In this article, the author using sketches of Russian culture, tries to understand, how institutions of power can function in the Russian province, and how they can be perceived by the society. The power is distributed unevenly, and this has a full effect on its deficit in relation to provincial political discourse. The Russian example is not an exception. From the author’s point of view, modern practices may have significant cultural grounds, hiding in a special relation to the province, which traditionally accompanied political discourse. The author sees this attitude in various sketches from the texts of Aleksandr Pushkin, Andrey Platonov, Anton Chekhov, Ivan Bunin and other Russian classics. The author’s interpretation of the problem required an appeal to the theoretical works of political philosophers, such as Giorgio Agamben, Albert Camus, Niklas Luhmann, Michel Foucault and Max Scheler. The author believes that in the space of the Russian province there is an objective deficit of institutions of power, which speaks, on the one hand, of a certain disregard for the province, and, on the other hand, testifies to the strength of resistance to local initiatives and legal nihilism that has become part of the political philosophy of the Russian provincial. In turn, the provision of a person to himself, affects a fairly critical attitude toward the political power. A person is not more capable of trusting the authorities and seeking support from them. His being increasingly assumes an existential character. The policy of the federal government in modern Russia gives rise to serious gaps between the center and the province, which can forms affect the specific perception of power itself, and also affects the formation of anarchic attitudes.
{"title":"Эссе о провинции (заметки о дефиците власти в современной России)","authors":"Aleksandr Skiperskikh","doi":"10.15804/siip201918","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15804/siip201918","url":null,"abstract":"In this article, the author using sketches of Russian culture, tries to understand, how institutions of power can function in the Russian province, and how they can be perceived by the society. The power is distributed unevenly, and this has a full effect on its deficit in relation to provincial political discourse. The Russian example is not an exception. From the author’s point of view, modern practices may have significant cultural grounds, hiding in a special relation to the province, which traditionally accompanied political discourse. The author sees this attitude in various sketches from the texts of Aleksandr Pushkin, Andrey Platonov, Anton Chekhov, Ivan Bunin and other Russian classics. The author’s interpretation of the problem required an appeal to the theoretical works of political philosophers, such as Giorgio Agamben, Albert Camus, Niklas Luhmann, Michel Foucault and Max Scheler. The author believes that in the space of the Russian province there is an objective deficit of institutions of power, which speaks, on the one hand, of a certain disregard for the province, and, on the other hand, testifies to the strength of resistance to local initiatives and legal nihilism that has become part of the political philosophy of the Russian provincial. In turn, the provision of a person to himself, affects a fairly critical attitude toward the political power. A person is not more capable of trusting the authorities and seeking support from them. His being increasingly assumes an existential character. The policy of the federal government in modern Russia gives rise to serious gaps between the center and the province, which can forms affect the specific perception of power itself, and also affects the formation of anarchic attitudes.","PeriodicalId":34825,"journal":{"name":"Swiat Idei i Polityki","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67144763","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article focuses on the political-media anti-imperialist discourses in various contexts within the Spanish-speaking world, that is in Spain and Hispanoamerica (the part of Latin America that was colonized by Spaniards and where today Spanish is official language). The analyzed discourses appear in different media: in the case of Spain the problem of the imperialism is present mainly in these regions where the cultural (regional) traditions are strong, like in Catalonia and Basque Country. In a political battle for independence Spain is treated as an imperialist enemy that occupies old, formerly independent, countries. In the case of Hispanoamerica some political leaders (mainly leftist) use the media (like for example an international TV station TeleSUR, founded thanks to an initiative of Hugo Chávez) to their propaganda, although today the main imperialist enemy is the United States (and not Spain) with its “neoliberal”, “neocolonial” economic policy towards poorer nations of Latin America.
