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On the record - Obituary for Professor Mike Brogden - sociologist, social historian, policing scholar, troublemaker of sorts 正式声明——迈克·布罗格登教授的讣告——社会学家、社会历史学家、警务学者、各种麻烦制造者
Pub Date : 2020-10-01 DOI: 10.17159/2413-3108/2020/v0n69a8955
E. van der Spuy
Elrena van der Spuy reflects on the life and work of Mike Brogden, whose work on on crime, criminal justice and policing in the context of social history shaped converstations on police reform and the field of criminology in South Africa.
埃琳娜·范德贝回顾了迈克·布罗格登的生活和工作,他在社会历史背景下的犯罪、刑事司法和警务工作影响了南非警察改革和犯罪学领域的对话。
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引用次数: 0
Reformulating dolus eventualis - Guidance from USA and Germany 重新制定最终补偿——美国和德国的指引
Pub Date : 2020-09-28 DOI: 10.17159/2413-3108/2020/V0N69A6108
Kirstin Hagglund, Franaaz Khan
Dolus eventualis has correctly been described as an ‘enigma’. Not only has it been variously described by the courts, but the courts have applied the two-stage test without providing an in-depth analysis of what it means. Both dolus eventualis required for murder and conscious negligence required for culpable homicide, contain an element of subjective foresight of the remote possibility of death occurring. As a result, the distinction between murder and culpable homicide has become confused over the years, and is evident in the courts vacillating between findings of murder and culpable homicide. Considering the lack of clarity, this article examines the test for dolus eventualis in the case of murder and determines whether it can be more clearly distinguished from culpa , in the case of culpable homicide. German and American law and academic opinion are consulted in order to establish how the respective countries have dealt with the conflation of murder and negligent killings.
终末圆被正确地描述为一个“谜”。法院不仅对它有不同的描述,而且法院在应用两阶段检验时没有对其含义进行深入分析。谋杀所要求的最终过失和过失杀人所要求的故意过失,都包含对死亡发生可能性的主观预见的因素。因此,多年来,谋杀和过失杀人罪之间的区别变得很混乱,在法院对谋杀和过失杀人罪的认定之间摇摆不定是很明显的。考虑到缺乏明确性,本文探讨了在谋杀案件中对最终过失罪的检验,并确定在过失杀人案中是否可以更清楚地区分它与过失罪。本文参考了德国和美国的法律和学术意见,以确定各自国家如何处理谋杀和过失杀人混为一谈的问题。
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引用次数: 0
Aluta continua: Police accountability and the Domestic Violence Act 1998 继续存在:警察问责制和1998年家庭暴力法
Pub Date : 2017-04-05 DOI: 10.17159/2413-3108/2017/V0N59A1690
L. Vetten
In 1998, in an attempt to undo the long-standing neglect of domestic violence, legislators placed a set of duties on the police in relation to domestic violence, and coupled these with a unique system of accountability relations and practices. This article examines the effect of these in three ways: a review, both of complaints of misconduct and of the station audits conducted in terms of the Domestic Violence Act’s prescripts, and analysis of the workings of the act’s accountability mechanisms over time. These show the act’s system of accountability to have had some success in making domestic violence a policing priority, but only after a number of years of interaction across the domains of the political, legal, bureaucratic and social. Accountability has revealed itself to be a contingent outcome and practice that takes different forms at different times. It also remains an ambivalent undertaking in relation to domestic violence. While answers may be demanded of the police, oversight of these responses is lodged with an agency possessing limited capacity and weak institutional authority.
1998年,为了消除长期以来对家庭暴力的忽视,立法者规定了一系列与家庭暴力有关的警察职责,并将这些职责与问责关系和做法的独特制度相结合。本文从三个方面考察了这些措施的影响:根据《家庭暴力法》的规定,对不当行为的投诉和电视台的审计进行了回顾,并分析了该法案的问责机制在一段时间内的运作情况。这些表明,该法案的问责制度在使家庭暴力成为警务工作的重点方面取得了一些成功,但这是在政治、法律、官僚和社会等领域多年的相互作用之后。问责制本身是一种偶然的结果和做法,在不同的时期采取不同的形式。在家庭暴力方面,它仍然是一项矛盾的事业。虽然可能要求警方提供答案,但对这些答复的监督是由一个能力有限、体制权威薄弱的机构提出的。
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引用次数: 15
Luke Sinwell with Siphiwe Mbatha, The spirit of Marikana: the rise of insurgent trade unionism in South Africa Luke Sinwell和Siphiwe Mbatha合著的《Marikana精神:南非工会主义的兴起》
Pub Date : 2016-12-01 DOI: 10.17159/2413-3108/2016/V0N58A5366
Philip Broster
Despite its title, this book does not look exclusively at the massacre that occurred at Marikana on 16 August 2012, when South African police officers shot and killed 34 striking mineworkers and wounded 78 others. Rather, it places that event in the context of a longer, larger struggle for dignity and economic freedom by the working class in South Africa. The authors did not do this to trivialise this significant event but to implore the reader to recognise that it was one moment, one particular incident in a long history of struggle and conflict, one that is not necessarily more important than another. As such, it pursues what George Lipsitz has called the ‘long fetch’, looking into the past and identifying the forces that slowly shaped what may otherwise appear to have been sudden and inexplicable.1 The book does this by attempting to describe the tensions between the various ‘ordinary’ individuals – the striking employees of Lonmin’s platinum mine at Marikana – and their relationships to the labour collectives they started, helped lead, or held to account. It attempts to show how understanding these tensions is crucial to understanding the events that occurred at Marikana, and understanding South Africa as an economic project.
