Daniel Mejía, Ervyn Norza, Santiago Tobón, Martín Vanegas-Arias
We study the effects of broken windows policing on crime using geo-located crime and arrest reports for 80 Colombian cities. Broadly defined, broken windows policing consists of intensifying arrests—sometimes for minor offenses—to deter potential criminals. To estimate causal effects, we build grids of 200 × 200 meters over the urban perimeter of all cities and produce event studies to look at the effects of shocks in police activity in the periods to follow. We use spikes in the number of arrests with no warrant—which are more likely associated with unplanned police presence—as a proxy for shocks in broken windows policing. As expected, we observe an increase in crimes during the shock period, as each arrest implies at least one crime report. In the following periods, crimes decrease both in the place of the arrests and the surroundings. With many treated grids and many places exposed to spillovers, these effects add up. On aggregate, the crime reduction offsets the observed increase during the shock period. Direct effects are more immediate and precise at low crime grids, but beneficial spillovers seem more relevant at crime hot spots. The effects of broken windows policing circumscribe to cities with low or moderate organized crime, consistent with criminal organizations planning their activities more systematically than disorganized criminals.
{"title":"Broken Windows Policing and Crime: Evidence from 80 Colombian Cities","authors":"Daniel Mejía, Ervyn Norza, Santiago Tobón, Martín Vanegas-Arias","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3917187","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3917187","url":null,"abstract":"We study the effects of broken windows policing on crime using geo-located crime and arrest reports for 80 Colombian cities. Broadly defined, broken windows policing consists of intensifying arrests—sometimes for minor offenses—to deter potential criminals. To estimate causal effects, we build grids of 200 × 200 meters over the urban perimeter of all cities and produce event studies to look at the effects of shocks in police activity in the periods to follow. We use spikes in the number of arrests with no warrant—which are more likely associated with unplanned police presence—as a proxy for shocks in broken windows policing. As expected, we observe an increase in crimes during the shock period, as each arrest implies at least one crime report. In the following periods, crimes decrease both in the place of the arrests and the surroundings. With many treated grids and many places exposed to spillovers, these effects add up. On aggregate, the crime reduction offsets the observed increase during the shock period. Direct effects are more immediate and precise at low crime grids, but beneficial spillovers seem more relevant at crime hot spots. The effects of broken windows policing circumscribe to cities with low or moderate organized crime, consistent with criminal organizations planning their activities more systematically than disorganized criminals.","PeriodicalId":350529,"journal":{"name":"Criminology eJournal","volume":"16 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130099523","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-06-30DOI: 10.4067/S0718-33992021000100220
Mauricio Duce
espanolReciente evidencia empirica, y desde hace tiempo la doctrina, sugieren que el mecanismo constitucional chileno de indemnizacion por errores judiciales es sumamente restrictivo, lo que dejaria desprotegidas a las victimas de estos errores. Producto de esta evaluacion negativa, se han presentado en los ultimos anos 10 proyectos de reforma constitucional al articulo 19 no 7 letra i) de la Constitucion. En este contexto, el presente trabajo intenta contribuir a alimentar un debate mas informado sobre posibilidades futuras de regulacion de esta materia revisando algunas experiencias del derecho comparado. El trabajo se focaliza en los mecanismos de reparacion de condenas erroneas en los que se revisan el caso de Espana y Estados Unidos. A partir de las experiencias comparadas se concluye que existen importantes espacios de mejora en Chile con el proposito de dar una cobertura mas amplia a la proteccion de las victimas de estos errores. EnglishRecent empirical studies, and long ago by the scholar opinions, suggest that the Chilean constitutional compensation mechanism in cases of miscarriages of justice is excessively restricted to the point that might led their victims unprotected. As a consequence of these negative perceptions, in the last 10 years many amendments to the article 19 no 7(i) of the Constitution has been proposed. In this context, this article tries to contribute to a betterinformed debate on the possible future regulation on this topic by reviewing some experiences from the point of view of comparative law. This article focuses on compensation schemes for wrongful convictions, where the cases of Spain and United States are studied. By reviewing these experiences, it is concluded that there are important possible improvements in Chile with the purposes of providing a better protection for the victims of such errors.
