W pracy podjęto się zagadnienia analizy propagandowego ujęcia postaci Edwarda Gierka na łamach dziennika „Trybuna Ludu”. Na podstawie analizy przekazów prasowych „Trybuny Ludu” z okresu rządów I Sekretarza Komitetu Centralnego Polskiej Zjednoczonej Partii Robotniczej w latach 1970–1980 r. dokonano analizy treści dotyczącej kształtowania propagandowego wizerunku E. Gierka na płaszczyźnie działań na rzecz m.in. polityki gospodarczej Polskiej Rzeczypospolitej Ludowej oraz ewolucji na polu polityki wizerunkowej na tle innych I Sekretarzy KC PZPR. Problemem badawczym przyjętym na potrzeby niniejszego artykułu były pytania: jakimi metodami propagowano postać Edwarda Gierka na łamach „Trybuny Ludu”? W jaki sposób kreowano postać Edwarda Gierka jako I sekretarza KC PZPR? Ponadto autor zaprezentował krótką charakterystykę Edwarda Gierka oraz jego działalność polityczną w PRL w latach 70. XX w. W niniejszym artykule zastosowano metodę analizy treści, którą autor uznał za najefektywniejszą metodę badawczą do podjętej tematyki, w tym zwłaszcza przedstawienia mechanizmów propagandy oraz działalności politycznej Edwarda Gierka jako I Sekretarza KC PZPR w latach 70. XX w.
{"title":"Wizerunek I sekretarza Edwarda Gierka kreowany przez propagandę reżimu komunistycznego na łamach dziennika „Trybuna Ludu”","authors":"Adrian Konefał","doi":"10.15804/siip202015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15804/siip202015","url":null,"abstract":"W pracy podjęto się zagadnienia analizy propagandowego ujęcia postaci Edwarda Gierka na łamach dziennika „Trybuna Ludu”. Na podstawie analizy przekazów prasowych „Trybuny Ludu” z okresu rządów I Sekretarza Komitetu Centralnego Polskiej Zjednoczonej Partii Robotniczej w latach 1970–1980 r. dokonano analizy treści dotyczącej kształtowania propagandowego wizerunku E. Gierka na płaszczyźnie działań na rzecz m.in. polityki gospodarczej Polskiej Rzeczypospolitej Ludowej oraz ewolucji na polu polityki wizerunkowej na tle innych I Sekretarzy KC PZPR. Problemem badawczym przyjętym na potrzeby niniejszego artykułu były pytania: jakimi metodami propagowano postać Edwarda Gierka na łamach „Trybuny Ludu”? W jaki sposób kreowano postać Edwarda Gierka jako I sekretarza KC PZPR? Ponadto autor zaprezentował krótką charakterystykę Edwarda Gierka oraz jego działalność polityczną w PRL w latach 70. XX w. W niniejszym artykule zastosowano metodę analizy treści, którą autor uznał za najefektywniejszą metodę badawczą do podjętej tematyki, w tym zwłaszcza przedstawienia mechanizmów propagandy oraz działalności politycznej Edwarda Gierka jako I Sekretarza KC PZPR w latach 70. XX w.","PeriodicalId":34825,"journal":{"name":"Swiat Idei i Polityki","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49088421","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Tematem artykułu jest system więziennictwa w Polsce Ludowej, funkcjonujący w latach 1945–1958. Celem artykułu jest udokumentowanie i analiza funkcjonowania systemu więziennictwa w tym okresie na przykładzie Wojewódzkiego Więzienia Karno-Śledczego w Bydgoszczy. Realizując cel pracy autor sformułował hipotezę badawczą, zgodnie z którą rozbudowa i funkcjonowanie powojennego systemu więziennictwa przyczyniły się do zaostrzenia i rozbudowy systemu represji wobec skazanych. W celu weryfikacji hipotezy zastosowano metody badawcze oparte na analizie dokumentów archiwalnych i danych statystycznych.
