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Challenges and Prospects of e-Government implementation in Afghanistan 阿富汗实施电子政务的挑战与前景
Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.1108/itpd-01-2020-0001
Abdul Mateen Samsor
PurposeThe aim of this study is to identify the challenges and barriers to e-Government set up in developing/conflict countries, related to Information Communication and Technology (ICT) and social obstacles – that are common in developing countries like Afghanistan. In today's world e-Government plays an important role of providing easy access to government services that enable citizens in general to communicate faster. This very research concentrates on the implementation of e-Government challenges in developing countries, particularly in Afghanistan. This paper is covering (1) method of study; (2) research strategy; (3) finding and policy recommendation; (4) limitation; (5) theoretical implication; (6) recommendation and conclusion. Additional data related to e-Government in Afghanistan, acquired via a quantitative survey and interviews can also help this analysis.Design/methodology/approachThis research incorporates both theoretical and empirical study; using both quantitative and qualitative method for data collection. Also, as already noted, the study reviews different literature and academic documents. The original work of the study is the collection of relevant first-hand information for empirical analysis from experts of both public and private institutions such as IT, CIO and management experts through the use of a survey tools. This was done using web-based surveying and delivery of hard and soft copies to the experts to obtain their notions about e-Government implementation obstacles. Finally, both quantitative and qualitative survey results are calculated and presented.FindingsEmpirical study has established that 5 obstacles out of 15 named by respondents, stakeholder involvement, with the highest mean, (4.1145), coordination (4.0038), information sharing (3.9962), ICT literacy (3.9822) and e-Government awareness (3.8830) are considered to be the major obstacles. This opinion was also expressed by the respondents to the in-depth interview which was explained in a paper with detail.Research limitations/implicationsMost research record numerous limitations, therefore, it is important to note that this study is no exception. Some of the limitations were recorded in the course of the study will be counted for the purpose of placing the finding in the right perspective. The limitations of this study were time constraints and difficult to generate enough participation in the survey. Because of that, I did a quantitative survey but could include very few members of top management. Second, the study is limited due to the lack of participation by respondents from various sectors such as citizens, university students, academia, banks, businesses and NGOs. The third limitation was lack of research materials for this study. Many difficulties were encountered with respect to find materials of previous research studies on the topic and in particularly in the context of Afghanistan.Practical implicationsThe studies conducted previously on e-Governm
