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KINERJA KOMISI PEMILIHAN UMUM KOTA MAKASSAR DALAM MELINDUNGI HAK PILIH WARGA DI TENGAH PANDEMI COVID-19 欧洲共同体委员会根据新冠肺炎国家检查WARGA的权利作出的委员会决定
Pub Date : 2021-12-28 DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v9i2a7
D. Sulistyowati, Muhammad Muhammad, S. Sukri, A. Ariana
A common problem that is usually found in the election process is updating the voters’ data. It is a very crucial stage because it is related to the citizens' voting rights. This article looks at how the performance of the General Election Commission of Makassar city (KPU Kota Makassar) in protecting citizens' voting rights during COVID-19 crisis. The research used descriptive research with a qualitative approach. The results of the study indicate that the commission had carried out its duties in the process of updating voters’ data. The list of permanent voters for the 2020 in Makassar mayoral election decreased due to the large number of Makassar residents who were not staying in Makassar during the time of matching and research procedure (coklit). However, socialization continued to be organized bot in conventional and a modern platform through social media. In addition, collaboration with the Department of Population and Civil Registration, KPU Kota Makassar managed to update the data. Hence, people who do not have electronic identification card (E-KTP) can used their voting rights.
通常在选举过程中发现的一个常见问题是更新选民的数据。这是一个非常关键的阶段,因为它关系到公民的投票权。本文介绍了望加锡市总选举委员会(KPU Kota Makassar)在新冠肺炎危机期间保护公民投票权的表现。该研究采用定性方法进行描述性研究。研究结果表明,委员会在更新选民数据的过程中履行了职责。2020年望加锡市长选举的永久选民名单减少,原因是在匹配和研究程序(coklit)期间,大量望加锡居民没有留在望加锡。然而,社会化仍然是传统的机器人和通过社交媒体的现代平台。此外,KPU Kota Makassar与人口和民事登记部合作,设法更新了数据。因此,没有电子身份证的人可以使用他们的投票权。
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引用次数: 1
YOUTUBE: SEBUAH KAJIAN DEMOKRATISASI INFORMASI DAN HIBURAN YOUTUBE:信息和信息的民主化
Pub Date : 2021-06-30 DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v9i1a6
Anggriani Alamsyah
This paper aims to describe the position of mainstream audio-visual media which has been replaced by a digital platform, Youtube. YouTube has produced some famous people who have been 'untouched' by the mainstream media. The author obtained data and information from YouTube channels, literature and online news. In analyzing this phenomenon, the author uses three concepts: power, the democratization of information, and social media. The author concludes that this platform provides space for anyone to express and get advantages from democratizing information and entertainment. The control of information and entertainment is no longer in the hands of big media corporations but belongs to people like Andovi Da Lopez, Nessie Judge, Hansol, Budi “Epenkah Cupentoh” or even Jeromee who had never appeared on TV screens before.
本文旨在描述主流视听媒体被Youtube数字平台所取代的地位。YouTube培养了一些未受主流媒体影响的名人。作者从YouTube频道、文学和在线新闻中获得了数据和信息。在分析这一现象时,作者使用了三个概念:权力、信息民主化和社交媒体。作者的结论是,这个平台为任何人提供了表达的空间,并从信息和娱乐的民主化中获得优势。信息和娱乐的控制权不再掌握在大媒体公司手中,而是属于像Andovi Da Lopez、Nessie Judge、Hansol、Budi“Epenkah Cupentoh”甚至Jeromee这样从未出现在电视屏幕上的人。
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引用次数: 1
STRATEGI GERAKAN PENERAPAN SYARIAT ISLAM FRONT PEMBELA ISLAM DI MOJOKERTO 从莫乔克托的彭贝拉看伊斯兰教的发展战略
Pub Date : 2021-06-30 DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v9i1a1
M. Mujibuddin
This study aims to analyze the movement for the application of Islamic law by the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) in Mojokerto. Mojokerto is a city with strong NU tradition roots as NU Mojokerto is one of the largest Islamic organizations in this city. So far, NU Mojokerto has never carried out acts of violence in the name of religion. However, the strong tradition of NU does not guarantee the development of radical issues in Mojokerto. This study tries to analyze the strategy of mass networking as well as its efforts in implementing Islamic law in Mojokerto. This research is a field study that uses political opportunity theory to analyze the movement. Based on the research, the author found that there were two strategies undertaken by FPI to implement Islamic law in Mojokerto. First, FPI uses democracy to support candidate leaders who are on the same mission as them. In addition, FPI also encourages society to choose a leader who supports the implementation of Islamic law.  Secondly, FPI takes an action in doing the raid in particular places around the city. The political opportunities that have opened since the reformation era have made it easier for FPI to mobilize the masses, FPI has the freedom to express its opinion in various actions.