{"title":"System więziennictwa w latach 1945–1958. Analiza na przykładzie funkcjonowania Wojewódzkiego Więzienia Karno-Śledczego w Bydgoszczy","authors":"Artur Ptaszyński","doi":"10.15804/siip202009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15804/siip202009","url":null,"abstract":"Tematem artykułu jest system więziennictwa w Polsce Ludowej, funkcjonujący w latach 1945–1958. Celem artykułu jest udokumentowanie i analiza funkcjonowania systemu więziennictwa w tym okresie na przykładzie Wojewódzkiego Więzienia Karno-Śledczego w Bydgoszczy. Realizując cel pracy autor sformułował hipotezę badawczą, zgodnie z którą rozbudowa i funkcjonowanie powojennego systemu więziennictwa przyczyniły się do zaostrzenia i rozbudowy systemu represji wobec skazanych. W celu weryfikacji hipotezy zastosowano metody badawcze oparte na analizie dokumentów archiwalnych i danych statystycznych.","PeriodicalId":34825,"journal":{"name":"Swiat Idei i Polityki","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49224788","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper uses the case of Kyrgyz Republic to analyze two competing views concerning the role of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). The realist view claims that the EAEU is a tool of Russian hegemonic power over its region of infl uence and interprets is as a primarily political rather than economic organization designed to serve Russia’s national interests at the expense of those of other members. The liberal institutionalist view, on the other hand, sees the EAEU as a new regional organization of economic integration that is benefi cial for all members. Analyzing the case of the participation of the Kyrgyz Republic in this union makes it clear that it is still too early to determine which perspective is correct as there is evidence in support of both.
{"title":"Eurasian Economic Union: Integration Organization or Tool for Russian Regional Hegemony? The Case of Participation of the Kyrgyz Republic in the EAEU since 2015","authors":"Jildiz Nicharapova","doi":"10.15804/siip202006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15804/siip202006","url":null,"abstract":"This paper uses the case of Kyrgyz Republic to analyze two competing views concerning the role of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). The realist view claims that the EAEU is a tool of Russian hegemonic power over its region of infl uence and interprets is as a primarily political rather than economic organization designed to serve Russia’s national interests at the expense of those of other members. The liberal institutionalist view, on the other hand, sees the EAEU as a new regional organization of economic integration that is benefi cial for all members. Analyzing the case of the participation of the Kyrgyz Republic in this union makes it clear that it is still too early to determine which perspective is correct as there is evidence in support of both.","PeriodicalId":34825,"journal":{"name":"Swiat Idei i Polityki","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47863454","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The following article provides an outline of a lesser known historical phenomenon related to the actions of Polish parliamentary politicians of the National Democracy (ND) formation in the years 1928-1930. In stark contrast to the elections of 1922, the elections of 1928 resulted in the defeat of the Nationalist camp, which ended up having only nine ND politicians. First, the article sketches a sociological map of ND senators. Secondly, it delves into the activities of senators in particular Senate boards, therefore explaining the real impact these people had on the workings of the higher chamber. Finally, an analysis of various statements is conducted with the aim of summarising the political views of these senators as well as the main issues they focused on, including state administration, justice, local governance, education and foreign policy.
{"title":"Aktywność parlamentarna senatorów II Rzeczypospolitej na przykładzie obecności Narodowej Demokracji w Senacie II kadencji (1928–1930)","authors":"A. Meller","doi":"10.15804/siip202003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15804/siip202003","url":null,"abstract":"The following article provides an outline of a lesser known historical phenomenon related to the actions of Polish parliamentary politicians of the National Democracy (ND) formation in the years 1928-1930. In stark contrast to the elections of 1922, the elections of 1928 resulted in the defeat of the Nationalist camp, which ended up having only nine ND politicians. First, the article sketches a sociological map of ND senators. Secondly, it delves into the activities of senators in particular Senate boards, therefore explaining the real impact these people had on the workings of the higher chamber. Finally, an analysis of various statements is conducted with the aim of summarising the political views of these senators as well as the main issues they focused on, including state administration, justice, local governance, education and foreign policy.","PeriodicalId":34825,"journal":{"name":"Swiat Idei i Polityki","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67144542","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Marcin Wałdoch (rec.): Marcin Lasoń, Polityka obronna i bezpieczeństwa narodowego Nowej Zelandii w XXI wieku. Pomiędzy pragmatyzmem a minimalizmem, Oficyna Wydawnicza AFM Krakowskiej Akademii im. Andrzeja Frycza Modrzewskiego, Kraków 2018, ss. 342.","authors":"Marcin Wałdoch","doi":"10.15804/siip202019","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15804/siip202019","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":34825,"journal":{"name":"Swiat Idei i Polityki","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67145185","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this article were presented beliefs and ideas of Pentti Linkola who was a Finnish representative of deep ecology. Taking into consideration debates and discussions on how to solve global environmental crisis, he must be perceived as one of the most charismatic and radical figure. The only solutions to protect life in biosphere are for him: organized coercion, compulsory reduction of the human population, authoritarian system managed by a strong centralized government, forcing people to reduce consumption, possessions, travelling, and usage of electricity. The concept of Linkola’s philosophy is full of negative judgments towards humans’ responsibility and wisdom. His ideas are also eco-centered and prioritize weal and value of life in general over the weal and life of a single person. The aim of this article is to present and compare Finnish thinker’s opinions on relations between people and environment with other – more popular in Poland – authors. It is worth to mention that Linkola’s ideas and demands are not mentioned in the works of domestic representatives of subdisciplines in social science which concentrate on social and political sources and effects of ecological problems in the modern world. This fact will determine the essence and value of assumptions made for the presented in the article disquisition.