本研究的目的是确定在发展中/冲突国家建立电子政务的挑战和障碍,与信息通信和技术(ICT)和社会障碍有关-这在阿富汗等发展中国家很常见。在当今世界,电子政务发挥着重要的作用,它提供了方便的政府服务,使普通公民能够更快地进行沟通。这项研究的重点是在发展中国家,特别是在阿富汗,实施电子政务所面临的挑战。本文主要包括:(1)研究方法;(2)研究策略;(3)调查结果和政策建议;(4)限制;(5)理论含义;(6)建议和结论。通过定量调查和访谈获得的与阿富汗电子政务有关的其他数据也有助于这一分析。本研究结合了理论研究和实证研究;采用定量和定性相结合的方法进行数据收集。此外,如前所述,本研究回顾了不同的文献和学术文件。本研究的原始工作是通过使用调查工具,从公共和私人机构的专家(如IT, CIO和管理专家)收集相关的第一手信息进行实证分析。这项工作是通过基于网络的调查和向专家提供硬副本和软副本来完成的,以了解他们对电子政府实施障碍的看法。最后,对定量和定性调查结果进行了计算和介绍。实证研究发现,在被调查者提出的15个障碍中,利益相关者参与(4.1145)、协调(4.0038)、信息共享(3.9962)、ICT素养(3.9822)和电子政务意识(3.8830)被认为是主要障碍。在深度访谈中,受访者也表达了这一观点,并在一篇论文中进行了详细的解释。研究局限性/启示大多数研究记录了许多局限性,因此,重要的是要注意本研究也不例外。在研究过程中记录的一些限制将被计算在内,以便从正确的角度看待研究结果。这项研究的局限性是时间限制和难以产生足够的参与调查。正因为如此,我做了一个定量调查,但可能只包括很少的高层管理人员。其次,由于缺乏来自公民,大学生,学术界,银行,企业和非政府组织等各个领域的受访者的参与,该研究受到限制。第三个限制是本研究缺乏研究资料。在寻找以前关于这个专题的研究材料方面,特别是在阿富汗的情况下,遇到了许多困难。实际意义以前对电子政务进行的研究和本文引用的研究强调了发展中国家作为一个整体的实施挑战。将此研究应用于阿富汗可能有助于我们理解在阿富汗实施电子政务过程中面临的主要挑战。本研究为研究电子政务实施挑战的学术领域贡献了一些重要的发现。它从公共和私营部门的角度增加了关于阿富汗实施电子政务的主要挑战的支持和信息。根据发达国家和发展中国家的经验,本研究强调通信部和信息技术部在运行项目的同时应采取以下关键举措。1 .试点项目,2 .简化业务流程,3 .强有力的国家领导,4 .利益相关者的参与,6 .为当地信息通信技术公司的参与提供激励,7 .基本信息通信技术的豁免,8 .发展标准的信息通信技术基础设施独创性/价值世界各国政府都面临着快速全球化、财政、社会和技术变革的压力,需要提供以公民为中心、高效、透明、有效的一站式服务。任何时间,不间断。冲突后的国家在提供此类服务方面面临更大的压力,因为它们将取代暴力造成的真空,并将成为提供的唯一服务,而不仅仅是对目前已经满足公民需求的政府服务进行升级。采用技术是整合公共和私营部门并以问责制、透明度和效率提供服务的最有效途径,但这不是一项容易的任务,特别是对发展中国家而言。本研究着眼于发展中国家,特别是阿富汗的电子政务实施挑战。 一项文献综述显示了发展中国家面临的许多共同挑战:缺乏信息和通信技术素养、基础设施不完善、农村贫困人口和新兴城市中产阶级之间存在数字鸿沟、数据隐私和数据安全的不确定性、缺乏全面的信息和通信技术政策和立法、政府和经济传统组成部分缺乏信息和通信技术文化、政府对项目的持续财政承诺、电子政务意识、部委参与信息共享的意愿等问题。在以技术为导向的部委之外,信息通信技术领导层的缺失、对变革的抵制、政府间协调的历史缺失以及利益攸关方参与度低,这些只是已确定的众多挑战中的一部分。作者认为,发展中国家认识到电子政务的重要性,并认为电子政务的实施是经济稳定和增长的关键工具,也是建立一个更透明、更少腐败的政府的关键工具。调查问卷是根据文献综述中发现的挑战而制定的。调查问卷被翻译成当地语言(普什图语和达里语),并由当地专业翻译人员提供英文版本作为控制指标。起初,试点版本发给了通信和信息技术部的10名官员。经过验证期后,将调查问卷分发给阿富汗CIO、管理和IT等各个领域的150名专家。所有受访者都认为,利益相关者的参与、协调、信息共享、ICT素养、意识、对变革的抵制、ICT、财务问题、ICT政策、领导力、数据隐私、立法、ICT文化和数字鸿沟是阿富汗实施电子政务面临的一些主要挑战。关于资讯及通讯科技安全的受访者(3.1412)在是否将该指标纳入挑战的问题上的回应是公正的。许多项目由通信和信息技术部管理,在完成这些项目后,定量调查分析中确定的大部分挑战将得到解决,尽管政府也在大力推行法律和政策修改。根据发达国家和发展中国家的经验,本研究强调通信部和信息技术部在运行项目的同时应采取以下关键举措。试点项目应在两个部委作为试验台实施,然后再全面推出,以确保电子政务项目所需资金的有效利用。这将有两个好处,一方面,它将节省失败项目的资金,如*19+所述,“发展中国家的电子政务失败,35%被归类为完全失败(电子政务没有实施或实施但立即放弃),50%为部分失败(主要目标没有实现和/或有不希望的结果)”。另一方面,以防万一。
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引用次数: 20
Software and services export, IT investment and GDP nexus in India 印度的软件和服务出口、IT投资和GDP关系
Pub Date : 2019-07-15 DOI: 10.1108/itpd-05-2019-0001
Manzoor Hassan Malik, N. Velan
PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to investigate both long-run and short-run dynamics among the software and services export, investment in information technology (IT) and GDP in India and to investigate the direction of the relationship among the given three macro-economic variables.Design/methodology/approachThe time series data have been taken to investigate the long-run relationship exists among the variables. Annual data were collected from the NASSCOM Annual Reports, Planning Commission of India and Reserve Bank of India during the period 1980–2016. Cointegration and vector error correction model have been used for analyzing the causal relationship among investment in IT, software exports and GDP in India.FindingsCointegration results confirm that software and services export, investment in IT and GDP are cointegrated, implying that there exists the long-run equilibrium relationship among the given three macro-economic variables. Similarly, vector error correction mechanism Granger causality results hold that there is uni-directional long-run causality running from software and services export and investment in IT to GDP, implying that software and services export is an important determinant of economic growth in India.Research limitations/implicationsThe limitations of the paper are generalization of the results and proxy variable for IT investments.Practical implicationsThe paper has implications for the expansion of market concentration, diversification of software and service exports, and investments in R&D for increasing competitiveness of the industry in the global market.Originality/valueThis paper focuses on originality in the analysis of the relationship among the given variables software exports, investment in the IT sector and GDP in India. All the work has been done in original by the authors and the work used have been acknowledged properly.