{"title":"La indemnización por condenas erróneas: una visión desde el derecho comparado (Reparation for Wrongful Convictions: A Perspective from Comparative Law)","authors":"Mauricio Duce","doi":"10.4067/S0718-33992021000100220","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4067/S0718-33992021000100220","url":null,"abstract":"espanolReciente evidencia empirica, y desde hace tiempo la doctrina, sugieren que el mecanismo constitucional chileno de indemnizacion por errores judiciales es sumamente restrictivo, lo que dejaria desprotegidas a las victimas de estos errores. Producto de esta evaluacion negativa, se han presentado en los ultimos anos 10 proyectos de reforma constitucional al articulo 19 no 7 letra i) de la Constitucion. En este contexto, el presente trabajo intenta contribuir a alimentar un debate mas informado sobre posibilidades futuras de regulacion de esta materia revisando algunas experiencias del derecho comparado. El trabajo se focaliza en los mecanismos de reparacion de condenas erroneas en los que se revisan el caso de Espana y Estados Unidos. A partir de las experiencias comparadas se concluye que existen importantes espacios de mejora en Chile con el proposito de dar una cobertura mas amplia a la proteccion de las victimas de estos errores. EnglishRecent empirical studies, and long ago by the scholar opinions, suggest that the Chilean constitutional compensation mechanism in cases of miscarriages of justice is excessively restricted to the point that might led their victims unprotected. As a consequence of these negative perceptions, in the last 10 years many amendments to the article 19 no 7(i) of the Constitution has been proposed. In this context, this article tries to contribute to a betterinformed debate on the possible future regulation on this topic by reviewing some experiences from the point of view of comparative law. This article focuses on compensation schemes for wrongful convictions, where the cases of Spain and United States are studied. By reviewing these experiences, it is concluded that there are important possible improvements in Chile with the purposes of providing a better protection for the victims of such errors.","PeriodicalId":350529,"journal":{"name":"Criminology eJournal","volume":"141 6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129190955","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Previous research has focused on the economic effects of entrepreneurship, but little is known about how promoting entrepreneurship affects societies. Focusing on community crime as a key societal outcome, we posit that initiatives fostering new venture creation through lower barriers to entrepreneurship will reduce crime. The proposed mechanism responsible for this effect is the enhanced socio-economic integration of disadvantaged groups within the community. This mechanism is enabled through multiple channels: lowering the barriers to entrepreneurship improves labor market opportunities for disadvantaged groups as founders of their own firms and joiners of new startups, or, more indirectly, as new hires at incumbent firms. Leveraging employer-employee matched data from Portugal between 2002 and 2010 and an exogenous deregulation reform that significantly increased entrepreneurial activity, we find strong support for our theory. Reducing barriers to entrepreneurship reduces within-community crime, and this result is further amplified in communities with higher socio-economic exclusion figures. We find significant reductions in different types of crime, although the magnitude, timing, and persistence of the effects varies, which gives important insights into the different integration mechanisms at play.
