{"title":"Paweł Malendowicz1 (rec.): Marcin Wałdoch, Chojnicki czerwiec ’89: studium lokalne fali uderzeniowej procesu demokratyzacji, Stowarzyszenie Arcana Historii, Chojnice 2017, ss. 182.","authors":"Paweł Malendowicz","doi":"10.15804/siip201925","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15804/siip201925","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":34825,"journal":{"name":"Swiat Idei i Polityki","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47491202","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In mid-October 2019, the European Commission presented a report on the implementation of European Agenda on Migration of 2015 and indicated the areas that require further action mainly related to irregular migration, smuggling of migrants and trafficking. The EC emphasized that only by joining forces of all member states the European Union will be able to fight effectively and humanely with these problems. Irregular migration has become one of the EU most important problems since the 1990s, and the growing number of irregular migrants evoked the feeling that a single state is unable to control people arriving on its territory. The Europeans are terrified of the scale of migration. Conflicts and antagonisms between the local population and the rapidly growing number of migrants have begun to increase. The research goal of the article is to analyze the implementation of the 2015 European Agenda on Migration
{"title":"European Agenda on Migration – Assumptions and Implementation","authors":"M. Szatlach","doi":"10.15804/siip201906","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15804/siip201906","url":null,"abstract":"In mid-October 2019, the European Commission presented a report on the implementation of European Agenda on Migration of 2015 and indicated the areas that require further action mainly related to irregular migration, smuggling of migrants and trafficking. The EC emphasized that only by joining forces of all member states the European Union will be able to fight effectively and humanely with these problems. Irregular migration has become one of the EU most important problems since the 1990s, and the growing number of irregular migrants evoked the feeling that a single state is unable to control people arriving on its territory. The Europeans are terrified of the scale of migration. Conflicts and antagonisms between the local population and the rapidly growing number of migrants have begun to increase. The research goal of the article is to analyze the implementation of the 2015 European Agenda on Migration","PeriodicalId":34825,"journal":{"name":"Swiat Idei i Polityki","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47000375","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The events that took place in Russia at the end of 2011 – the rigged parliamentary elections and the nomination of Vladimir Putin as presidential candidate, his return to the Kremlin after four years, caused numerous protests on a previously unknown scale. According to various estimates, tens of thousands of dissatisfied citizens took to the streets of Moscow. They were led by Alexei Navalny and Boris Nemtsov, who was later murdered in 2015. The public support of the authorities and the condemnation of the protesters by Patriarch Cyril – the head of the Russian Orthodox Church, was met with a reaction from a now outraged society. On February, 21 2012, the famous feminist group Pussy Riot, staged a performance in the building of the Council of Christ the Saviour in Moscow. The performance was to be a form of protest against the informal alliance of „the throne and the altar”. This informal alliance has been present in Russia for many years, it obliges both sides to mutual support, especially in times of crisis. The trial of the three members of the Pussy Riot group – Nadezhda Tolokonnikova, Ekaterina Samucevich and Maria Alokhina was strictly political, despite strict efforts of judges and prosecutors to change its character. Under the pretence of offending religious feelings, a political lynch was carried out against the three women. The real reason for such harsh actions, was disobedience against the head of the Russian state and standing in opposition to the authoritarian form of government. The phoney trial was treated as a warning to the system’s opponents, for them to think twice before undertaking any actions against the state authorities. Pussy Riot’s performance and its consequences have provoked many questions about the condition of the rule of law in Russia and the durability of Vladimir Putin’s regime. The article describes the earlier activities of Pussy Riot, background of the events preceding performance in the Cathedral of Christ the Savior, a trial and the world’s response to the verdict. The research area durability and stability of political system in Russia during the presidency of Vladimir Putin and what it guarantees. The main hypothesis is the assumption that any manifestation or insubordination to the existing order in Russia is treated as an affront, and every person undertaking such action must be severely punished and stigmatized. The research method used in the article is an analysis of written sources.