本文的目的是研究印度软件和服务出口、信息技术(IT)投资和GDP之间的长期和短期动态,并研究给定三个宏观经济变量之间关系的方向。设计/方法/方法采用时间序列数据来研究变量之间存在的长期关系。1980年至2016年期间,年度数据收集自NASSCOM年度报告、印度计划委员会和印度储备银行。利用协整和向量误差修正模型分析了印度IT投资、软件出口和GDP之间的因果关系。结果表明,软件与服务出口、IT投资和GDP三者之间存在协整关系,表明给定的三个宏观经济变量之间存在长期均衡关系。同样,向量误差修正机制格兰杰因果关系结果认为,从软件和服务出口、IT投资到GDP存在单向的长期因果关系,这意味着软件和服务出口是印度经济增长的重要决定因素。研究的局限性/启示本文的局限性在于结果的泛化和IT投资的代理变量。本文对提高产业的市场集中度、软件和服务出口多元化以及研发投资对提高产业在全球市场上的竞争力具有启示意义。原创性/价值本文在分析给定变量软件出口、IT部门投资和印度GDP之间的关系时,重点关注原创性。所有的工作都是由作者原创完成的,所使用的工作都得到了适当的认可。
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引用次数: 6
The politics of the executive, legislative veto players and foreign debt 行政的政治,立法的否决者和外债
Pub Date : 2019-07-15 DOI: 10.1108/ITPD-05-2019-0003
Seung-Whan Choi, Shali Luo
PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to examine a curvilinear effect of legislative constraints on foreign debt.Design/methodology/approachA cross-sectional, time-series data analysis of 68 developing countries during the period from 1981 to 1999 was performed.FindingsForeign borrowing is most likely to increase at both low and high levels of legislative constraints, while it is most likely to decrease at moderate levels.Originality/valueThe paper is a first-cut empirical analysis of a curvilinear relationship between legislative constraints and foreign debt.
本文的目的是检验立法约束对外债的曲线效应。设计/方法/方法对1981年至1999年期间68个发展中国家进行了横断面时间序列数据分析。研究结果:在立法限制的低水平和高水平下,外国借款最有可能增加,而在中等水平下,外国借款最有可能减少。本文首次对立法约束与外债之间的曲线关系进行了实证分析。
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引用次数: 2
Financial development, openness in financial services trade and economic growth 金融发展、金融服务贸易开放和经济增长
Pub Date : 2019-07-15 DOI: 10.1108/ITPD-05-2019-0002
Rabia Khatun, Jagadish Prasad Bist
PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to examine the relationship between financial development, openness in financial services trade and economic growth in BRICS countries for the period 1990–2012.Design/methodology/approachAn index for financial development has been constructed using principal component analysis technique by including banking sector development, stock market development, bond market development and insurance sector development. For the robustness of the result, the long-run cointegrating relationship amongst the variables has been analyzed.FindingsOverall financial development has a positive and significant impact on economic growth. To take the full advantage of openness in financial services trade, countries need to put more emphasis on the development of their stock markets, bond markets and the insurance sector. The result shows that openness in financial services trade has a positive impact on economic growth when the stock market, bond market and insurance sector are included in the system.Research limitations/implicationsThe policy implication of the findings is that policymakers should focus more on developing all four areas of finance to get the full benefit of the financial system on the process of economic growth.Originality/valueThe authors have constructed the better indicators of financial development in the case of BRICS economies. Most of the studies in BRICS economies have measured the development of the financial sector as either banking sector development or stock market development. However, the present study includes all four areas of finance (banking sector development, stock market development, insurance sector development and bond market development) into account.