{"title":"Does More Entrepreneurship Benefit Society? The Effect on Community Crime Using a Quasi-Natural Experiment","authors":"Aleksandra J. Kacperczyk, Vera Rocha","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3798302","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3798302","url":null,"abstract":"Previous research has focused on the economic effects of entrepreneurship, but little is known about how promoting entrepreneurship affects societies. Focusing on community crime as a key societal outcome, we posit that initiatives fostering new venture creation through lower barriers to entrepreneurship will reduce crime. The proposed mechanism responsible for this effect is the enhanced socio-economic integration of disadvantaged groups within the community. This mechanism is enabled through multiple channels: lowering the barriers to entrepreneurship improves labor market opportunities for disadvantaged groups as founders of their own firms and joiners of new startups, or, more indirectly, as new hires at incumbent firms. Leveraging employer-employee matched data from Portugal between 2002 and 2010 and an exogenous deregulation reform that significantly increased entrepreneurial activity, we find strong support for our theory. Reducing barriers to entrepreneurship reduces within-community crime, and this result is further amplified in communities with higher socio-economic exclusion figures. We find significant reductions in different types of crime, although the magnitude, timing, and persistence of the effects varies, which gives important insights into the different integration mechanisms at play.","PeriodicalId":350529,"journal":{"name":"Criminology eJournal","volume":"22 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-03-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121303672","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
From the US to Colombia to China, millions of public surveillance cameras are at the core of crime prevention strategies. Yet, we know little about the effects of surveillance cameras on criminal behavior, especially in developing economies. We study an installation program in Medellin and find t hat t he q uasi-random allocation of cameras led to a decrease in crimes and arrests. With no increase in the monitoring capacity and no chance to use camera footage in prosecution, these results suggest offenders were deterred rather than incapacitated. We test for spillovers and find no evidence of crime displacement or diffusion of benefits to surrounding locations.
{"title":"The Deterrent Effect of Surveillance Cameras on Crime","authors":"Santiago Tobón, Daniel Mejía, Santiago Gómez","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3560356","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3560356","url":null,"abstract":"From the US to Colombia to China, millions of public surveillance cameras are at the core of crime prevention strategies. Yet, we know little about the effects of surveillance cameras on criminal behavior, especially in developing economies. We study an installation program in Medellin and find t hat t he q uasi-random allocation of cameras led to a decrease in crimes and arrests. With no increase in the monitoring capacity and no chance to use camera footage in prosecution, these results suggest offenders were deterred rather than incapacitated. We test for spillovers and find no evidence of crime displacement or diffusion of benefits to surrounding locations.","PeriodicalId":350529,"journal":{"name":"Criminology eJournal","volume":"34 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-03-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121311959","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Terrorist attacks can have profound consequences for the erosion of social norms, yet the causes of this erosion are not well understood. We argue that these attacks create substantial uncertainty about whether norms of civic conversation still hold. Observing breaches of these norms then leads people to express their own anti-immigrant attitudes more readily, as compared to a context where these norms are unambiguous. To test our theory, we examine (i) the impact of terrorist attacks on the level of hate speech against refugees in online discussions, and (ii) how the effect of terrorist attacks depends on the uncertainty about social norms of prejudice expression. To this end, we report on the results of a unique combination of a natural and a lab-in-the-field experiment. We exploit the occurrence of two consecutive Islamist terrorist attacks in Germany, the Würzburg and Ansbach attacks, in July 2016. Hateful comments towards refugees in an experimental online forum, but not towards other minority groups (i.e., gender rights), increased as a result of the attacks. The experiment compares the effect of the terrorist attacks in contexts where a descriptive norm against the use of hate speech is emphasized, i.e., participants observe only neutral or positive comments towards a minority group, to contexts in which the norm is ambiguous because participants observe anti-minority comments. Observing anti-immigrant comments had a considerable impact on our participants’ own comments after the attacks, while observing anti-gender-rights comments did not. We end by discussing implications of the findings for the literature on social norms, sociological methods and policy.