{"title":"Bogurodzico, przegoń Putina. Pussy Riot – feministki kontra autorytaryzm w Rosji","authors":"S. Wasielewski","doi":"10.15804/siip201917","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15804/siip201917","url":null,"abstract":"The events that took place in Russia at the end of 2011 – the rigged parliamentary elections and the nomination of Vladimir Putin as presidential candidate, his return to the Kremlin after four years, caused numerous protests on a previously unknown scale. According to various estimates, tens of thousands of dissatisfied citizens took to the streets of Moscow. They were led by Alexei Navalny and Boris Nemtsov, who was later murdered in 2015. The public support of the authorities and the condemnation of the protesters by Patriarch Cyril – the head of the Russian Orthodox Church, was met with a reaction from a now outraged society. On February, 21 2012, the famous feminist group Pussy Riot, staged a performance in the building of the Council of Christ the Saviour in Moscow. The performance was to be a form of protest against the informal alliance of „the throne and the altar”. This informal alliance has been present in Russia for many years, it obliges both sides to mutual support, especially in times of crisis. The trial of the three members of the Pussy Riot group – Nadezhda Tolokonnikova, Ekaterina Samucevich and Maria Alokhina was strictly political, despite strict efforts of judges and prosecutors to change its character. Under the pretence of offending religious feelings, a political lynch was carried out against the three women. The real reason for such harsh actions, was disobedience against the head of the Russian state and standing in opposition to the authoritarian form of government. The phoney trial was treated as a warning to the system’s opponents, for them to think twice before undertaking any actions against the state authorities. Pussy Riot’s performance and its consequences have provoked many questions about the condition of the rule of law in Russia and the durability of Vladimir Putin’s regime. The article describes the earlier activities of Pussy Riot, background of the events preceding performance in the Cathedral of Christ the Savior, a trial and the world’s response to the verdict. The research area durability and stability of political system in Russia during the presidency of Vladimir Putin and what it guarantees. The main hypothesis is the assumption that any manifestation or insubordination to the existing order in Russia is treated as an affront, and every person undertaking such action must be severely punished and stigmatized. The research method used in the article is an analysis of written sources.","PeriodicalId":34825,"journal":{"name":"Swiat Idei i Polityki","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67144752","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The question about the scope, content and effectiveness of activities is the subject of the article in which the author analyzes the methods of making Poland’s security policy dependent on the USSR in the context of establishing the country border on the Oder and Nysa Łużycka as an act of historical justice, which could only had been done thanks to the Polish communists supported by the USSR. Consequently, the foreign and military policy of People’s Poland was incorporated into a broader coalition structure, i.e. fully dependent on Soviet policy. This policy was justified in such a way to show the inevitability of Soviet security guarantees arising from the Polish-Soviet brotherhood of arms.
{"title":"Wybór czy przymus? Sowieckie gwarancje bezpieczeństwa dla Polski po 1945 r.","authors":"S. Sadowski","doi":"10.15804/siip201909","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15804/siip201909","url":null,"abstract":"The question about the scope, content and effectiveness of activities is the subject of the article in which the author analyzes the methods of making Poland’s security policy dependent on the USSR in the context of establishing the country border on the Oder and Nysa Łużycka as an act of historical justice, which could only had been done thanks to the Polish communists supported by the USSR. Consequently, the foreign and military policy of People’s Poland was incorporated into a broader coalition structure, i.e. fully dependent on Soviet policy. This policy was justified in such a way to show the inevitability of Soviet security guarantees arising from the Polish-Soviet brotherhood of arms.","PeriodicalId":34825,"journal":{"name":"Swiat Idei i Polityki","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67144627","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The aim of this article is to reflect on the pluralism of plans and projects of the school education system in Poland at the end of the second decade of the 21st century and the positions of political parties regarding reforms of children’s and youth education. The hypothesis of the research in the article is the assumption that the electoral programmes of Polish political parties are characterized by a plurality of educational visions. They often are proposals for reforms adapting education to the tasks of the modern economy, market and social changes. The research method used in the article is the analysis of source documents, i.e. political party programmes, as well as their comparative analysis. The programmes of 14 political parties, valid in the second decade of the 21st century, were analyzed. These were in the order: Democratic Left Alliance (SLD), Labor Union (UP), Polish Labor Party – August 80 (PPP-S’80), Party Together, Spring, Green Party, Polish People’s Party (PSL), Democratic Party (SD), Civic Platform (PO), Modern Party, Law and Justice (PiS), Coalition of the Restoration of the Republic Freedom and Hope (KORWiN), Right Wing of the Republic, National Movement (RN).
