Pub Date : 2020-12-29DOI: 10.24252/PROFETIK.V8I2A5
M. N. Syahrin, Mochamad Dziqie Aulia Al Farauqi, Sri Wahyuni Jamal
Th e population has increased dramatically in recent years, including in Samarinda, East Kalimantan. Ironically, the large population is not supported by the quality of life. This problem makes the government strive to discipline the community in a nonviolent way through the Keluarga Berencana (KB) program. These efforts are manifested in the policy mechanism which links the health science and political social aspects (biopolitics). The effort to control the population is not only because of the health policy’s interest but also a s a political-strategic policy. The purpose of this study is providing an analysis of Keluarga Berencana program as the strategy to overcome the health issues and as the implementation of biopolitics. This research uses quantitative methods using document-based literature studies and interviews. In Samarinda, the government has synergized policies and budgets at all level of government , in the form of activities and programs for the establishment of Keluarga Berencana village , decreased the fertility rate, increased number of contraceptive prevalence rate, cooperation and coordination with the Provincial BKKBN and the ministry of health, as well as increasing the quality and quantity of PLKB/PKB, involving Babinsa Koramil and providing free Keluarga Berencana program activities. These activities is a n implementation of biopolitical policy to control the population. If there is an imbalance between the population and the burden and ability of the state, then the country will slowly go to the more complex social problems.
{"title":"ANALISIS BIOPOLITIK DAN KONTROL POPULASI PENDUDUK MELALUI PROGRAM KELUARGA BERENCANA DI KOTA SAMARINDA","authors":"M. N. Syahrin, Mochamad Dziqie Aulia Al Farauqi, Sri Wahyuni Jamal","doi":"10.24252/PROFETIK.V8I2A5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24252/PROFETIK.V8I2A5","url":null,"abstract":"Th e population has increased dramatically in recent years, including in Samarinda, East Kalimantan. Ironically, the large population is not supported by the quality of life. This problem makes the government strive to discipline the community in a nonviolent way through the Keluarga Berencana (KB) program. These efforts are manifested in the policy mechanism which links the health science and political social aspects (biopolitics). The effort to control the population is not only because of the health policy’s interest but also a s a political-strategic policy. The purpose of this study is providing an analysis of Keluarga Berencana program as the strategy to overcome the health issues and as the implementation of biopolitics. This research uses quantitative methods using document-based literature studies and interviews. In Samarinda, the government has synergized policies and budgets at all level of government , in the form of activities and programs for the establishment of Keluarga Berencana village , decreased the fertility rate, increased number of contraceptive prevalence rate, cooperation and coordination with the Provincial BKKBN and the ministry of health, as well as increasing the quality and quantity of PLKB/PKB, involving Babinsa Koramil and providing free Keluarga Berencana program activities. These activities is a n implementation of biopolitical policy to control the population. If there is an imbalance between the population and the burden and ability of the state, then the country will slowly go to the more complex social problems.","PeriodicalId":34003,"journal":{"name":"JPP Jurnal Politik Profetik","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43075178","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-29DOI: 10.24252/PROFETIK.V8I2A2
Gugun Wardiono, B. Sugiarto, Ahmad Rofik
T he article aims to describe the causes of Syarikat Islam which returned to khittah 1905 (original path ) and the process of this organisation to return to it. This study conveys the factors which are influenced Syarikat Islam to decide to turn back to its original path: 1. The fragmentation of political Islam and the low level of competitiveness of Islamic party in legislative elections after the New Order era; 2) Internal conflict within Syarikat Islam has caused this organization fragmented and inactive for years. The idea to return to its original path is considered as a solution to reunite previously-fragmented factions within the organization. To realize that agenda, Syarikat Islam has utilized mobilizing structures that includes organizational consolidation and its members’ social networks .