{"title":"Antyimperialistyczne dyskursy polityczno-medialne w regionach Hiszpanii i państwach Hispanoameryki","authors":"Radosław Sajna","doi":"10.15804/siip201922","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15804/siip201922","url":null,"abstract":"The article focuses on the political-media anti-imperialist discourses in various contexts within the Spanish-speaking world, that is in Spain and Hispanoamerica (the part of Latin America that was colonized by Spaniards and where today Spanish is official language). The analyzed discourses appear in different media: in the case of Spain the problem of the imperialism is present mainly in these regions where the cultural (regional) traditions are strong, like in Catalonia and Basque Country. In a political battle for independence Spain is treated as an imperialist enemy that occupies old, formerly independent, countries. In the case of Hispanoamerica some political leaders (mainly leftist) use the media (like for example an international TV station TeleSUR, founded thanks to an initiative of Hugo Chávez) to their propaganda, although today the main imperialist enemy is the United States (and not Spain) with its “neoliberal”, “neocolonial” economic policy towards poorer nations of Latin America.","PeriodicalId":34825,"journal":{"name":"Swiat Idei i Polityki","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67144832","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The main goal of this paper is an analysis of activities, purposes, problems of the (SCO) since its inception in order to understand what is the main reason behind its creation and existence? What are its achievements and what benefits have got each member state? Is it beneficial to all members? The hypothesis is that SCO serves only its big members, it was intended to be a China’s tool to enter Central Asia without vexing Russia. The article analyzes the activities of the SCO with the existing theories in IR in order to answer these questions. The main objective of the SCO was an attempt by the powers of the Central Asia to control the region. The SCO faces problems of distrust between its members. It is a very important instrument of guaranteeing Sino-Central Asian partnership. It is also a guarantee that China will never dominate Central Asia due to many signed agreements within the organization. With more than twenty years of history and existence, the SCO may become a real force on the international arena. The SCO’s intention is to become a world power and to construct a fairer international order. The SCO has the economic potential and political will to do it.
{"title":"Shanghai Cooperation Organization: A Realist Approach","authors":"Jildiz Nicharapova","doi":"10.15804/siip201901","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15804/siip201901","url":null,"abstract":"The main goal of this paper is an analysis of activities, purposes, problems of the (SCO) since its inception in order to understand what is the main reason behind its creation and existence? What are its achievements and what benefits have got each member state? Is it beneficial to all members? The hypothesis is that SCO serves only its big members, it was intended to be a China’s tool to enter Central Asia without vexing Russia. The article analyzes the activities of the SCO with the existing theories in IR in order to answer these questions. The main objective of the SCO was an attempt by the powers of the Central Asia to control the region. The SCO faces problems of distrust between its members. It is a very important instrument of guaranteeing Sino-Central Asian partnership. It is also a guarantee that China will never dominate Central Asia due to many signed agreements within the organization. With more than twenty years of history and existence, the SCO may become a real force on the international arena. The SCO’s intention is to become a world power and to construct a fairer international order. The SCO has the economic potential and political will to do it.","PeriodicalId":34825,"journal":{"name":"Swiat Idei i Polityki","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67144556","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The subject of the article is trade cooperation between Great Britain and Kenya in the context of the United Kingdom’s withdrawal from the European Union. The article characterizes the commercial cooperation of Great Britain and Kenya and discusses the trends existing in this field in recent years. The main threats to this cooperation that Brexit brings are presented, as well as the actions that states must implement to counteract the negative consequences of Brexit and the opportunities that Brexit potentially gives to deepening trade cooperation between countries. In addition, the political climate change that has occurred between countries in recent years, which has a significant impact on the implementation of economic cooperation, including trade, has been outlined. The purpose of the article is to present and evaluate the challenges that the countries face in the context of Brexit, which they must overcome in order to maintain and deepen trade cooperation. The main research problem is whether Brexit will weaken or accelerate trade relations between Great Britain and Kenya? The main hypothesis of the article is that Brexit causes great uncertainty about the future of trade cooperation between Great Britain and Kenya. However, it gives the opportunity to dynamize this cooperation, and Kenya can become a model partner for the United Kingdom within the concept of „Global Britain” promoted by London. Kenya’s positive development trends make it an increasingly attractive trading partner for Great Britain. However, Kenya wants to take advantage of the UK’s search for trading partners outside the European Union.