尽管书名如此,这本书并不只关注2012年8月16日发生在马里卡纳的大屠杀,当时南非警察开枪打死34名罢工矿工,打伤78人。相反,它将这一事件置于南非工人阶级为尊严和经济自由而进行的更长、更大的斗争的背景下。作者这样做并不是为了贬低这一重大事件,而是恳请读者认识到,这只是一个时刻,是漫长的斗争和冲突历史中的一个特殊事件,一个不一定比另一个更重要的事件。因此,它追求的是乔治·利普西兹(George Lipsitz)所说的“长期追寻”(long fetch),即回顾过去,找出那些缓慢形成的力量,否则这些力量可能会显得突然而难以解释为了做到这一点,这本书试图描述各种“普通”个体之间的紧张关系——伦敦矿业公司马里卡纳铂矿的罢工员工——以及他们与自己发起、帮助领导或负责的劳动集体之间的关系。它试图展示理解这些紧张关系对于理解发生在马里卡纳的事件以及理解南非作为一个经济项目是多么的重要。
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引用次数: 0
The killing fields of KZN: Local government elections, violence and democracy in 2016 KZN的杀戮场:2016年的地方政府选举、暴力和民主
Pub Date : 2016-09-26 DOI: 10.17159/2413-3108/2016/V0N57A456
M. Haas
Various government initiatives focus on the promotion of social cohesion for nation building. The impact of social cohesion on levels of violence is also the subject of research. This article argues that despite official rhetoric organs of state - are used  in KwaZulu-Natal to  serve party political interests by targeting cohesive groupings struggling for their constitutional rights. Violence is promoted and nation building retarded.  The main case study cited is that of violence-wracked Glebelands hostel in Durban. Since it is also argued that what is happening in Glebelands is not an isolated case reference is also made to the similar targeting of the shack dwellers’ movement Abahali baseMjondolo.
政府的各项举措侧重于促进社会凝聚力,以促进国家建设。社会凝聚力对暴力程度的影响也是研究的主题。本文认为,尽管夸祖鲁-纳塔尔省使用了官方的修辞手段,但通过针对为宪法权利而斗争的有凝聚力的群体,国家机关被用来服务于政党的政治利益。助长暴力,阻碍国家建设。引用的主要案例研究是德班暴力肆虐的Glebelands旅馆。由于也有人认为,在Glebelands发生的事情不是一个孤立的案例,因此也提到了类似的针对窝棚居民运动Abahali baseMjondolo的事件。
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引用次数: 7
Good cops? Bad cops? : Assessing the South African Police Service 好警察吗?坏警察?:评估南非警察服务
Pub Date : 2016-03-24 DOI: 10.17159/2413-3108/2007/V0I21A1148
D. Bruce
The South African Police Service is often a target of criticism, more often than not stemming from heightened public emotions regarding the high levels of crime in South Africa. Using the concept of democratic policing as its basis, a recent assessment attempts to evaluate the SAPS against a set of 39 measures. Providing an organisation-wide view of the SAPS, the assessment highlights both positive and negative aspects of the  SAPS, and provides a detailed set of recommendations. The assessment is intended to support democratic oversight of the police by directing attention towards the main issues that should be addressed by oversight bodies.
南非警察部门经常成为批评的对象,这往往源于公众对南非高犯罪率的高涨情绪。以民主警务的概念为基础,最近的一项评估试图根据一套39项措施来评估SAPS。该评估提供了组织范围内对SAPS的看法,突出了SAPS的积极和消极方面,并提供了一套详细的建议。评估的目的是支持对警察的民主监督,将注意力引向监督机构应处理的主要问题。
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引用次数: 6
ON THE TUK-TUK EXPRESS: Has methamphetamine hit the Cape Flats? 在突突快车上:甲基苯丙胺到达开普平原了吗?
