.
{"title":"INSTITUTIONAL CONTEXT OF GENERAL ELECTIONS COMMISSION AND THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE 2024 ELECTION","authors":"Syarifuddin Jurdi","doi":"10.24252/profetik.v10i2a6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24252/profetik.v10i2a6","url":null,"abstract":"This article explains the General Elections Commission (KPU) institution in facing the 2024 General Election (Pemilu). The main aims to understand the process of forming an election management body and its institutional transformation as well as the readiness of the KPU in facing the 2024 simultaneous elections. This paper tends to use verstehen analysis which developed by Weber, to look within the institution and slightly oriented towards phenomenological analysis developed by Berger and Luckmann. This research employs genealogical perspective as theoretical perspective. In general, this article concludes that to hold clean election, independent and credible institutions are needed. Therefore; First, it is necessary to strengthen the capacity, technical capabilities and the substance of election organizers, support from human resources with integrity is needed to produce elections with dignity; Second, the readiness of regulations and policies related to all stages of the election and election program can be carried out in accordance with the regulations and stages that govern them; Third, strengthening the organizing institutions to encourage voter participation through outreach and voter education in order to have critical, intelligent voters, and those who reject money politics, not easily mobilized and anti-hoax.","PeriodicalId":34003,"journal":{"name":"JPP Jurnal Politik Profetik","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46078673","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-16DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v10i2a4
Gema Ramadhan Bastari, A. Rivai
This paper discusses the possibility of strengthening the theory of regionness through the concept of social capital. The urgency for this topic arises from stagnating trend of regionalism project across the globe and the lack of discussions in the role of social aspect in regionalism. According to Björn Hettne and Fredrik Söderbaum’s theory on regionness, the intensification of social interaction at the grassroot level will pave a way for the creation of a new entity they referred to as the ‘regional state’. However, the theory’s fallacy came from its reliance on an assumption that social interaction will always lead to convergence. As has been proven by the case of Brexit, sometimes social interaction can also cause divergence and the collapse of the regionalism project itself. This paper employs literature review method to argue that the concept of social capital can complement this theory. It argues that social capital, which is an immaterial resources created through social interactions, will be able to increase the degree of regionness in one region. Furthermore, this paper will also open up a possibility to include sociology study, namely the theory of social understanding, in complementing the theory of regionness and social capital. This paper concludes that regionness is a social capital brought to the regional level as part of a joint effort to create a new governance system unimagined by any individuals alone.
{"title":"FURTHER THEORIZING ON THE CONCEPT OF REGIONNESS: THE ROLE OF SOCIAL CAPITAL IN ENSURING REGIONAL CONVERGENCE","authors":"Gema Ramadhan Bastari, A. Rivai","doi":"10.24252/profetik.v10i2a4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24252/profetik.v10i2a4","url":null,"abstract":"This paper discusses the possibility of strengthening the theory of regionness through the concept of social capital. The urgency for this topic arises from stagnating trend of regionalism project across the globe and the lack of discussions in the role of social aspect in regionalism. According to Björn Hettne and Fredrik Söderbaum’s theory on regionness, the intensification of social interaction at the grassroot level will pave a way for the creation of a new entity they referred to as the ‘regional state’. However, the theory’s fallacy came from its reliance on an assumption that social interaction will always lead to convergence. As has been proven by the case of Brexit, sometimes social interaction can also cause divergence and the collapse of the regionalism project itself. This paper employs literature review method to argue that the concept of social capital can complement this theory. It argues that social capital, which is an immaterial resources created through social interactions, will be able to increase the degree of regionness in one region. Furthermore, this paper will also open up a possibility to include sociology study, namely the theory of social understanding, in complementing the theory of regionness and social capital. This paper concludes that regionness is a social capital brought to the regional level as part of a joint effort to create a new governance system unimagined by any individuals alone.","PeriodicalId":34003,"journal":{"name":"JPP Jurnal Politik Profetik","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44167202","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-29DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v10i2a3
Novi Budiman
This study aims to describe the candidacy process and challenges of female candidates in the 2020 regional elections in Tanah Datar Regency as well as campaign issues promoted by female candidates based on gender perspective. This research is a qualitative research using candidacy theory. The findings of this study that the challenge faced by Betty Shadiq Pasadigue in the contestation of the 2020 Regional Elections of Tanah Datar Regency is the emergence of gender stereotypes and negative views of women's leadership as regional leader, although the LKAAM of Tanah Datar Regency has affirmed that women's leadership in the political field is permitted.
{"title":"WOMEN IN THE LOCAL POLITICAL VORTEX: A STUDY OF WOMEN CANDIDATES INVOLVEMENT IN 2020 REGIONAL ELECTIONS IN TANAH DATAR","authors":"Novi Budiman","doi":"10.24252/profetik.v10i2a3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24252/profetik.v10i2a3","url":null,"abstract":"This study aims to describe the candidacy process and challenges of female candidates in the 2020 regional elections in Tanah Datar Regency as well as campaign issues promoted by female candidates based on gender perspective. This research is a qualitative research using candidacy theory. The findings of this study that the challenge faced by Betty Shadiq Pasadigue in the contestation of the 2020 Regional Elections of Tanah Datar Regency is the emergence of gender stereotypes and negative views of women's leadership as regional leader, although the LKAAM of Tanah Datar Regency has affirmed that women's leadership in the political field is permitted.","PeriodicalId":34003,"journal":{"name":"JPP Jurnal Politik Profetik","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47612905","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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