{"title":"The United Kingdom’s Trade Relations with Kenya in the Context of Brexit","authors":"Łukasz Jureńczyk","doi":"10.15804/siip201905","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15804/siip201905","url":null,"abstract":"The subject of the article is trade cooperation between Great Britain and Kenya in the context of the United Kingdom’s withdrawal from the European Union. The article characterizes the commercial cooperation of Great Britain and Kenya and discusses the trends existing in this field in recent years. The main threats to this cooperation that Brexit brings are presented, as well as the actions that states must implement to counteract the negative consequences of Brexit and the opportunities that Brexit potentially gives to deepening trade cooperation between countries. In addition, the political climate change that has occurred between countries in recent years, which has a significant impact on the implementation of economic cooperation, including trade, has been outlined. The purpose of the article is to present and evaluate the challenges that the countries face in the context of Brexit, which they must overcome in order to maintain and deepen trade cooperation. The main research problem is whether Brexit will weaken or accelerate trade relations between Great Britain and Kenya? The main hypothesis of the article is that Brexit causes great uncertainty about the future of trade cooperation between Great Britain and Kenya. However, it gives the opportunity to dynamize this cooperation, and Kenya can become a model partner for the United Kingdom within the concept of „Global Britain” promoted by London. Kenya’s positive development trends make it an increasingly attractive trading partner for Great Britain. However, Kenya wants to take advantage of the UK’s search for trading partners outside the European Union.","PeriodicalId":34825,"journal":{"name":"Swiat Idei i Polityki","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67144571","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Access to public information in Poland is most typically discussed in the legal and political contexts. However, it is not consciously discussed as a possibility for political scholars to exercise their right of access to public information. This paper, which is of postulatory nature, identifies the benefits for those political scholars who decide to use, in the process of data collection, their right of access to public information as a data collection technique. The proposed technic of data collection may be used by scholars – political scientists around the world.
{"title":"Access to Public Information as a Political Sciences Technique: What and How Should Be Studied, and What for?","authors":"Marcin Wałdoch","doi":"10.15804/siip201923","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15804/siip201923","url":null,"abstract":"Access to public information in Poland is most typically discussed in the legal and political contexts. However, it is not consciously discussed as a possibility for political scholars to exercise their right of access to public information. This paper, which is of postulatory nature, identifies the benefits for those political scholars who decide to use, in the process of data collection, their right of access to public information as a data collection technique. The proposed technic of data collection may be used by scholars – political scientists around the world.","PeriodicalId":34825,"journal":{"name":"Swiat Idei i Polityki","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67144372","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this paper I would like to present an interpretation of David Hume’s political theory. Therefore, a method of investigation can be recognized as hermeneutical one. Main threads which I would like to emphasize are: concept of stability, distribution of power, role of an opinion in political dimension and a conservative attitude toward a change. I claim that important lesson for political science can be taken from his theory. Generally speaking, this lesson consists in refusing the so-called political regime fetishism and focusing on the relevant issues of social stability. These issues are strictly determined by the opinions, hence the proper subject-matter of political science is identified with them. As one of the conclusions I propose a thesis that politics is, and ought only to be slave of opinions, what is an allusion to a famous sentence from A Treatise of Human Nature that the reason is, and ought only to be the slave of the passions.
{"title":"Distribution of Power and a Political Change in David Hume’s Poltical Theory","authors":"Łukasz Perlikowski","doi":"10.15804/siip201911","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15804/siip201911","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper I would like to present an interpretation of David Hume’s political theory. Therefore, a method of investigation can be recognized as hermeneutical one. Main threads which I would like to emphasize are: concept of stability, distribution of power, role of an opinion in political dimension and a conservative attitude toward a change. I claim that important lesson for political science can be taken from his theory. Generally speaking, this lesson consists in refusing the so-called political regime fetishism and focusing on the relevant issues of social stability. These issues are strictly determined by the opinions, hence the proper subject-matter of political science is identified with them. As one of the conclusions I propose a thesis that politics is, and ought only to be slave of opinions, what is an allusion to a famous sentence from A Treatise of Human Nature that the reason is, and ought only to be the slave of the passions.","PeriodicalId":34825,"journal":{"name":"Swiat Idei i Polityki","volume":"155 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67144645","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Peter Kropotkin was one of the most theorists of anarchism, a respected scholar and a leading representative of the so-called Russian (Eastern) Darwinism. Merging political and scientific ambition by the “anarchist prince” underlaid his scientism and was an assumption for making a critical analysis of existing socio-economic reality in the light of its influence on the biological and moral condition of humankind. The Russian anarchist was convinced about the destructive influence of conditions produced by the state and capitalism which he found as the fundamental cause of human degeneration. In this context, Kropotkin’s political proposals may be seen as a try to overcome a progressing both biological and moral crisis of humankind. The aim of this article is to present the mentioned analysis and to demonstrate the influence and similarities of Kropotkin’s project to the so-called theory of degeneration that was popular in the second half of XIX century.