本研究旨在分析伊斯兰捍卫者阵线(FPI)在Mojokerto适用伊斯兰法律的运动。Mojokerto是一个有着强大NU传统根基的城市,因为NU Mojokerto是这个城市最大的伊斯兰组织之一。到目前为止,NU Mojokerto从未以宗教的名义实施暴力行为。然而,NU的强大传统并不能保证Mojokerto激进问题的发展。本研究试图分析大众网络策略及其在Mojokerto实施伊斯兰法律的努力。本研究是运用政治机会理论对运动进行分析的实地研究。在研究的基础上,笔者发现FPI在Mojokerto实施伊斯兰教法有两种策略。首先,FPI利用民主来支持与他们有相同使命的候选领导人。此外,FPI还鼓励社会选择支持实施伊斯兰法律的领导人。其次,FPI采取行动,在城市周围的特定地方进行突袭。改革开放以来开放的政治机会使FPI更容易动员群众,FPI可以在各种行动中自由表达自己的意见。
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引用次数: 0
RETALIASI ISLAMOPHOBIA DI PRANCIS DALAM PRINSIP MAQASHID SYARI’AH DHARURIYYAH 伊斯兰恐惧症原则上保留了法国
Pub Date : 2021-06-30 DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v9i1a5
Siti Fajrina, Surwandono Surwandono
This article describes the Islamophobia in France and the boycott of French products by Islamic countries due to the French Government's statement regarding the caricature of the Prophet Muhammad. With a focus on the concept of Maqashid Syari'ah Dharuriyyah, this paper will analyze how the Dharuriyyah principle can protect beliefs and whether this boycott has a significant impact in France. The data from this paper were obtained through the Mendeley library and processed using the analytical description method with VosViewer. The result of this paper is that the boycott carried out by Muslims with the maintenance of religion under the context of Dharuriyyah succeeded in realizing the French economy with the decline in the stock market in France.
这篇文章描述了法国的伊斯兰恐惧症,以及由于法国政府关于先知穆罕默德漫画的声明,伊斯兰国家抵制法国产品。本文将以Maqashid Syari'ah Dharuriyyah的概念为重点,分析Dharuriyyah原则如何保护信仰,以及这种抵制在法国是否产生了重大影响。本文的数据通过Mendeley文库获得,使用VosViewer的解析描述方法进行处理。本文的研究结果是,在达鲁里亚背景下,穆斯林在维护宗教的前提下进行的抵制,以法国股市的下跌成功地实现了法国经济。
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引用次数: 0
POST-ISLAMISME: MEMAHAMI AKSI POLITIK ISLAM KONTEMPORER 后伊斯兰主义:了解当代伊斯兰政治行为
Pub Date : 2021-06-30 DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v9i1a7
Syahrir Karim
Post-Islamism is a dynamic Islamic political phenomenon that spreads with various characters. Previously ideologically different groups tried to merge into the same movement and tried to compromise or even fight. Islamic groups or mass organizations that tend to compromise with the state are their way to continue to exist in political reality. Although actually some of them still do not abandon the goals or ideology of the organization totally. This is purely to maintain public sympathy and on the other hand, to exist in the dynamics of state politics. This phenomenon is in line with several main characteristics of post-Islamism, among others, they tend to be pragmatic, tend to compromise with the state without completely abandoning their ideological characteristics, and they tend to be more realistic in seeing the situation. It can be seen that post-Islamism tends to be less in tune with issues of secularism and on the other hand they also reject the application of Sharia law which looks rigid, including ideological-religious platforms in its application in several places. In general, the characteristics of post-Islamism tend to be the same, such as compromise with political realities, pragmatic tendencies in carrying out government programs, and a tolerant attitude towards groups that are considered different with them.