{"title":"Edukacja jako przedmiot zainteresowań polskich partii politycznych w drugim dziesięcioleciu XXI w. Analiza wybranych programów wyborczych","authors":"E. Malendowicz","doi":"10.15804/siip201920","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15804/siip201920","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of this article is to reflect on the pluralism of plans and projects of the school education system in Poland at the end of the second decade of the 21st century and the positions of political parties regarding reforms of children’s and youth education. The hypothesis of the research in the article is the assumption that the electoral programmes of Polish political parties are characterized by a plurality of educational visions. They often are proposals for reforms adapting education to the tasks of the modern economy, market and social changes. The research method used in the article is the analysis of source documents, i.e. political party programmes, as well as their comparative analysis. The programmes of 14 political parties, valid in the second decade of the 21st century, were analyzed. These were in the order: Democratic Left Alliance (SLD), Labor Union (UP), Polish Labor Party – August 80 (PPP-S’80), Party Together, Spring, Green Party, Polish People’s Party (PSL), Democratic Party (SD), Civic Platform (PO), Modern Party, Law and Justice (PiS), Coalition of the Restoration of the Republic Freedom and Hope (KORWiN), Right Wing of the Republic, National Movement (RN).","PeriodicalId":34825,"journal":{"name":"Swiat Idei i Polityki","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67144808","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
W niniejszym artykule autorzy prezentują wyniki badań własnych nad postawami wobec czterech wybranych dylematów rozpatrywanych na gruncie etyki środowiskowej. Pomiaru empirycznego dokonano przy użyciu kwestionariusza ankiety w latach 2014–2015 na 1000-osobowej, reprezentatywnej próbie mieszkańców województwa kujawsko- pomorskiego. Respondenci zostali poproszeni o ustosunkowanie się do 16 stwierdzeń, których treść odnosiła się do takich zagadnień, jak kwestia wartości życia ludzkiego w obliczu groźby przeludnienia i postulatów związanych z ograniczeniem liczby populacji ludzkiej, znaczenie interesów ludzkich w kontekście dobra przyrody, priorytetowe cele ochrony środowiska, a także zasady zadośćuczynienia określającej zakres rekompensowania szkód poczynionych przez działalność człowieka w środowisku przyrodniczym. Każdy z wymienionych czterech problemów został przedstawiony ankietowanym do oceny w formie 4 stwierdzeń dopasowanych pod względem aksjologicznym do obowiązującego w etyce środowiskowej podziału na stanowiska antropocentryczne i biocentryczne.
{"title":"Anthropocentrism and Biocentrism in Human Attitudes toward Some Selected Dilemmas of Environmental Ethics – Case of Kuyavian and Pomeranian Province Citizens","authors":"Wojciech Trempała, A. Papuziński","doi":"10.15804/siip201914","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15804/siip201914","url":null,"abstract":"W niniejszym artykule autorzy prezentują wyniki badań własnych nad postawami wobec czterech wybranych dylematów rozpatrywanych na gruncie etyki środowiskowej. Pomiaru empirycznego dokonano przy użyciu kwestionariusza ankiety w latach 2014–2015 na 1000-osobowej, reprezentatywnej próbie mieszkańców województwa kujawsko- pomorskiego. Respondenci zostali poproszeni o ustosunkowanie się do 16 stwierdzeń, których treść odnosiła się do takich zagadnień, jak kwestia wartości życia ludzkiego w obliczu groźby przeludnienia i postulatów związanych z ograniczeniem liczby populacji ludzkiej, znaczenie interesów ludzkich w kontekście dobra przyrody, priorytetowe cele ochrony środowiska, a także zasady zadośćuczynienia określającej zakres rekompensowania szkód poczynionych przez działalność człowieka w środowisku przyrodniczym. Każdy z wymienionych czterech problemów został przedstawiony ankietowanym do oceny w formie 4 stwierdzeń dopasowanych pod względem aksjologicznym do obowiązującego w etyce środowiskowej podziału na stanowiska antropocentryczne i biocentryczne.","PeriodicalId":34825,"journal":{"name":"Swiat Idei i Polityki","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67144687","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The main purpose of the article is to verify the hypothesis that the erasing of values from economics causes unfavorable social changes leading even to social stratification. Side by side, it will be considered if homo neuroeconomicus is already the leading paradigm in economic, and marketing creates our attitudes, with the aim only to sell, not to distribute wares. The article also aims to show the relevance of axiology in economics, because at its metatheoretical level its ontological status constitutes values implanted by recognized economists. Meanwhile, contemporary economics tries to create an exact science, disavowing its normative output. The record is mathematical, which evaluative value, emotionally excludes man as an important subject of economics. The loss of autotelism in the exemplification of a human being and its natural inclination to participate in the economy causes non-exclusivity in participation. The attempt of these changes also led to the creation of homo neuroeconomicus as a model example of a human-consumer who has three tasks: buy, buy, buy. An adequate method to show the issue is to use the descriptive method to approximate the problem and comparative analysis, which indicates that there is no one way to look at the economy and to make it work in reality.