{"title":"GERAKAN SYARIKAT ISLAM KEMBALI KE KHITTAH TAHUN 1905","authors":"Gugun Wardiono, B. Sugiarto, Ahmad Rofik","doi":"10.24252/PROFETIK.V8I2A2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24252/PROFETIK.V8I2A2","url":null,"abstract":"T he article aims to describe the causes of Syarikat Islam which returned to khittah 1905 (original path ) and the process of this organisation to return to it. This study conveys the factors which are influenced Syarikat Islam to decide to turn back to its original path: 1. The fragmentation of political Islam and the low level of competitiveness of Islamic party in legislative elections after the New Order era; 2) Internal conflict within Syarikat Islam has caused this organization fragmented and inactive for years. The idea to return to its original path is considered as a solution to reunite previously-fragmented factions within the organization. To realize that agenda, Syarikat Islam has utilized mobilizing structures that includes organizational consolidation and its members’ social networks .","PeriodicalId":34003,"journal":{"name":"JPP Jurnal Politik Profetik","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48703650","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-29DOI: 10.24252/PROFETIK.V8I2A3
Andi Purwono
Sebagai organisasi keagamaan terbesar, Nahdlatul Ulama memiliki peran internasional bahkan sejak awal pendiriannya. Salah satu peran itu diwujudkan melalui pembentukan Pengurus Cabang Istimewa di luar negeri. Artikel ini bertujuan menjelaskan alasan pendiriannya serta mendeskripsikan aktivitas dan kontribusinya bagi dunia maupun politik luar negeri Indonesia. Penelitian kualitatif ini menggunakan metode pengumpulan data studi pustaka ditambah wawancara. Penelitian menemukan bahwa motivasi ideasional terkait keterpanggilan untuk menyebarkan ajaran Islam rahmatan lil ‘alamin menjadi alasan pendirian. Aktivitas menjelaskan wajah Islam sebenarnya yang memberi kontribusi positif baik dalam kerangka hubungan Islam dan Barat maupun bagi politik luar negeri Indonesia.
{"title":"INTERNATIONALIZATION OF ISLAM RAHMATAN LIL 'ALAMIN THROUGH PENGURUS CABANG ISTIMEWA NAHDLATUL ULAMA (PCINU): MOTIVATION AND CONTRIBUTION","authors":"Andi Purwono","doi":"10.24252/PROFETIK.V8I2A3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24252/PROFETIK.V8I2A3","url":null,"abstract":"Sebagai organisasi keagamaan terbesar, Nahdlatul Ulama memiliki peran internasional bahkan sejak awal pendiriannya. Salah satu peran itu diwujudkan melalui pembentukan Pengurus Cabang Istimewa di luar negeri. Artikel ini bertujuan menjelaskan alasan pendiriannya serta mendeskripsikan aktivitas dan kontribusinya bagi dunia maupun politik luar negeri Indonesia. Penelitian kualitatif ini menggunakan metode pengumpulan data studi pustaka ditambah wawancara. Penelitian menemukan bahwa motivasi ideasional terkait keterpanggilan untuk menyebarkan ajaran Islam rahmatan lil ‘alamin menjadi alasan pendirian. Aktivitas menjelaskan wajah Islam sebenarnya yang memberi kontribusi positif baik dalam kerangka hubungan Islam dan Barat maupun bagi politik luar negeri Indonesia.","PeriodicalId":34003,"journal":{"name":"JPP Jurnal Politik Profetik","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46524507","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"OLIGARKI DI INDONESIA: RELASI KAPITAL YANG DOMINAN","authors":"S. Sunardi","doi":"10.24252/PROFETIK.V8I2A7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24252/PROFETIK.V8I2A7","url":null,"abstract":"Abdis Mughis Mudhoffir dan Coen Husain Pontoh (Ed). Oligarki: Teori dan Kritik. Tangerang Selatan: Markin Kiri, 2020. Cetakan: I. Halaman: xxiv+291. ISBN: 978-979-1260-95-4.","PeriodicalId":34003,"journal":{"name":"JPP Jurnal Politik Profetik","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46273847","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-12-29DOI: 10.24252/PROFETIK.V8I2A1
A. Riyanto
Sociologically, Indonesia is a country with the largest Muslim population in the world, however no Islamic party has ever won the legislative electoral since the Old Order. There are limited research which link the defeat of Islamic parties with their own history as a context. This study uses the perspective of historical institutionalism, particularly the analysis of path dependencies and critical junctures to analyze the defeat of Indonesian Islamic parties by linking the past political decisions in a critical junctures framework. This study has two main findings. First, the defeat of Indonesian Islamic parties during 1955 to 2019 elections was the result of a causal mechanism which was related to political decisions in moments of critical junctures. The mechanism had a significant effect on the path of development of Islamic parties and led to the outcome of defeat. Second, the defeat of the Indonesian Islamic party indicates a path of dependence repetition which includes three process dependence paths triggered by three critical moments in the form of political decisions of party agents. Each resulted in a series of causal follow-up events in the aftermath of critical juncture, which were the process of reactive sequences, reinforcement or self-reinforcing sequences, as well as reinforcement or self-reinforcing sequences and reactive sequences, and put Islamic parties on a certain development path towards the final outcome of the legislative election defeat.