后伊斯兰主义是一种动态的伊斯兰政治现象,具有多种特征。以前意识形态上不同的团体试图融合到同一运动中,并试图妥协甚至斗争。倾向于与国家妥协的伊斯兰团体或群众组织是他们在政治现实中继续存在的方式。尽管实际上他们中的一些人仍然没有完全放弃组织的目标或意识形态。这纯粹是为了保持公众的同情,另一方面也是为了存在于国家政治的动态中。这一现象符合后伊斯兰主义的几个主要特征,其中包括他们倾向于务实,倾向于在不完全放弃意识形态特征的情况下与国家妥协,以及他们倾向于更现实地看待形势。可以看出,后伊斯兰主义往往与世俗主义问题不太一致,另一方面,他们也拒绝适用看起来僵化的伊斯兰教法,包括在几个地方适用的意识形态宗教平台。总的来说,后伊斯兰主义的特点往往是一样的,比如与政治现实妥协,在执行政府计划时的务实倾向,以及对被认为与他们不同的群体的宽容态度。
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引用次数: 1
HUBUNGAN KONTEMPORER MALAYSIA–INDONESIA: TAHAP PENGETAHUAN DAN PEMAHAMAN GEN X DAN Y MALAYSIA
Pub Date : 2021-06-30 DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v9i1a8
Rohani Ab Ghani, Ahmad Sarji bin Abdul Hamid, Z. Paidi, A. Mohan, L Ratakrishnan, R. Mamat, Andi Tenri Yeyeng
Looking at the relations between Malaysia-Indonesia, it could be seen that society has the power to direct the bilateral relations between two countries. In comparison, Indonesian society is more responsive than Malaysian society in responding to particular issues related to both countries. The most active group is generally from the younger generation known as Generation Y (Gen Y) where their reactions tend to be provocative. The purpose of this paper is to discuss the knowledge and perceptions of Gen Y and Gen X at Universiti Utara Malaysia (UUM) on the Malaysia-Indonesia bilateral relationship and the factors that influence their knowledge and perception. This paper uses quantitative and qualitative methods. The results of the study showed that respondents accepted Indonesia as an important neighbor because of the current state's interests. The cultural and social aspects, particularly audio-visual products such as Indonesian soap operas and Indonesian pop songs have the most significant influence in influencing the respondents' level of knowledge about Indonesia. In addition, they also get a lot of information about Indonesia through electronic media. An important finding from this study is that all respondents acknowledge that Indonesia is still relevant as Malaysia's closest neighbor based on the similarity factor and those good relations between the two countries need to be maintained.