{"title":"Czy życie może zwyciężyć? Pentti Linkola – fiński przedstawiciel alternatywy ekologicznej","authors":"Wojciech Trempała","doi":"10.15804/siip202005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15804/siip202005","url":null,"abstract":"In this article were presented beliefs and ideas of Pentti Linkola who was a Finnish representative of deep ecology. Taking into consideration debates and discussions on how to solve global environmental crisis, he must be perceived as one of the most charismatic and radical figure. The only solutions to protect life in biosphere are for him: organized coercion, compulsory reduction of the human population, authoritarian system managed by a strong centralized government, forcing people to reduce consumption, possessions, travelling, and usage of electricity. The concept of Linkola’s philosophy is full of negative judgments towards humans’ responsibility and wisdom. His ideas are also eco-centered and prioritize weal and value of life in general over the weal and life of a single person. The aim of this article is to present and compare Finnish thinker’s opinions on relations between people and environment with other – more popular in Poland – authors. It is worth to mention that Linkola’s ideas and demands are not mentioned in the works of domestic representatives of subdisciplines in social science which concentrate on social and political sources and effects of ecological problems in the modern world. This fact will determine the essence and value of assumptions made for the presented in the article disquisition.","PeriodicalId":34825,"journal":{"name":"Swiat Idei i Polityki","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49473038","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article examines the development process of the national level security strategies in the United States. It explains the basic theory of the strategy-making, as well as the primary processes and relations among the major security enterprises. The author focuses on the 2017–2018 timeframe due to the significant changes in the U.S. legislative system and exceptional personalities involved in the strategy-making process. However, the article delivers a military perspective on strategy development. Still, it does not exclude general information on the U.S. political arena, legal framework, scope of the documents, or historical facts. These data facilitate a more comprehensive understanding of the complex political-military relations during the strategy-making process. The primary purpose of the article is to analyze coherent, layered strategic planning process during President Donald Trump administration (2017–2020) and draw significant conclusions, which other countries might implement in their planning system.
{"title":"The Military Perspective on the Strategic Planning Process in the United States within 2017–2018 Timeframe","authors":"Maciej Klisz","doi":"10.15804/siip202007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15804/siip202007","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the development process of the national level security strategies in the United States. It explains the basic theory of the strategy-making, as well as the primary processes and relations among the major security enterprises. The author focuses on the 2017–2018 timeframe due to the significant changes in the U.S. legislative system and exceptional personalities involved in the strategy-making process. However, the article delivers a military perspective on strategy development. Still, it does not exclude general information on the U.S. political arena, legal framework, scope of the documents, or historical facts. These data facilitate a more comprehensive understanding of the complex political-military relations during the strategy-making process. The primary purpose of the article is to analyze coherent, layered strategic planning process during President Donald Trump administration (2017–2020) and draw significant conclusions, which other countries might implement in their planning system.","PeriodicalId":34825,"journal":{"name":"Swiat Idei i Polityki","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67144978","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
В Кыргызстане в 2020 году состоятся очередные парламентские выборы. Практически во всех предыдущих предвыборных кампаниях СМИ Кыргызстана принимали в ней активное участие. С одной стороны, государственные СМИ выполняли роль административного ресурса. Площадка эфирного времени ОТРК КР (Общественная телерадиовещательная корпорация Кыргызской Республики), государственных газет «Кыргыз Туусу», «Слово Кыргызстана», «Эркин-Тоо» и других в основном служили для озвучивания и одобрения кандидатов, партий, лоббируемых правящей властью. С другой стороны, деятельность, принадлежащих различным политическим акторам, частных СМИ являются основой мозаики информационного пространства Кыргызстана. Политтехнологи, которые рассматривают СМИ как один из действенных механизмов влияния и формирования общественного мнения взаимодействуют с ними тесно, задавая им тон, необходимый для заказчика. Все эти политические, информационные процессы привели к тому, что в 2005 году был избран многопартийный парламент, граждане политизированы, а развитие соцсетей продолжают периодически менять мозаику медийной картины страны. Особенно это активизируется, как уже было отмечено, в преддверии выборов. Однако, относительная свобода масс-медиа, возможность противоборства различных политических сил, использование политтехнологий, при отсутствии четкой государственной позиции и идеологии не повышают уровень гражданской активности.