{"title":"MENGAPA PARTAI ISLAM BELUM PERNAH MENANG?: PATH DEPENDENCE REPETITION KEKALAHAN PARTAI ISLAM INDONESIA DALAM PEMILU LEGISLATIF 1955 HINGGA 2019","authors":"A. Riyanto","doi":"10.24252/PROFETIK.V8I2A1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24252/PROFETIK.V8I2A1","url":null,"abstract":"Sociologically, Indonesia is a country with the largest Muslim population in the world, however no Islamic party has ever won the legislative electoral since the Old Order. There are limited research which link the defeat of Islamic parties with their own history as a context. This study uses the perspective of historical institutionalism, particularly the analysis of path dependencies and critical junctures to analyze the defeat of Indonesian Islamic parties by linking the past political decisions in a critical junctures framework. This study has two main findings. First, the defeat of Indonesian Islamic parties during 1955 to 2019 elections was the result of a causal mechanism which was related to political decisions in moments of critical junctures. The mechanism had a significant effect on the path of development of Islamic parties and led to the outcome of defeat. Second, the defeat of the Indonesian Islamic party indicates a path of dependence repetition which includes three process dependence paths triggered by three critical moments in the form of political decisions of party agents. Each resulted in a series of causal follow-up events in the aftermath of critical juncture, which were the process of reactive sequences, reinforcement or self-reinforcing sequences, as well as reinforcement or self-reinforcing sequences and reactive sequences, and put Islamic parties on a certain development path towards the final outcome of the legislative election defeat. ","PeriodicalId":34003,"journal":{"name":"JPP Jurnal Politik Profetik","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45953570","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-06-10DOI: 10.24252/PROFETIK.V8I1A4
Mudjiharto Mudjiharto
This paper addresses and analyzes the fifteen years of peace in Aceh since the tsunami and MoU Helsinki. Analyzing Aceh peace after the disaster and MoU Helsinki was very important to understand how disaster diplomacy could make contribution to building pace in Aceh. This paper would discuss and analyze the Aceh peace building process, starting with the diplomacy process, before and after the tsunami hit Aceh. This paper aims to prove whether disaster could be used as diplomacy. In the case to know the process of disaster diplomacy to build peace in Aceh for 15 year, this paper used disaster diplomacy approach and the concept of peace building. This paper was based on a study using qualitative methods. The conclusion of this paper shows whether the Government of Indonesia was using disaster diplomacy to settle the Aceh dispute with GAM (Gerakan Aceh Merdeka). Disaster diplomacy from Indonesian government was proven to have a major contribution to the process of peace building in Aceh over a long period of time, not just at the time when the peace treaty was signed.