{"title":"Problem degeneracji w myśli anarchistycznej P. Kropotkina","authors":"Maciej Drabiński","doi":"10.15804/siip201912","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15804/siip201912","url":null,"abstract":"Peter Kropotkin was one of the most theorists of anarchism, a respected scholar and a leading representative of the so-called Russian (Eastern) Darwinism. Merging political and scientific ambition by the “anarchist prince” underlaid his scientism and was an assumption for making a critical analysis of existing socio-economic reality in the light of its influence on the biological and moral condition of humankind. The Russian anarchist was convinced about the destructive influence of conditions produced by the state and capitalism which he found as the fundamental cause of human degeneration. In this context, Kropotkin’s political proposals may be seen as a try to overcome a progressing both biological and moral crisis of humankind. The aim of this article is to present the mentioned analysis and to demonstrate the influence and similarities of Kropotkin’s project to the so-called theory of degeneration that was popular in the second half of XIX century.","PeriodicalId":34825,"journal":{"name":"Swiat Idei i Polityki","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67144677","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Cultural diplomacy has always been an important tool in Italian foreign policy. Culture represented a significant resource already in the liberal period and was also widely used by Fascism. During the inter-war period, cultural promotion abroad aimed at spreading the regime’s political-social organizational model. In the second post-war period, cultural resources played a fundamental role in Italian international relations. The democratic government carried out a transition from an essentially propagandistic action, which Fascism implemented especially in the second half of 1930’s, to a cultural diplomacy more attentive to the issues of dialogue and cooperation. The soft power of culture grew in importance. Lacking effective diplomatic tools of a political and economic nature, the new ruling class promoted the nation’s cultural tradition. Although with means and personnel widely used already during the Fascist period, democratic Italy adopted an innovative cultural diplomacy with regard to premises and goals. This policy was apparently low-key and devoid of political themes, but in reality it was aimed at acquiring, in the long run, the friendship and the sympathy of the elites of other countries, so as to bolster political and economic relations. In the framework of a broader course of action, aimed at supporting multilateral diplomacy, the new leaders of post-Fascist Italy also promoted an international cultural cooperation which reversed the previous power politics and the unilateral assertion of Italian culture, but was still careful to defend the nation’s interests. This cooperative dimension was realized above all with the participation in the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO).
{"title":"Italy’s Cultural Diplomacy: From Propaganda to Cultural Cooperation","authors":"L. Medici","doi":"10.15804/siip201902","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15804/siip201902","url":null,"abstract":"Cultural diplomacy has always been an important tool in Italian foreign policy. Culture represented a significant resource already in the liberal period and was also widely used by Fascism. During the inter-war period, cultural promotion abroad aimed at spreading the regime’s political-social organizational model. In the second post-war period, cultural resources played a fundamental role in Italian international relations. The democratic government carried out a transition from an essentially propagandistic action, which Fascism implemented especially in the second half of 1930’s, to a cultural diplomacy more attentive to the issues of dialogue and cooperation. The soft power of culture grew in importance. Lacking effective diplomatic tools of a political and economic nature, the new ruling class promoted the nation’s cultural tradition. Although with means and personnel widely used already during the Fascist period, democratic Italy adopted an innovative cultural diplomacy with regard to premises and goals. This policy was apparently low-key and devoid of political themes, but in reality it was aimed at acquiring, in the long run, the friendship and the sympathy of the elites of other countries, so as to bolster political and economic relations. In the framework of a broader course of action, aimed at supporting multilateral diplomacy, the new leaders of post-Fascist Italy also promoted an international cultural cooperation which reversed the previous power politics and the unilateral assertion of Italian culture, but was still careful to defend the nation’s interests. This cooperative dimension was realized above all with the participation in the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO).","PeriodicalId":34825,"journal":{"name":"Swiat Idei i Polityki","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49279896","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Bottom-up is an idea of inclusion of city inhabitants into planning and projecting processes. The basis of this approach is a real participation, engagement, cooperation and common decision-making by various actors of projecting process. A key role in the process is played by a local society perceived as a subject and the most important recipient of the outcome. The bottom-up process is based on the professional facilitation of content based on recognized legal and ethical assumptions. The main aim of the article is to present ideas and the most important assumptions of the bottom-up process in the context of socializing the planning and development processes. The article consists an analysis of the roles of particular participants of the press. Also, it includes a presentation of Dutch experiences in co-realizing planning processes with inhabitants. The article was created as a result of the author’s experiences gained through the participation in the project entitled “PWP – nowatorskie narzędzie kształtowania przestrzeni publicznej”.