{"title":"The Breakdown of Anti-Racist Norms: A Natural Experiment on Normative Uncertainty after Terrorist Attacks","authors":"Amalia Álvarez-Benjumea, Fabian Winter","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3537597","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3537597","url":null,"abstract":"Terrorist attacks can have profound consequences for the erosion of social norms, yet the causes of this erosion are not well understood. We argue that these attacks create substantial uncertainty about whether norms of civic conversation still hold. Observing breaches of these norms then leads people to express their own anti-immigrant attitudes more readily, as compared to a context where these norms are unambiguous. To test our theory, we examine (i) the impact of terrorist attacks on the level of hate speech against refugees in online discussions, and (ii) how the effect of terrorist attacks depends on the uncertainty about social norms of prejudice expression. To this end, we report on the results of a unique combination of a natural and a lab-in-the-field experiment. We exploit the occurrence of two consecutive Islamist terrorist attacks in Germany, the Würzburg and Ansbach attacks, in July 2016. Hateful comments towards refugees in an experimental online forum, but not towards other minority groups (i.e., gender rights), increased as a result of the attacks. The experiment compares the effect of the terrorist attacks in contexts where a descriptive norm against the use of hate speech is emphasized, i.e., participants observe only neutral or positive comments towards a minority group, to contexts in which the norm is ambiguous because participants observe anti-minority comments. Observing anti-immigrant comments had a considerable impact on our participants’ own comments after the attacks, while observing anti-gender-rights comments did not. We end by discussing implications of the findings for the literature on social norms, sociological methods and policy.","PeriodicalId":350529,"journal":{"name":"Criminology eJournal","volume":"10 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115356843","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The interest of a person in a driver’s license is “substantial,” and the suspension of a license by the State can result in “inconvenience and economic hardship suffered,” as the U.S. Supreme Court has observed, including because a license may “essential in the pursuit of a livelihood.” However, forty-four U.S. states currently require indefinite suspension of driver’s licenses for non-driving-related reasons, such as failure to appear in court or pay fines for traffic infractions. There are no systematic, peer-reviewed analyses of individual-level and county-level data regarding such suspensions. This study describes the North Carolina population of suspended drivers and assesses how driver’s license suspension statutes operate relative to geography, race, and poverty. We analyze four decades of active suspension data in North Carolina, and find over 1,225,000 active suspensions for failures to appear for or pay traffic fines (amounting to one in seven adult drivers in the state). Second, we compare these data to: county population data; county-level police traffic stop data, collected as required by statute in North Carolina; and county-level data on volume and composition of traffic court dockets. We do not find that either driver’s license suspensions are associated with volume of traffic stops or traffic court docket size. In contrast, we find that Blacks and Latinx are overrepresented relative to the population. Linear mixed-level modeling regression analyses demonstrate that the population of whites below poverty, and blacks above poverty, are most strongly associated with more suspensions. Finally, we explore implications of these results for efforts to reconsider the imposition of driver’s license suspensions for non-driving-related reasons. These patterns raise constitutional concerns and practical challenges for policy efforts to undo such large-scale suspension of driving privileges.
{"title":"Driven to Failure: An Empirical Analysis of Driver's License Suspension in North Carolina","authors":"W. Crozier, Brandon L. Garrett","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.3440832","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.3440832","url":null,"abstract":"The interest of a person in a driver’s license is “substantial,” and the suspension of a license by the State can result in “inconvenience and economic hardship suffered,” as the U.S. Supreme Court has observed, including because a license may “essential in the pursuit of a livelihood.” However, forty-four U.S. states currently require indefinite suspension of driver’s licenses for non-driving-related reasons, such as failure to appear in court or pay fines for traffic infractions. There are no systematic, peer-reviewed analyses of individual-level and county-level data regarding such suspensions. This study describes the North Carolina population of suspended drivers and assesses how driver’s license suspension statutes operate relative to geography, race, and poverty. We analyze four decades of active suspension data in North Carolina, and find over 1,225,000 active suspensions for failures to appear for or pay traffic fines (amounting to one in seven adult drivers in the state). Second, we compare these data to: county population data; county-level police traffic stop data, collected as required by statute in North Carolina; and county-level data on volume and composition of traffic court dockets. We do not find that either driver’s license suspensions are associated with volume of traffic