从马来西亚与印尼的关系可以看出,社会有力量指导两国的双边关系。相比之下,印尼社会在应对与两国有关的特定问题方面比马来西亚社会反应更积极。最活跃的群体通常来自被称为Y世代的年轻一代,他们的反应往往是挑衅性的。本文的目的是讨论马来西亚乌塔拉大学Y和X一代对马印尼双边关系的认识和看法,以及影响他们认识和看法的因素。本文采用定量和定性相结合的方法。研究结果显示,受访者之所以接受印尼作为重要邻国,是因为当前国家的利益。文化和社会方面,特别是视听产品,如印尼肥皂剧和印尼流行歌曲,对影响受访者对印尼的了解水平影响最大。此外,他们还通过电子媒体获得了许多关于印度尼西亚的信息。这项研究的一个重要发现是,所有受访者都承认,基于相似性因素,印尼作为马来西亚最亲密的邻国仍然具有相关性,两国之间的良好关系需要保持。
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引用次数: 0
SIMULASI WACANA MEDIA DAN PERMAINAN WACANA POLITIK 媒体话语模拟和政治游戏
Pub Date : 2021-06-30 DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v9i1a4
Muh. Abdi Goncing, Fathullah Syahrul
This article aims to analyze how the media does the simulate discourse in reality and to reveal how the media through their discourse play a political role in social life. The critical perspective of Jean Baudrillard's simulation theory is used as the basic approach for this research. The results of the research indicate that the media discourse through its simulation process has carried out the construction of reality which led to the establishment of a certain ideology that can stimulate the emergence of various needs that must be met by the audience. This need is then used by the media into forms of artificial reality which then directs the audience's perspective and political activities into virtual spaces. This political virtuality then creates a certain political ideology in the context of the audience's political life .
本文旨在分析媒体在现实中是如何模拟话语的,并揭示媒体如何通过其话语在社会生活中发挥政治作用。鲍德里亚模拟理论的批判视角是本研究的基本方法。研究结果表明,媒体话语通过其模拟过程进行了对现实的建构,从而建立了一定的意识形态,能够激发受众必须满足的各种需求的出现。然后,媒体将这种需求转化为人工现实的形式,然后将观众的视角和政治活动引导到虚拟空间中。这种政治虚拟性在观众的政治生活中创造了某种政治意识形态。
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引用次数: 1
PENDIDIKAN KEWARGANEGARAAN DAN PEMBENTUKAN PREFERENSI POLITIK AWAL PEMILIH PEMULA 就业就业与优惠政策
Pub Date : 2021-06-30 DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v9i1a3
Sukri Tamma
This paper aims to show the important role of civic education in influencing the early political preferences of novice voters. Political preference is one of the important aspects for someone to be able to participate properly in a democratic system. Based on certain political preferences, a person will have reasons and foundations for his behavior and political choices, including novice voters. Therefore, an understanding of the aspects of its formation becomes an important aspect to be understood before being directly involved in political elections. Based on qualitative research conducted in Makassar City in 2020 on novice voters who are high school students, it was found that the formation of their initial political preferences was not only influenced by parental preferences but also through civic education courses at schools. The course which consists of standards and social values in behaving as citizens has given them an initial understanding of the importance of placing themselves well in the political space. This makes civic education space for socialization as well as political education for novice voters. This understanding then becomes the basis for developing their understanding of politics and how they should behave as good citizens in a democratic system.
本文旨在展示公民教育在影响新手选民早期政治偏好方面的重要作用。政治偏好是一个人能够正确参与民主制度的重要方面之一。基于某些政治偏好,一个人的行为和政治选择会有理由和基础,包括新手选民。因此,在直接参与政治选举之前,了解其形成的各个方面成为一个重要的方面。基于2020年在望加锡市对高中生新手选民进行的定性研究,发现他们最初政治偏好的形成不仅受到父母偏好的影响,还受到学校公民教育课程的影响。这门由公民行为的标准和社会价值观组成的课程让他们初步理解了将自己置于政治空间的重要性。这为社会化提供了公民教育空间,也为新手选民提供了政治教育空间。这种理解随后成为发展他们对政治的理解的基础,以及他们在民主制度中应该如何作为好公民行事。
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引用次数: 0
PENCALONAN KEPALA DAERAH PADA PEMILIHAN SERENTAK 2020 DI SULAWESI SELATAN 第二次休伦2020年第二次选举介绍
Pub Date : 2021-06-30 DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v9i1a2
Syarifuddin Jurdi
The concurrent election 2020 in South Sulawesi faced dynamic circumstances as the pairs of candidates must fill the requirements when registering themselves. During the process of regional election, some cases happened in some regions in South Sulawesi. As an example, some candidates in some regions might lose support from the political parties in the middle of the election process as the support from the political party is unstable. On the other hand, special cases happened in two districts (Gowa and Soppeng), where there was only one single candidate for each region. Hence the struggle to get the support of a political party did not occur in both areas. In another region, Selayar, the individual candidate who has already fulfilled the minimum requirement still seeks support from political parties. All candidates tend to register themselves as fast as possible to prevent the failure in registration stage. Another case shows that there was a pair of candidates who failed to be a partner because they were tested positive for narcotics use, while two candidate pairs experienced a delay in registration because they were positive for Covid-19 and the had to wait until they were tested negative for Covid-19 before continuing to the medical check-up stage.