{"title":"Arywizm, chremastyka, matematyzacja a humanocentryzm – apologetyka aksjologii w ekonomii","authors":"Błażej Piskorz","doi":"10.15804/siip201913","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15804/siip201913","url":null,"abstract":"The main purpose of the article is to verify the hypothesis that the erasing of values from economics causes unfavorable social changes leading even to social stratification. Side by side, it will be considered if homo neuroeconomicus is already the leading paradigm in economic, and marketing creates our attitudes, with the aim only to sell, not to distribute wares. The article also aims to show the relevance of axiology in economics, because at its metatheoretical level its ontological status constitutes values implanted by recognized economists. Meanwhile, contemporary economics tries to create an exact science, disavowing its normative output. The record is mathematical, which evaluative value, emotionally excludes man as an important subject of economics. The loss of autotelism in the exemplification of a human being and its natural inclination to participate in the economy causes non-exclusivity in participation. The attempt of these changes also led to the creation of homo neuroeconomicus as a model example of a human-consumer who has three tasks: buy, buy, buy. An adequate method to show the issue is to use the descriptive method to approximate the problem and comparative analysis, which indicates that there is no one way to look at the economy and to make it work in reality.","PeriodicalId":34825,"journal":{"name":"Swiat Idei i Polityki","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47060158","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The goals of the article are to discuss Ukraine’s aspirations for rapprochement with the European Union, especially after the „Orange Revolution” in 2004, and in the context of the conflict with Russia over Crimea and eastern Ukraine that began in 2014. In addition, to outline of Germany’s position toward the conflict and Ukraine’s relations with the EU. The author attempts to resolve the problem of Ukraine’s chances of joining the Union in a predictable perspective. First of all, scientific and press publications, as well as European Union documents were used.
{"title":"UE – Ukraina: wokół europejskich aspiracji Kijowa. Wybrane aspekty z perspektywy Niemiec","authors":"Michał M. Kosman","doi":"10.15804/siip201903","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15804/siip201903","url":null,"abstract":"The goals of the article are to discuss Ukraine’s aspirations for rapprochement with the European Union, especially after the „Orange Revolution” in 2004, and in the context of the conflict with Russia over Crimea and eastern Ukraine that began in 2014. In addition, to outline of Germany’s position toward the conflict and Ukraine’s relations with the EU. The author attempts to resolve the problem of Ukraine’s chances of joining the Union in a predictable perspective. First of all, scientific and press publications, as well as European Union documents were used.","PeriodicalId":34825,"journal":{"name":"Swiat Idei i Polityki","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48731909","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In 2001 began the so-called war on terror which gave rise to numerous and so far unknown strategies and technologies. One of the most important of them are military drones. Initially used for reconnaissance and looking for targets, they quickly became deadly weapons that change the course of war. Death in military conflicts, once inflicted directly by humans, today is inflicted indirectly by advanced technologies. Automated, mathematical algorithms make decisions whether an individual should live or be eliminated in the name of public security. In this article I prove that inflicting death through military drones is not just another war tactic but a new paradigm which may lead to the transformation of legal and political regime of Western countries. I analyze this paradigm in the light of Carl Schmitt’s category of the “state of exception”. I characterize the new methods of controlling law and governing population by Giorgio Agamben’s concept of “inclusive exclusion”.
{"title":"Wojna dronowa jako permanentny stan wyjątkowy","authors":"Mateusz Pietryka","doi":"10.15804/siip201910","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15804/siip201910","url":null,"abstract":"In 2001 began the so-called war on terror which gave rise to numerous and so far unknown strategies and technologies. One of the most important of them are military drones. Initially used for reconnaissance and looking for targets, they quickly became deadly weapons that change the course of war. Death in military conflicts, once inflicted directly by humans, today is inflicted indirectly by advanced technologies. Automated, mathematical algorithms make decisions whether an individual should live or be eliminated in the name of public security. In this article I prove that inflicting death through military drones is not just another war tactic but a new paradigm which may lead to the transformation of legal and political regime of Western countries. I analyze this paradigm in the light of Carl Schmitt’s category of the “state of exception”. I characterize the new methods of controlling law and governing population by Giorgio Agamben’s concept of “inclusive exclusion”.","PeriodicalId":34825,"journal":{"name":"Swiat Idei i Polityki","volume":"100 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67144636","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：