stops or traffic court docket size. In contrast, we find that Blacks and Latinx are overrepresented relative to the population. Linear mixed-level modeling regression analyses demonstrate that the population of whites below poverty, and blacks above poverty, are most strongly associated with more suspensions. Finally, we explore implications of these results for efforts to reconsider the imposition of driver’s license suspensions for non-driving-related reasons. These patterns raise constitutional concerns and practical challenges for policy efforts to undo such large-scale suspension of driving privileges.","PeriodicalId":350529,"journal":{"name":"Criminology eJournal","volume":"13 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-11-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115797323","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
What causes the demand for migration into the United States? We argue for, and demonstrate the existence of, a vicious cycle of US immigration policy and migration between the United States and countries from Latin America and the Caribbean. Our argument is simple: deportation of convicts from the United States leads to violence in the deportees’ home country which, in turn, increases the demand for that country’s natives to seek entry into the United States. We test this argument utilizing a nested research design based on cross-country panel data for Latin America and the Caribbean as well as subnational administrative and individual survey data from the case of El Salvador. At the cross-country level, we first estimate the effect of deportations on home country violence and find a strong positive effect of the lagged inflow of convicts on violence, but not for the inflow of non-convicts. In the second step, we show that the predicted level of home country violence helps explain the demand for entry into the United States. Municipal level and survey data from El Salvador complement the cross-country study and illustrate the export of gangs from the United States as one specific mechanism of how the deportation boomerang works. In the first step regression, we predict the contagion of gangs along migration corridors following large-scale deportations to El Salvador. In the second step regression, we use survey data to explain migration intentions as well as high rates of actual migration as a result of gang-related violence in El Salvador.
{"title":"Immigration Demand and the Boomerang of Deportation Policies","authors":"C. Ambrosius, David Leblang","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3491522","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3491522","url":null,"abstract":"What causes the demand for migration into the United States? We argue for, and demonstrate the existence of, a vicious cycle of US immigration policy and migration between the United States and countries from Latin America and the Caribbean. Our argument is simple: deportation of convicts from the United States leads to violence in the deportees’ home country which, in turn, increases the demand for that country’s natives to seek entry into the United States. We test this argument utilizing a nested research design based on cross-country panel data for Latin America and the Caribbean as well as subnational administrative and individual survey data from the case of El Salvador. At the cross-country level, we first estimate the effect of deportations on home country violence and find a strong positive effect of the lagged inflow of convicts on violence, but not for the inflow of non-convicts. In the second step, we show that the predicted level of home country violence helps explain the demand for entry into the United States. Municipal level and survey data from El Salvador complement the cross-country study and illustrate the export of gangs from the United States as one specific mechanism of how the deportation boomerang works. In the first step regression, we predict the contagion of gangs along migration corridors following large-scale deportations to El Salvador. In the second step regression, we use survey data to explain migration intentions as well as high rates of actual migration as a result of gang-related violence in El Salvador.","PeriodicalId":350529,"journal":{"name":"Criminology eJournal","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-11-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125871182","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Turkish Abstract: Bu çalışmada, tecavüz içerikli karikatürlerde toplumsal cinsiyet ve mekân ilişkilerinin kurgulanma biçimleri ele alınmaktadır. Aynı zamanda bu ele alışla ortaya çıkan görünümün, gerçek mağdurların deneyimleriyle karşılaştırılması amaçlanmaktadır. Bu yolla karikatürlerdeki içerikle gerçeklik arasındaki ilişkinin nasıl olduğu ve bunu yaratan bağlam belirginleştirilmeye çalışılmaktadır. Bu kapsamda 80 karikatür ve tecavüzle ilgili 150 haber incelenmiştir. Bu çalışmanın sonucunda, tecavüz karikatürlerinde faillerin ve mağdurların tektipleştirildiği ve belirli grupları işaret ettiği görülmüştür. Gerçek mağdurlara ilişkin taranan haberlerde ise bu tektipleştirmenin olmadığı, daha çeşitli grupların tecavüzün tarafları olduğu anlaşılmıştır. Yine karikatürde tecavüz mekânları olarak kamusal mekânlar gösterilmektedir. Bununla birlikte, gerçek tecavüz örneklerinde özel alanda tecavüzün daha fazla gerçekleştiği görülmüştür. Dolayısıyla tecavüz içerikli karikatürlerin bu haliyle toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliğine ve sosyal adalete hizmet etmediği gibi var olan toplumsal cinsiyet rollerini pekiştirdiği, toplumsal cinsiyet eşitsizliğini güçlendirdiği ve bunları yeniden ürettiği anlaşılmıştır.