本文论述并分析了海啸和赫尔辛基谅解备忘录以来亚齐十五年的和平。分析灾难后的亚齐和平和赫尔辛基谅解备忘录对于理解灾难外交如何为亚齐的建设步伐做出贡献非常重要。本文将从亚齐海啸前后的外交进程入手，对亚齐的和平建设进程进行探讨和分析。本文旨在证明灾难是否可以作为外交手段。为了了解亚齐15年来的灾难外交建设和平进程，本文运用了灾难外交的方法和建设和平的概念。本文基于一项使用定性方法的研究。本文的结论表明，印度尼西亚政府是否在利用灾难外交来解决与GAM（Gerakan Aceh Merdeka）的亚齐争端。事实证明，印尼政府的灾难外交在很长一段时间内对亚齐的和平建设进程做出了重大贡献，而不仅仅是在签署和平条约时。
{"title":"PERDAMAIAN ACEH PASCA BENCANA TSUNAMI ACEH 2004 DAN MOU HELSINKI: TELAAH KRITIS DISASTER DIPLOMACY PEMERINTAH INDONESIA DALAM PENYELESAIAN KONFLIK ACEH","authors":"Mudjiharto Mudjiharto","doi":"10.24252/PROFETIK.V8I1A4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24252/PROFETIK.V8I1A4","url":null,"abstract":"This paper addresses and analyzes the fifteen years of peace in Aceh since the tsunami and MoU Helsinki. Analyzing Aceh peace after the disaster and MoU Helsinki was very important to understand how disaster diplomacy could make contribution to building pace in Aceh. This paper would discuss and analyze the Aceh peace building process, starting with the diplomacy process, before and after the tsunami hit Aceh. This paper aims to prove whether disaster could be used as diplomacy. In the case to know the process of disaster diplomacy to build peace in Aceh for 15 year, this paper used disaster diplomacy approach and the concept of peace building. This paper was based on a study using qualitative methods. The conclusion of this paper shows whether the Government of Indonesia was using disaster diplomacy to settle the Aceh dispute with GAM (Gerakan Aceh Merdeka). Disaster diplomacy from Indonesian government was proven to have a major contribution to the process of peace building in Aceh over a long period of time, not just at the time when the peace treaty was signed.","PeriodicalId":34003,"journal":{"name":"JPP Jurnal Politik Profetik","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47077903","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-06-10DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v8i1a1
Yayu Anggraini
‘Pengantin pesanan’ or ‘kawin foto’ is a form of oppression and violence against women. This study did not refuse it, but it showed that the women of ‘pengantin pesanan’ did not always become the victims if: (1) violence and oppression faced by the women were not only ‘mail-order brides’ but also poverty, cultural violence, and unfair social structure; (2) the women keep fighting against the subjects who oppress them. The main focus of this study was the women’s effort to get out of the experienced oppression, i.e. the fight against poverty, the fight against cultural violence, the fight against Taiwanese and unfair social structure in their own villages. The writer believes that this study aims to be a self-criticism of the mainstream (feminist) discourse, so it needs an alternative approach by understanding the complexity of ‘pengantin pesanan’ which positions the women’s perception and (subjective) experience as the center of analysis, not discussing whether ‘pengantin pesanan’ is trafficking or not. The women’s subjectivity is formed by the discourse on “Women”, but not completely, because the women are basically controlled, but it does not mean that they cannot do anything since they still have some moving space or room for negotiating.
{"title":"‘PENGANTIN PESANAN’ SEBAGAI ARENA PERLAWANAN","authors":"Yayu Anggraini","doi":"10.24252/profetik.v8i1a1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24252/profetik.v8i1a1","url":null,"abstract":"‘Pengantin pesanan’ or ‘kawin foto’ is a form of oppression and violence against women. This study did not refuse it, but it showed that the women of ‘pengantin pesanan’ did not always become the victims if: (1) violence and oppression faced by the women were not only ‘mail-order brides’ but also poverty, cultural violence, and unfair social structure; (2) the women keep fighting against the subjects who oppress them. The main focus of this study was the women’s effort to get out of the experienced oppression, i.e. the fight against poverty, the fight against cultural violence, the fight against Taiwanese and unfair social structure in their own villages. The writer believes that this study aims to be a self-criticism of the mainstream (feminist) discourse, so it needs an alternative approach by understanding the complexity of ‘pengantin pesanan’ which positions the women’s perception and (subjective) experience as the center of analysis, not discussing whether ‘pengantin pesanan’ is trafficking or not. The women’s subjectivity is formed by the discourse on “Women”, but not completely, because the women are basically controlled, but it does not mean that they cannot do anything since they still have some moving space or room for negotiating.","PeriodicalId":34003,"journal":{"name":"JPP Jurnal Politik Profetik","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47823635","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Political Settlements are often identified with post-conflict conditions. Basically the main idea of political settlements is a shared understanding among the elites in the context of power distribution. Common understanding is interpreted as an agreement on the negotiations carried out, which is intended for the continuity of the overall system after the conflict. Thus the study of political settlements will show how the elites, both the formal elite and the informal elite, as well as other institutions in the community carry out strategies or strategies to establish legitimacy. The political agreement also negotiates the distribution of available resources. Thus the power relations that occur will restore the classic concept of power from Laswell namely Who Gets What, When and How, showing who has power in the agreement. As political agreements emerge as a strategy for cooperation rather than competition, in order to secure their interests, it takes days or even centuries, to be renewed continuously. Those who agree would continue to contest and are subject to renegotiation. The result would be new regulations or policies in the context of maintaining the status quo. Therefore, the political settlement framework did not state that the emergence of each policy reflects the balance of power in a country. Although in reality political agreement occurs in every political action, but in concept not many people use it in political analysis. This paper tried to describe the development of the concept of political agreement by examining the level of reality.
