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Why history has repeated itself the security risks of structural xenophobia 为什么历史一再重演结构性排外的安全风险
Pub Date : 2016-03-08 DOI: 10.17159/2413-3108/2009/V0I29A901
T. Monson, J. Misago
The South African government declared last year's xenophobic attacks over on 28 May 2008. As early as July 2008, it began to assure displaced foreigners that conditions were favourable for their return to affected communities, and that it would be safe to do so. Yet in the past year there have been repeated attacks in a number of the same communities that fell victim to immigration-control-by-mob in 2008. Why? In this article we argue that the state's reluctance to protect and assist foreigners in the past perpetuates violence, social instability and injustice – for nationals and non-nationals alike. We examine the source of this reluctance, and show how it creates the conditions for weak protection and judicial responses.
南非政府于2008年5月28日宣布,去年的仇外袭击已经结束。早在2008年7月,它就开始向流离失所的外国人保证,他们返回受影响社区的条件是有利的,而且这样做是安全的。然而,在过去的一年里,在2008年成为“暴民移民管制”受害者的一些社区,又发生了多次袭击。为什么?在这篇文章中,我们认为,国家过去不愿保护和帮助外国人,这使暴力、社会不稳定和不公正——对国民和非国民都是如此。我们将研究这种不情愿的根源,并展示它如何为薄弱的保护和司法反应创造条件。
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引用次数: 7
Barricaded in the suburbs - private security via road closures 在郊区设置路障——私人保安通过封路
Pub Date : 2016-03-08 DOI: 10.17159/2413-3108/2003/V0I6A1054
B. Tshehla
One of the international debates that occupy academics, policy makers and civil society at large is, undoubtedly, the pluralisation and/or privatisation of security and policing. At the centre of this debate is the inability of states to serve the security needs of their citizens. Perhaps it is just a realisation that, despite perceptions to the contrary, the state has historically never been able to provide adequate security, and that the current inability is by no means unique to modern society. Whatever the reason, the fact remains that the state has become just one of the providers of safety and security – with private security (in its various incarnations) – increasingly assuming more of a role in the provision of security than the state. The role of the state is being toned down from that of the primary provider of safety and security, as anticipated, to that of a ‘regulatory’ organ. The role of the state has been observed as that of steering the boat rather than rowing it.
毫无疑问,占据学术界、政策制定者和整个公民社会的国际辩论之一是安全和警务的多元化和/或私有化。这场辩论的核心是各国无力满足其公民的安全需求。也许这只是一种认识,尽管人们有相反的看法,但从历史上看,国家从未能够提供足够的安全,而目前的无能绝不是现代社会所独有的。不管原因是什么,事实仍然是,国家已经成为安全和保障的提供者之一,而私人保安(以各种形式)在提供安全方面的作用越来越大,超过了国家。正如预期的那样,国家的角色正在从安全和保障的主要提供者淡化为“监管”机构。人们观察到,国家的作用是掌舵,而不是划船。
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引用次数: 3
Of Nigerians, albinos, satanists and anecdotes: A critical review of the HSRC report on human trafficking 尼日利亚人、白化病人、撒旦教徒和奇闻轶事:对HSRC关于人口贩运的报告的批判性审查
Pub Date : 2016-03-08 DOI: 10.17159/2413-3108/2010/V0I32A883
C. Gould, M. Richter, Ingrid Palmery
The deluge of news articles about human trafficking in South Africa, and the media preoccupation with trafficking in the run-up to the 2010 FIFA World Cup, could lead an observer to believe that South Africa is a 'hotbed' of human trafficking. Yet, there are no baseline data about the extent or nature of the problem. The Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC) released a research report in March this year that purports to provide 'the first comprehensive assessment of human trafficking in South Africa.' The report is beset with methodological problems and assumptions. It is based on very little original research. The authors of this review argue that it represents a missed opportunity to provide much needed information about human trafficking in South Africa and fuels sensationalism about human trafficking.