English Abstract: This study examines the ways in which gender, place, and time relations are constructed in rape cartoons. In addition, the situation in rape cartoons is intended to be compared with the stories of real victims. In this way, this study seeks to clarify the relationship between cartoons and reality. In this context, 80 cartoons and 150 news about rape were examined. As a result of this study, it was seen that the perpetrators and the victims were very monotype in the cartoons but were more diverse in the news. Furthermore, in the cartoons, public places are shown as places where rape occur. However, in news, it has been observed that rape occurred more often in private places. Therefore, it was concluded that rape cartoons did not serve gender equality and social justice in this form. On the contrary, they are reinforcing existing gender roles, strengthening gender inequality, and reproducing them.
{"title":"Toplumsal Cinsiyetin, Mekânın ve Zamanın Tektipleştirilmesi: Tecavüz İçerikli Karikatürler ve Gerçek Temsiller Üzerine Bir Araştırma (Monotyping Gender, Place and Time: A Study on Rape Caricatures and Real Life Portrayals)","authors":"Muhammet Öksüz, Ayla Deniz","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3387927","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3387927","url":null,"abstract":"<b>Turkish Abstract:</b> Bu çalışmada, tecavüz içerikli karikatürlerde toplumsal cinsiyet ve mekân ilişkilerinin kurgulanma biçimleri ele alınmaktadır. Aynı zamanda bu ele alışla ortaya çıkan görünümün, gerçek mağdurların deneyimleriyle karşılaştırılması amaçlanmaktadır. Bu yolla karikatürlerdeki içerikle gerçeklik arasındaki ilişkinin nasıl olduğu ve bunu yaratan bağlam belirginleştirilmeye çalışılmaktadır. Bu kapsamda 80 karikatür ve tecavüzle ilgili 150 haber incelenmiştir. Bu çalışmanın sonucunda, tecavüz karikatürlerinde faillerin ve mağdurların tektipleştirildiği ve belirli grupları işaret ettiği görülmüştür. Gerçek mağdurlara ilişkin taranan haberlerde ise bu tektipleştirmenin olmadığı, daha çeşitli grupların tecavüzün tarafları olduğu anlaşılmıştır. Yine karikatürde tecavüz mekânları olarak kamusal mekânlar gösterilmektedir. Bununla birlikte, gerçek tecavüz örneklerinde özel alanda tecavüzün daha fazla gerçekleştiği görülmüştür. Dolayısıyla tecavüz içerikli karikatürlerin bu haliyle toplumsal cinsiyet eşitliğine ve sosyal adalete hizmet etmediği gibi var olan toplumsal cinsiyet rollerini pekiştirdiği, toplumsal cinsiyet eşitsizliğini güçlendirdiği ve bunları yeniden ürettiği anlaşılmıştır.<br><br><b>English Abstract:</b> This study examines the ways in which gender, place, and time relations are constructed in rape cartoons. In addition, the situation in rape cartoons is intended to be compared with the stories of real victims. In this way, this study seeks to clarify the relationship between cartoons and reality. In this context, 80 cartoons and 150 news about rape were examined. As a result of this study, it was seen that the perpetrators and the victims were very monotype in the cartoons but were more diverse in the news. Furthermore, in the cartoons, public places are shown as places where rape occur. However, in news, it has been observed that rape occurred more often in private places. Therefore, it was concluded that rape cartoons did not serve gender equality and social justice in this form. On the contrary, they are reinforcing existing gender roles, strengthening gender inequality, and reproducing them.","PeriodicalId":350529,"journal":{"name":"Criminology eJournal","volume":"30 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-04-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117052579","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The aim of this study is to show the media’s role in shaping, crystallizing and legitimizing a statedriven discourse of fear of illegal drug use, crime, and dehumanization of drug users. Drawing from a discourse analysis of news reports about the killings connected to the Philippine government’s campaign against illegal drugs, the paper argues that privileging a single source (state authority) and taking an “event-focused” slant which were found to dominate the character of the reports, unwittingly give the state narrative control leading to the justification of a state-led policy of zero-tolerance policing towards illegal drugs. As we critically examine how drugs, drug use, and the zero-tolerance policy are positioned through discourse in news texts, the paper raises important implications to the ethics and role of journalism in politics and provides explanations relating to crime reporting norms, values, and media organization realities.