自下而上是一种将城市居民纳入规划和规划过程的理念。这种方法的基础是项目过程中各种参与者的真正参与、参与、合作和共同决策。在这个过程中，当地社会发挥了关键作用，被视为一个主体，也是结果的最重要接受者。自下而上的过程是基于公认的法律和道德假设的内容的专业便利化。本文的主要目的是在社会化规划和开发过程的背景下，提出自下而上过程的想法和最重要的假设。这篇文章分析了新闻界的特定参与者的角色。此外，它还介绍了荷兰与居民共同实现规划过程的经验。这篇文章是作者通过参与题为“PWP - nowatorskie narzędzie kształtowania przestrzeni publicznej”的项目获得的经验而编写的。
{"title":"Proces ‘bottom-up’ – idea planowania rozwoju i projektowania przestrzeni oparta na partycypacji społecznej","authors":"D. Muszyńska-Jeleszyńska","doi":"10.15804/siip201915","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15804/siip201915","url":null,"abstract":"Bottom-up is an idea of inclusion of city inhabitants into planning and projecting processes. The basis of this approach is a real participation, engagement, cooperation and common decision-making by various actors of projecting process. A key role in the process is played by a local society perceived as a subject and the most important recipient of the outcome. The bottom-up process is based on the professional facilitation of content based on recognized legal and ethical assumptions. The main aim of the article is to present ideas and the most important assumptions of the bottom-up process in the context of socializing the planning and development processes. The article consists an analysis of the roles of particular participants of the press. Also, it includes a presentation of Dutch experiences in co-realizing planning processes with inhabitants. The article was created as a result of the author’s experiences gained through the participation in the project entitled “PWP – nowatorskie narzędzie kształtowania przestrzeni publicznej”.","PeriodicalId":34825,"journal":{"name":"Swiat Idei i Polityki","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"67144696","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article presents the results of the empirical research on the relationship between political preferences and environmental awareness among the inhabitants of the Kuyavian-Pomeranian Voivodeship. The author’s aim was to answer whether respondents’ political preferences transfer to their environmental attitudes - how they perceive the hierarchy of beings and the moral meaning of nature in particular, but also, their willingness to pro-ecological attitude and their readiness to sacrifice their own business for the interest of the environment.
{"title":"Preferencje polityczne a świadomość ekologiczna – przypadek mieszkańców województwa kujawsko-pomorskiego","authors":"Wojciech Trempała","doi":"10.15804/siip201820","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15804/siip201820","url":null,"abstract":"This article presents the results of the empirical research on the relationship between political preferences and environmental awareness among the inhabitants of the Kuyavian-Pomeranian Voivodeship. The author’s aim was to answer whether respondents’ political preferences transfer to their environmental attitudes - how they perceive the hierarchy of beings and the moral meaning of nature in particular, but also, their willingness to pro-ecological attitude and their readiness to sacrifice their own business for the interest of the environment.","PeriodicalId":34825,"journal":{"name":"Swiat Idei i Polityki","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47847773","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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