2020年南苏拉威西岛同时举行的选举面临着动态的情况,因为两名候选人在登记时必须满足要求。在地区选举过程中,南苏拉威西省的一些地区发生了一些案件。例如,一些地区的一些候选人可能会在选举过程中失去政党的支持,因为政党的支持不稳定。另一方面,两个地区(戈瓦和索彭)出现了特殊情况,每个地区只有一名候选人。因此,争取政党支持的斗争并没有在这两个地区发生。在另一个地区,塞拉亚尔,已经达到最低要求的个人候选人仍在寻求政党的支持。所有候选人都倾向于尽快注册,以防止在注册阶段失败。另一个案例显示,有一对候选人因麻醉药品使用检测呈阳性而未能成为伴侣,而两对候选人因新冠肺炎检测呈阳性,登记延迟,他们必须等到新冠肺炎检测呈阴性后才能继续体检。
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引用次数: 0
PEMANFAATAN MODAL SOSIAL APPI DALAM PEMILIHAN KEPALA DAERAH DI KOTA MAKASSAR APPI的社会资本利用在马卡萨市的区长选举中
Pub Date : 2020-12-29 DOI: 10.24252/PROFETIK.V8I2A6
Hidayat Doe, Muhammad Muhammad, S. Sukri, A. Ariana
This article examines the comparison of the use of social capital owned by Appi in the election of candidates for mayor election of Makassar in the 2018 and 2020. The capitalwhich is identified in this study is Appi's network as part of the big family of the Bosowa Corporation and the Kalla Group, as well as a businessman who has an extensive business network. In analyzing the capital, the research use a qualitative approach with a descriptive method, which describes and compares how Appi as a candidate uses his social capital to gain voters in two different elections. This study was conducted by collecting data through electronic media, scientific documents, and purposive interviews. The results showed that there were differences in the use of social capital. Appi is able to maximize the use of network capital in the 2020 elections compared to the 2018 Makassar elections. The use of social capital was carried out by placing his network capital as the main basis for his winning team. The capital has an impact on team solidarity and it proves the effectiveness of network capital of Appi as an entrepreneur and also a relative of the Bosowa and Kalla Group extended families.
本文考察了在2018年和2020年望加锡市长选举候选人的选举中,Appi拥有的社会资本的使用情况的比较。本研究中确定的资本是Appi的网络,是Bosowa公司和Kalla集团大家族的一部分,也是一位拥有广泛商业网络的商人。在分析资本时,研究采用了定性方法和描述性方法,描述并比较了候选人阿皮如何在两次不同的选举中利用其社会资本赢得选民。这项研究是通过电子媒体、科学文献和有目的的访谈收集数据进行的。研究结果表明,社会资本的使用存在差异。与2018年望加锡选举相比,Appi能够在2020年选举中最大限度地利用网络资本。社会资本的使用是通过将他的网络资本作为获胜团队的主要基础来实现的。资本对团队团结有影响,它证明了Appi作为企业家以及Bosowa和Kalla集团大家庭的亲属的网络资本的有效性。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
JPP Jurnal Politik Profetik
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