有关南非人口贩运的新闻报导铺天盖地,加上媒体在2010年世界杯前夕对人口贩运的关注,可能让观察者认为南非是人口贩运的“温床”。然而,目前还没有关于这一问题的程度和性质的基准数据。今年3月,人类科学研究理事会(HSRC)发布了一份研究报告,声称提供了“对南非人口贩运的第一份全面评估”。这份报告被方法上的问题和假设所困扰。它基于很少的原创研究。这篇综述的作者认为,它错过了提供有关南非人口贩运的急需信息的机会,并助长了关于人口贩运的耸人听闻。
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引用次数: 7
COUNTERING THE ‘SCOURGE’: The time for evidence and reason on human trafficking 打击“祸害”:在人口贩运问题上寻求证据和理性的时候到了
Pub Date : 2016-03-08 DOI: 10.17159/2413-3108/2007/V0I22A964
C. Gould
Since the late 1990s South African media have drawn attention to the problem of human trafficking and called for state intervention to stop the practice. Reports by several non-governmental organisations have referred to the growing plague of human trafficking, particularly that of women and children for purposes of sexual exploitation. A recent, in-depth study of the sex work industry in Cape Town by the ISS and SWEAT calls into question allegations that there is large-scale trafficking into the sex work industry and suggests that a law enforcement approach may not be the most appropriate way to counter the problem.
自20世纪90年代末以来,南非媒体一直关注人口贩运问题,并呼吁国家干预以制止这种做法。几个非政府组织的报告提到贩卖人口的问题日益严重,特别是为性剥削目的贩卖妇女和儿童的问题。ISS和SWEAT最近对开普敦的性工作行业进行了深入研究,对有关性工作行业存在大规模人口贩运的指控提出了质疑,并建议通过执法手段可能不是解决这个问题的最合适方法。
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引用次数: 2
Putting paid to the untouchables? The effects of dissolving the Directorate of Special Operations and the Specialised Commercial Crime Units 让贱民们付出代价?解散特别行动处及特别商业罪案组的影响
Pub Date : 2016-03-08 DOI: 10.17159/2413-3108/2008/V0I24A956
Gail Wannenburg
When law enforcement agencies arrest abalone poachers on the Western Coast of South Africa, they may not be aware that the drying and processing of the delicacy takes place in Gauteng and that the buyers are organised crime networks in China. It will not be evident that the criminals use the profits (at about R1 400 per kilogram) to buy drugs for the local Southern African market. The syndicate or loose network of crime groups may have a distribution chain of dispensable individuals of different nationalities encompassing several countries, specialising in particular aspects of the trade and dealing in a wide variety of illegal goods. Indeed, the arrest of the poachers is unlikely to reveal that the profits are being used to barter for drugs and that a large number of illegal and apparently legal companies are being used to transfer money across the globe. Catching these kinds of transnational, cross-border, multi-ethnic and flexible criminal groups is difficult unless law enforcement agencies have a multi-faceted strategy, use the skills of a wide range of personnel and have the time and resources to investigate and prosecute them effectively. Traditional law enforcement is geared towards arresting the criminal ‘runners’ rather than the ‘kingpins’. The DSO and the SCCU acquired a reputation as the ‘untouchables’ – units that are admired, revered and feared – and it seems unlikely that their replacement will enjoy the same success and reputation.