目的研究1990-2012年金砖国家金融发展、金融服务贸易开放与经济增长之间的关系,债券市场发展和保险业发展。为了结果的稳健性,分析了变量之间的长期协整关系。发现整体金融发展对经济增长有着积极而显著的影响。为了充分利用金融服务贸易的开放性,各国需要更加重视股票市场、债券市场和保险业的发展。研究结果表明,当股票市场、债券市场和保险业被纳入金融服务贸易体系时,金融服务贸易开放对经济增长有积极影响。研究局限性/含义研究结果的政策含义是,政策制定者应该更多地关注发展金融的所有四个领域,以在经济增长过程中充分受益于金融系统。原创性/价值作者在金砖国家经济体的情况下构建了更好的金融发展指标。金砖国家经济体的大多数研究都将金融部门的发展衡量为银行部门的发展或股市的发展。然而,本研究将金融的所有四个领域(银行业发展、股票市场发展、保险业发展和债券市场发展)都考虑在内。
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引用次数: 6
China’s emerging partnership network: what, who, where, when and why 中国新兴的伙伴关系网络:什么,谁,在哪里,何时,为什么
Pub Date : 2019-07-15 DOI: 10.1108/ITPD-05-2019-0004
Quan Li, Min Ye
PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to explore and test the motivation behind the evolution of China’s vast network of partnerships around the globe since the end of the Cold War.Design/methodology/approachAfter combing through 24 types of partnerships with 78 countries, the authors empirically tested four hypotheses using data from Correlates of War and World Bank.FindingsThe analysis indicates that China’s choice to build such an elaborate network is not random. On the contrary, it is largely determined by three factors: the need to counter the US pressure; the necessity of maintaining peace and stability along its borders and achieving the long-term goal of modernization.Originality/valueThe research is among the first attempts to comprehensively test the possible motivations behind China’s partnership building efforts and provides a stepping stone for analyzing this important aspect of China’s foreign policy.
本文的目的是探讨和检验自冷战结束以来中国在全球范围内庞大的伙伴关系网络演变背后的动机。设计/方法/方法在梳理了与78个国家的24种合作伙伴关系后,作者利用战争相关性和世界银行的数据对四种假设进行了实证检验。研究结果分析表明,中国选择建立这样一个精心设计的网络并不是随机的。相反,这在很大程度上是由三个因素决定的:反击美国压力的需要;维护边境和平稳定和实现现代化长期目标的必要性。这项研究是首次尝试全面测试中国建立伙伴关系背后可能的动机,并为分析中国外交政策的这一重要方面提供了跳板。
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引用次数: 8
Quo Vadis, Europa? Four paths and their plausibility 库瓦迪斯,欧罗巴?四条路径及其合理性
Pub Date : 2019-02-03 DOI: 10.1108/ITPD-02-2019-001
A. Heritier
PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to assess the plausibility of four different mid-term paths of development of the European Union (EU): first, a political union or a European state; second, a differentiated and flexible integration of the polity; third, a covert and deepening integration of the polity outside of the political arenas; fourth, the disintegration and/or dissolution of the EU through the exit of individual members or a joint decision to terminate the union.Design/methodology/approachThe paper uses strategic interaction analysis to identify the plausibility of each of these four possible outcomes. By systematically varying the relevant actors’, i.e. European Council’s and member states’, the European Parliament’s, the Commission’s, preferences over outcomes while holding constant institutional rules of decision making on the one hand, and systematically varying institutional rules on the other while holdings actors’ preferences constant, the paper comes to the conclusion that differentiated and flexible integration and covert integration are the most plausible mid-term paths of development.FindingsThe paper finds that neither a European state or deep political union nor a disintegration or even dissolution of the EU is the most plausible path of development. Rather, it concludes that flexible and differentiated integration as well as covert integration outside the political arenas are the most likely developments. However, it also draws attention to the political costs of flexible and differentiated integration which does not allow for an overall view of political and policy issues negotiated at one political table, limiting the scope of compromise formation and even leading to a fragmented polity. Covert integration consisting of mechanisms of hidden integration “invisible” to the wider public may lead to a democratic backlash, once citizens realize that integration has considerably deepened without their being aware of it.Originality/valueMost publications regarding the future development of the EU are normatively driven, either conjuring an imminent disintegration, or invoking the necessity of a deepening integration leading to a political union. This paper, by contrast, seeks to assess the likely further development based on empirically identified factors and a logical argument.