Pub Date : 2016-03-08 DOI: 10.17159/2413-3108/2003/V0I6A1053
T. Leggett
Crystal methamphetamine is a drug with a high addiction potential that can elicit bizarre and aggressive behaviour. Preliminary research with gang members on the Cape Flats suggests that the drug may be growing in that community. If so, this is an issue for law enforcement to watch, because speed and violent criminals are not a good combination.
水晶甲基苯丙胺是一种极有可能上瘾的药物,会引发奇怪的攻击性行为。对开普平原的帮派成员进行的初步研究表明,该社区可能正在种植这种毒品。如果是这样,这是执法部门需要关注的问题,因为速度和暴力罪犯并不是一个好的组合。
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引用次数: 2
A long and winding road: The Child Justice Bill, civil society and advocacy 漫长而曲折的道路:儿童司法法案、公民社会和倡导
Pub Date : 2016-03-08 DOI: 10.17159/2413-3108/2008/V0I25A949
A. Skelton, Jacqui Gallinetti
This article charts the journey of civil society's engagement with the Child Justice Bill. The story begins with activism in the early 1980s, and tracks the reform efforts through various phases. The Bill was rewritten in Parliament in 2003, and it then fell off the parliamentary agenda. When it re-surfaced at Parliament in 2008 civil society lobbied hard for changes that would bring the Bill closer to the original intentions. An account is given of the gains and losses, and, all in all, th
本文描绘了民间社会参与《儿童司法法案》的历程。故事从20世纪80年代初的激进主义开始,追溯了改革的各个阶段。该法案于2003年在议会被重写,然后从议会议程中删除。当它在2008年重新出现在议会时,公民社会努力游说修改,使该法案更接近最初的意图。对收益和损失进行了说明,总之,这是一项重要的工作
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引用次数: 6
INVESTIGATING THE INVESTIGATORS: A summary of the Khampepe Commission of Inquiry 调查调查人员:康佩调查委员会摘要
Pub Date : 2016-03-08 DOI: 10.17159/2413-3108/2008/V0I24A953
A. Kanyegirire
The Directorate of Special Operations (DSO) was set up in 1999 as a specialised unit of the National Prosecuting Authority with the dual responsibility of investigating and prosecuting national priority crimes, the main focus being high-level corruption and organised crime. Despite its successes, by 2005 critics were raising questions about its mandate and the strained relationship between the DSO and the South African Police Service (SAPS). Consequently, President Mbeki appointed Judge Sisi Khampepe to head a Commission of Inquiry into the mandate and location of the DSO. This article is a summary of some of the key issues raised in the Khampepe Report.
特别行动局(DSO)成立于1999年,是国家检察机关的一个专门单位,负有调查和起诉国家重点犯罪的双重责任,主要重点是高级腐败和有组织犯罪。尽管取得了成功,但到2005年,批评人士对其授权以及DSO与南非警察局(SAPS)之间的紧张关系提出了质疑。因此,姆贝基总统任命塞西·坎佩佩法官领导一个调查委员会,调查维持和平行动办公室的任务和地点。本文总结了《坎佩佩报告》中提出的一些关键问题。
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引用次数: 0
‘The ones in the pile were the ones going down’: The reliability of violent crime statistics “堆在上面的就是倒下的”:暴力犯罪统计数据的可靠性
Pub Date : 2016-03-08 DOI: 10.17159/2413-3108/2010/V0I31A888
D. Bruce
Following an announcement in 2004 by the South African government that in the coming years it would endeavour to reduce violent crime by seven to ten per cent per annum, total levels of violent crime dropped by 25 per cent over the next five years. However, a closer look at the crime statistics over this period reveals a number of peculiarities that require explanation. In recent years there have also been numerous press reports on the manipulation of crime statistics that have highlighted the existence of incentives within the SAPS not to record violent crime. This article argues that the identified peculiarities in crime statistics can be understood as linked to non-recording, which is shaped by a hierarchy of violent crime in which some categories of crime are viewed as important while others are viewed as unimportant. This implies that current violent crime statistics cannot be relied on as an indicator of trends in violent crime.
南非政府在2004年宣布,在未来几年中,它将努力使暴力犯罪每年减少7%到10%,在接下来的五年里,暴力犯罪的总水平下降了25%。然而,仔细观察这一时期的犯罪统计数据,就会发现一些需要解释的特点。近年来,也有许多关于犯罪统计数据被操纵的新闻报道,这些报道强调了SAPS内部存在不记录暴力犯罪的动机。本文认为,犯罪统计中确定的特点可以理解为与非记录有关,这是由暴力犯罪的等级制度形成的,其中一些类别的犯罪被认为是重要的,而另一些类别被认为是不重要的。这意味着目前的暴力犯罪统计数字不能作为暴力犯罪趋势的指标。
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引用次数: 15
期刊
SA crime quarterly
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