{"title":"Специфика использования СМИ Кыргызстана в период предвыборных кампаний","authors":"Светлана Шералиева","doi":"10.15804/siip202013","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15804/siip202013","url":null,"abstract":"В Кыргызстане в 2020 году состоятся очередные парламентские выборы. Практически во всех предыдущих предвыборных кампаниях СМИ Кыргызстана принимали в ней активное участие. С одной стороны, государственные СМИ выполняли роль административного ресурса. Площадка эфирного времени ОТРК КР (Общественная телерадиовещательная корпорация Кыргызской Республики), государственных газет «Кыргыз Туусу», «Слово Кыргызстана», «Эркин-Тоо» и других в основном служили для озвучивания и одобрения кандидатов, партий, лоббируемых правящей властью. С другой стороны, деятельность, принадлежащих различным политическим акторам, частных СМИ являются основой мозаики информационного пространства Кыргызстана. Политтехнологи, которые рассматривают СМИ как один из действенных механизмов влияния и формирования общественного мнения взаимодействуют с ними тесно, задавая им тон, необходимый для заказчика. Все эти политические, информационные процессы привели к тому, что в 2005 году был избран многопартийный парламент, граждане политизированы, а развитие соцсетей продолжают периодически менять мозаику медийной картины страны. Особенно это активизируется, как уже было отмечено, в преддверии выборов. Однако, относительная свобода масс-медиа, возможность противоборства различных политических сил, использование политтехнологий, при отсутствии четкой государственной позиции и идеологии не повышают уровень гражданской активности.","PeriodicalId":34825,"journal":{"name":"Swiat Idei i Polityki","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47024541","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The subject of this article is political culture and its relationship with democracy. The article is focused mainly on Turkish political culture and democratic practices. It is clear that the political system is directly connected with the political culture of society. But how could we distinguish political culture from other things or do we even have to? The purpose of this article is to present and evaluate the main role of political culture, which affects levels of tolerance, interpersonal trust, etc., as well as the adaption of democratic institutions to the current system. The main problems of Turkish political life are discussed in the article with the perspective of the relationship between political culture and democracy. The aim of this article is to present concepts of cultural orientations, the reflection of economic and political factors, social structures, as well as complex and unclear relations between them, which are simultaneously linked to a stable democracy. Therefore, it can be observed that stable democracy is not a coincidence but a result of all mentioned factors.
{"title":"Perception of Democracy in the Turkish Political Culture","authors":"Sabriye Kabaçam","doi":"10.15804/siip202011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15804/siip202011","url":null,"abstract":"The subject of this article is political culture and its relationship with democracy. The article is focused mainly on Turkish political culture and democratic practices. It is clear that the political system is directly connected with the political culture of society. But how could we distinguish political culture from other things or do we even have to? The purpose of this article is to present and evaluate the main role of political culture, which affects levels of tolerance, interpersonal trust, etc., as well as the adaption of democratic institutions to the current system. The main problems of Turkish political life are discussed in the article with the perspective of the relationship between political culture and democracy. The aim of this article is to present concepts of cultural orientations, the reflection of economic and political factors, social structures, as well as complex and unclear relations between them, which are simultaneously linked to a stable democracy. Therefore, it can be observed that stable democracy is not a coincidence but a result of all mentioned factors.","PeriodicalId":34825,"journal":{"name":"Swiat Idei i Polityki","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67145093","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this paper an author state a hypothesis that political extremism in New Zealand is a permanent phenomena that is present in New Zealand, which derives itself from globalization processes and evolves as the effect of idea’s diffusion. System theory is used as a theoretical perspective and a priori assumption that political extremism deepen state-phobia is made. Research methods such as lexical analysis and comparative analysis are used. During the research main extremist political trends are reveal, such as leftist, rightist, pro-ecological, islamic and postcolonial, and „lone-wolf” extremism. These phenomenon are highlighted in the perspective of potential security threats to the state. Ideological sources of extreme attitudes are revealed and shown in the most current political trends.
{"title":"https://czasopisma.marszalek.com.pl/10-15804/swiat-idei-i-polityki/1074-siip2020/siip20201/7327-siip202001","authors":"Marcin Wałdoch","doi":"10.15804/siip202002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15804/siip202002","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper an author state a hypothesis that political extremism in New Zealand is a permanent phenomena that is present in New Zealand, which derives itself from globalization processes and evolves as the effect of idea’s diffusion. System theory is used as a theoretical perspective and a priori assumption that political extremism deepen state-phobia is made. Research methods such as lexical analysis and comparative analysis are used. During the research main extremist political trends are reveal, such as leftist, rightist, pro-ecological, islamic and postcolonial, and „lone-wolf” extremism. These phenomenon are highlighted in the perspective of potential security threats to the state. Ideological sources of extreme attitudes are revealed and shown in the most current political trends.","PeriodicalId":34825,"journal":{"name":"Swiat Idei i Polityki","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67144528","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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