目的本文旨在评估欧盟(EU)四种不同中期发展道路的合理性:第一,政治联盟或欧洲国家;第二,政治的差异化和灵活整合;第三,政治领域之外的政体的隐蔽和深化整合;第四,通过个别成员国退出或联合决定终止欧盟而导致欧盟解体。设计/方法论/方法本文使用战略互动分析来确定这四种可能结果中每一种的合理性。通过系统地改变相关行为者的偏好,即欧洲理事会和成员国、欧洲议会和委员会对结果的偏好,同时一方面保持不变的决策制度规则,另一方面系统地改变制度规则,同时保持行为者的偏好不变,本文得出的结论是,差异化、柔性一体化和隐性一体化是最合理的中期发展路径。论文发现,无论是欧洲国家或深层政治联盟,还是欧盟的解体甚至解体,都不是最合理的发展道路。相反,它得出的结论是,灵活和有区别的一体化以及政治舞台之外的秘密一体化是最有可能的发展。然而,它也提请注意灵活和有区别的一体化的政治成本,这种一体化不允许在一张政治桌上全面看待谈判的政治和政策问题,限制了形成妥协的范围,甚至导致政治支离破碎。一旦公民意识到一体化在他们没有意识到的情况下已经大大加深,由更广泛公众“看不见”的隐性一体化机制组成的隐性一体化可能会导致民主反弹,或者援引深化一体化导致政治联盟的必要性。相比之下,本文试图基于经验确定的因素和逻辑论证来评估可能的进一步发展。
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引用次数: 3
A real driver of US–China trade conflict 中美贸易冲突的真正驱动因素
Pub Date : 2019-02-03 DOI: 10.1108/ITPD-02-2019-003
Min-hyung Kim
PurposeAccording to the conventional wisdom, trade is not a zero-sum game, but a positive-sum game. By allowing countries to focus on producing the goods that they can produce relatively efficiently, free trade is largely beneficial for everyone involved. Then, why are the world’s two largest economies (i.e. the USA and China) currently engaged in a trade war, which is likely to hurt their own economies? What is the driving force for the trade war between the two economic giants? The purpose of this paper is to offer an explanation of the underlying cause of the US–China trade war.Design/methodology/approachIn an effort to make sense of the trade war between the USA and China, the paper draws the insights from the two international relations theories – i.e. hegemonic stability theory and power transition theory.FindingsAs China continues to threaten US hegemony in the world in general and East Asia in particular, the Sino–US competition for hegemony will intensify over time. As a result, the trade war between the two countries may persist longer than many anticipate. Further, even if the trade war between the two superpowers ends soon, a similar type of conflict is likely to occur later as long as the Sino–US hegemonic rivalry continues.Originality/valueThe central thesis of this paper is that “US fear” about its declining hegemony and China’s rapid rise as a challenger of US hegemony is driving a US-launched trade war with China. Since the underlying cause of the trade war between the world’s two largest economies is political (i.e. the Sino–US hegemonic rivalry) rather than economic (e.g. US attempts to improve the trade balance with China by imposing tariffs on Chinese goods), the paper contends that the full understanding of the trade war requires close attention to the importance of power competition between the two superpowers.
传统观念认为,贸易不是零和博弈,而是正和博弈。通过允许各国专注于生产它们能够相对高效地生产的商品,自由贸易在很大程度上有利于所有相关方。那么,为什么世界上最大的两个经济体(即美国和中国)目前正在进行一场可能会伤害他们自己经济的贸易战?中美两大经济巨头之间爆发贸易战的动力是什么?本文的目的是解释中美贸易战的根本原因。为了理解中美贸易战,本文借鉴了霸权稳定理论和权力转移理论这两大国际关系理论。随着中国继续威胁美国在全球特别是东亚的霸权,中美霸权竞争将随着时间的推移而加剧。因此,两国之间的贸易战可能会比许多人预期的持续时间更长。此外,即使两个超级大国之间的贸易战很快结束,只要中美霸权竞争持续下去,类似的冲突也很可能在以后发生。本文的中心论点是,“美国对其霸权衰落的恐惧”和中国作为美国霸权挑战者的迅速崛起正在推动美国发起对华贸易战。由于世界上两个最大经济体之间的贸易战的根本原因是政治(即中美霸权竞争)而不是经济(例如美国试图通过对中国商品征收关税来改善与中国的贸易平衡),本文认为,要充分理解贸易战,需要密切关注两个超级大国之间权力竞争的重要性。
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引用次数: 32
期刊
International Trade Politics and Development
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