当执法机构在南非西海岸逮捕鲍鱼偷猎者时,他们可能不知道这种美味的干燥和加工是在豪登省进行的,而买家是中国有组织的犯罪网络。犯罪分子利用这些利润(每公斤约400兰特)为当地南部非洲市场购买毒品的情况并不明显。犯罪集团的辛迪加或松散的网络可能有一个由不同国籍的可有可无的个人组成的分销链,包括几个国家,专门从事贸易的特定方面和处理各种各样的非法货物。事实上,偷猎者的被捕不太可能揭示利润被用于以物易物的毒品交易,以及大量非法和表面上合法的公司被用来在全球范围内转移资金。抓捕这些跨国、跨界、多民族和灵活的犯罪集团是困难的,除非执法机构有一个多方面的战略,利用各种人员的技能,并有时间和资源来有效地调查和起诉他们。传统的执法机构倾向于逮捕“逃犯”,而不是“头目”。DSO和SCCU获得了“不可撼动”的声誉——令人钦佩、尊敬和恐惧的单位——他们的继任者似乎不太可能获得同样的成功和声誉。
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引用次数: 0
From stings to wings: Integrity management and the Directorate for Priority Crime Investigations 从刺痛到翅膀:诚信管理和优先犯罪调查理事会
Pub Date : 2016-03-08 DOI: 10.17159/2413-3108/2009/V0I29A904
Andrew Faull, Thoko Mtsolongo
South Africa's new elite police unit, known as the Hawks, has been created in the midst of political change. Objectors have criticised its location in the SAPS, saying that the integrity of the unit, and its ability to conduct politically neutral investigations, may be compromised by its location. Legislation enabling the unit's formation provides for measures to test the integrity of its members. This legislation will need to be coupled with effective leadership characterised by integrity if the unit is to live up to and exceed the image and accomplishments of its predecessor, the Scorpions.
南非新的精英警察部队,被称为“鹰”,是在政治变革中成立的。反对者批评该机构位于国家警察总局,称该机构的廉正及其进行政治中立调查的能力可能会因其位置而受到损害。授权组建该部队的立法规定了检验其成员诚信的措施。如果这支部队想要达到并超越其前身“蝎子”的形象和成就,这项立法将需要与以诚信为特征的有效领导相结合。
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引用次数: 2
To be a somebody - probing the roots of community in District Six : research article 做一个人——探索六区社区的根源:研究文章
Pub Date : 2016-03-01 DOI: 10.17159/2413-3108/2016/V0N55A49
D. Pinnock
The term community is a moving target, widely used and often misused in defining a group of people in a particular area or with similar cultural practices. In Cape Town the sense of a loss of community is precisely what residents of an area known as District Six mourn, following their eviction and its destruction in the 1970s in terms of the racial Group Areas Act. What was it they perceived they had? And what did they lose, following their removal to the Cape Flats? In asking these questions it is possible to get a clearer understanding of the way in which multiple perceptions and relationships stitch together a social cohesiveness that undergirds the notion of community. And what happens when it is lost.
“社区”一词是一个不断变化的目标,被广泛使用,但经常被误用来定义在特定地区或具有相似文化习俗的一群人。在开普敦,失去社区的感觉正是被称为“第六区”的居民所哀悼的,他们在20世纪70年代被驱逐,并根据《种族群体区域法》(racial Group Areas Act)被摧毁。他们认为自己拥有什么?他们搬迁到开普平原后,失去了什么?在提出这些问题的过程中,我们有可能更清楚地了解多种感知和关系如何将社会凝聚力结合在一起,从而巩固社区的概念。失去它会发生什么。
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引用次数: 2
Pervasive, but not politicised: Everyday violence, local rule and party popularity in a Cape Town township 无处不在,但不政治化:开普敦小镇的日常暴力、地方统治和政党声望
Pub Date : 2016-03-01 DOI: 10.17159/2413-3108/2016/V0N55A154
Laurence Piper, J. Wheeler
Through examining violence in the township of Imizamo Yethu in Cape Town, we show that leadership in this community is not based on violence, despite its pervasiveness in the settlement. Further, rule by local leaders and the state is often weak, and normally not violently enforced. This account challenges three common views in the literature. The first is that, under conditions of weak rule, violence is primarily about contests over political power. The use of violence by a variety of social actors in Imizamo Yethu, but rarely by political leaders or parties, challenges this assumption. The second is that violence is central to maintaining local rule – but in Imizamo Yethu leaders have seldom used coercion. Lastly, our case illustrates that effective local rule is not necessarily a condition of party identification, which is rooted in larger dynamics of state patronage and race politics that may even weaken local rule.