{"title":"POLITICAL SETTLEMENTS: ANTARA KONSEP DAN REALITAS","authors":"Nurul Nurhandjati","doi":"10.24252/JPP.V7I2.8107","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24252/JPP.V7I2.8107","url":null,"abstract":"Political Settlements are often identified with post-conflict conditions. Basically the main idea of political settlements is a shared understanding among the elites in the context of power distribution. Common understanding is interpreted as an agreement on the negotiations carried out, which is intended for the continuity of the overall system after the conflict. Thus the study of political settlements will show how the elites, both the formal elite and the informal elite, as well as other institutions in the community carry out strategies or strategies to establish legitimacy. The political agreement also negotiates the distribution of available resources. Thus the power relations that occur will restore the classic concept of power from Laswell namely Who Gets What, When and How, showing who has power in the agreement. As political agreements emerge as a strategy for cooperation rather than competition, in order to secure their interests, it takes days or even centuries, to be renewed continuously. Those who agree would continue to contest and are subject to renegotiation. The result would be new regulations or policies in the context of maintaining the status quo. Therefore, the political settlement framework did not state that the emergence of each policy reflects the balance of power in a country. Although in reality political agreement occurs in every political action, but in concept not many people use it in political analysis. This paper tried to describe the development of the concept of political agreement by examining the level of reality.","PeriodicalId":34003,"journal":{"name":"JPP Jurnal Politik Profetik","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41987641","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper examines the motives of the independent volunter’s support toward the electability of Prabowo-Sandi in the 2019 presidential election. There three motives which will be used as the indicators: incentive-material motive, incentive-solidarity motive, and incentive-idealism motive. The Indonesian Millennial Movement (GMI) is being the selected case of the research because this organization is one of the active independent movements among millennials which campaign s for the electability of Prabowo-Sandi to the public in Yogyakarta Special Region . It is a qualitative research by applying the case study approach to find out the motives of GMI ’s support in winning Prabowo-Sandi in the 2019 presidential election . Documentary and in-depth interview were utilized as the data-gathering. The finding demonstrates that GMI combines all three motives in supporting the candidate. Thus, GMI had a mix incentive motive as its strategy to support Prabowo-Sandi. Nonetheless, incentive-solidarity motive was the most frequently applied by GMI among other motives.
{"title":"MOTIF DUKUNGAN RELAWAN INDEPENDEN TERHADAP ELEKTABILITAS PRABOWO-SANDI PADA PILPRES 2019: STUDI ATAS GERAKAN MILENIAL INDONESIA (GMI) YOGYAKARTA","authors":"Rahmat Kurnia, Ridho Al-Hamdi","doi":"10.24252/JPP.V7I2.10609","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.24252/JPP.V7I2.10609","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines the motives of the independent volunter’s support toward the electability of Prabowo-Sandi in the 2019 presidential election. There three motives which will be used as the indicators: incentive-material motive, incentive-solidarity motive, and incentive-idealism motive. The Indonesian Millennial Movement (GMI) is being the selected case of the research because this organization is one of the active independent movements among millennials which campaign s for the electability of Prabowo-Sandi to the public in Yogyakarta Special Region . It is a qualitative research by applying the case study approach to find out the motives of GMI ’s support in winning Prabowo-Sandi in the 2019 presidential election . Documentary and in-depth interview were utilized as the data-gathering. The finding demonstrates that GMI combines all three motives in supporting the candidate. Thus, GMI had a mix incentive motive as its strategy to support Prabowo-Sandi. Nonetheless, incentive-solidarity motive was the most frequently applied by GMI among other motives.","PeriodicalId":34003,"journal":{"name":"JPP Jurnal Politik Profetik","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48439022","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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