{"title":"Crystallizing the Official Narrative: News Discourses About the Killings from the Philippine Government’s Campaign Against Illegal Drugs","authors":"C. Soriano, Clarissa C. David, J. M. Atun","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3311422","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3311422","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of this study is to show the media’s role in shaping, crystallizing and legitimizing a statedriven discourse of fear of illegal drug use, crime, and dehumanization of drug users. Drawing from a discourse analysis of news reports about the killings connected to the Philippine government’s campaign against illegal drugs, the paper argues that privileging a single source (state authority) and taking an “event-focused” slant which were found to dominate the character of the reports, unwittingly give the state narrative control leading to the justification of a state-led policy of zero-tolerance policing towards illegal drugs. As we critically examine how drugs, drug use, and the zero-tolerance policy are positioned through discourse in news texts, the paper raises important implications to the ethics and role of journalism in politics and provides explanations relating to crime reporting norms, values, and media organization realities.","PeriodicalId":350529,"journal":{"name":"Criminology eJournal","volume":"10 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-01-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126840910","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper reports the results of an experiment designed to assess the ability of an enforcement agency to detect and deter harmful short-term activities committed by groups of injurers. With ordered-leniency policies, early cooperators receive reduced sanctions. We replicate the strategic environment described by Landeo and Spier (2018). In theory, the optimal ordered-leniency policy depends on the refinement criterion applied in case of multiplicity of equilibria. Our findings are as follows. First, we provide empirical evidence of a "race-to-the-courthouse" effect of ordered leniency: Mild and Strong Leniency induce the injurers to self-report promptly. These findings suggest that the injurers' behaviors are aligned with the risk-dominance refinement. Second, Mild and Strong Leniency significantly increase the likelihood of detection of harmful activities. This fundamental finding is explained by the high self-reporting rates under ordered-leniency policies. Third, as a result of the increase in the detection rates, the averages fines are significantly higher under Mild and Strong Leniency. As expected when the risk-dominance refinement is applied, Mild Leniency exhibits the highest average fine.
{"title":"Ordered Leniency: An Experimental Study of Law Enforcement with Self-Reporting","authors":"Claudia M. Landeo, K. Spier","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3250945","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3250945","url":null,"abstract":"This paper reports the results of an experiment designed to assess the ability of an enforcement agency to detect and deter harmful short-term activities committed by groups of injurers. With ordered-leniency policies, early cooperators receive reduced sanctions. We replicate the strategic environment described by Landeo and Spier (2018). In theory, the optimal ordered-leniency policy depends on the refinement criterion applied in case of multiplicity of equilibria. Our findings are as follows. First, we provide empirical evidence of a \"race-to-the-courthouse\" effect of ordered leniency: Mild and Strong Leniency induce the injurers to self-report promptly. These findings suggest that the injurers' behaviors are aligned with the risk-dominance refinement. Second, Mild and Strong Leniency significantly increase the likelihood of detection of harmful activities. This fundamental finding is explained by the high self-reporting rates under ordered-leniency policies. Third, as a result of the increase in the detection rates, the averages fines are significantly higher under Mild and Strong Leniency. As expected when the risk-dominance refinement is applied, Mild Leniency exhibits the highest average fine.","PeriodicalId":350529,"journal":{"name":"Criminology eJournal","volume":"28 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122102594","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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