通过考察开普敦Imizamo Yethu镇的暴力事件,我们发现,尽管暴力在该定居点普遍存在,但该社区的领导并非以暴力为基础。此外,地方领导人和国家的统治往往是软弱的,通常不会暴力执行。这种说法挑战了文献中的三个常见观点。首先,在软弱统治的条件下,暴力主要是关于政治权力的争夺。在Imizamo Yethu,各种社会行动者使用暴力,但很少有政治领导人或政党使用暴力,这挑战了这一假设。其次,暴力是维持地方统治的核心,但在Imizamo Yethu,领导人很少使用胁迫手段。最后,我们的案例表明,有效的地方统治并不一定是政党认同的条件,政党认同根植于国家庇护和种族政治的更大动态,甚至可能削弱地方统治。
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引用次数: 9
Violence prevention programme: Consideration for selection and implementation 预防暴力方案:选择和执行的考虑
Pub Date : 2015-03-01 DOI: 10.4314/SACQ.V51I1.6
A. Gevers, E. Dartnall
Public health violence primary prevention programmes are designed to engage all people, not only at-risk groups. Currently programmes such as those described in the Jama Shai and Sikweyiya article in this edition tend to focus on groups at different stages of the lifespan - for example, parents and infants, or teenagers, or young adult community members. There is no evidence to suggest that targeting one developmental period over another is more effective. Given the onset of risk factors early in life (as discussed in the Skeen et al article in this edition), and the likelihood of continued exposure to risk factors, primary prevention efforts must start early and continue to be implemented across the lifespan. Implementation of evidence-based primary prevention programmes across the lifespan is essential if we are to achieve the development goals of the National Development Plan.
公共卫生暴力初级预防规划旨在让所有人参与,而不仅仅是高危群体。目前,诸如本期Jama Shai和Sikweyiya文章中描述的那些规划往往侧重于处于生命不同阶段的群体——例如父母和婴儿、青少年或年轻的成年社区成员。没有证据表明针对某一发育阶段比针对另一发育阶段更有效。考虑到风险因素在生命早期就会出现(正如本版中Skeen等人的文章所讨论的),以及持续暴露于风险因素的可能性,初级预防工作必须及早开始,并在整个生命周期中持续实施。如果我们要实现《国家发展计划》的发展目标,就必须在整个生命周期内实施循证初级预防规划。
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引用次数: 1
On the record with Hugh Eiser and Brendan Boyle 休·艾瑟和布兰登·博伊尔的录音
Pub Date : 2014-09-01 DOI: 10.4314/SACQ.V49I1.6
B. Boyle
The provincial government of North West has consistently failed to protect the Bapo-ba-Mogale community in dealings with Lonmin Plc over the exploitation of the platinum reserves on the farms they call home. It is alleged that hundreds of millions of rand owed to these rural people may have been misspent or misappropriated, and more that should have been their due has never been paid out. Johannesburg attorney Hugh Eiser has been fighting the Bapo community’s case for more than a decade, tackling government and corporate authorities in a relentless effort to win a fair deal for people who have seen little benefit from the riches under their feet. Brendan Boyle, senior researcher at the Centre for Law and Society at the University of Cape Town, spoke to him about the Bapo story:
在与Lonmin Plc的交易中,西北省政府一直未能保护Bapo-ba-Mogale社区,因为他们开采了他们称之为家的农场上的铂金储量。据称,欠这些农村人民的数亿兰特可能被滥用或挪用,而更多本应是他们应得的款项却从未支付。约翰内斯堡的律师休·艾瑟(Hugh Eiser)为巴波社区的案件打了十多年的官司,与政府和企业当局进行了不懈的斗争,为那些从自己脚下的财富中获益甚微的人赢得了公平的交易。开普敦大学法律与社会中心的高级研究员布伦丹·博伊尔向他讲述了巴波的故事:
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引用次数: 0
期刊
SA crime quarterly
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