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The United Front Principle 统一战线原则
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-12-12 DOI: 10.1163/15700615-01802001
F. Sapio
This paper contributes to existing work by exploring how the idea of the United Front in China has gradually changed and developed over time. This has had the power to shape policies and institutions which, at least in the intentions of their reformers, will have a definite impact outside the borders of the People’s Republic of China.
本文通过探讨中国统一战线思想是如何随着时间的推移而逐渐变化和发展的,从而对已有的工作有所贡献。这种力量已经形成了政策和制度,至少在改革者的意图中,这些政策和制度将在中华人民共和国境外产生明确的影响。
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引用次数: 1
Image-building as Impetus for the Growth of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA)’s Engagement in International Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief (HA/DR) Operations 形象建设推动中国人民解放军参与国际人道主义援助和救灾行动
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-07-04 DOI: 10.1163/15700615-01801006
Gregory Coutaz
The People’s Liberation Army’s (PLA’s) engagement in humanitarian assistance and disaster relief (HA/DR) enables China to reassure the international community and change perceptions of its global intentions. Natural disasters are expected to increase worldwide, requiring greater PLA involvement in international HA/DR missions. However, maximising the public relations benefits of participating in such missions will require leadership to avoid short-term irritations and political speculation that often accompany China’s foreign intervention, hampering Beijing’s soft-power initiatives.
中国人民解放军(PLA)参与人道主义援助和救灾(HA/DR)使中国能够让国际社会放心,并改变人们对其全球意图的看法。自然灾害预计将在全球范围内增加,需要解放军更多地参与国际HA/DR任务。然而,要最大限度地提高参与此类任务的公共关系效益,就需要领导层避免短期的刺激和政治猜测,而这些刺激和猜测往往伴随着中国的外国干预,阻碍了北京的软实力举措。
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引用次数: 0
Paradiplomacy Management and Local Political Movement in Aceh, Indonesia, and Catalonia, Spain 印尼亚齐和西班牙加泰罗尼亚的范式管理与地方政治运动
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-07-04 DOI: 10.1163/15700615-01801003
T. Mukti, T. Warsito, Surwandono, Idham Badruzaman, Ulung Pribadi
This article focuses on paradiplomatic management in Aceh, Indonesia, and Catalonia, Spain, as a comparative study. The two different regions have at least two similar characteristics: both are recognised by central government as widely autonomous provinces compared to other provinces, and both obtained the wider autonomy in the same period, 2006; they also have same problems with revolutionary groups that attempt to withdraw from central government. This qualitative research aims to examine paradiplomatic management in both local governments. The main objective is to identify similarities and differences in paradiplomatic patterns and to scrutinise paradiplomatic activism pertaining to the instrument of political movements in both regions. The findings confirm that patterns of paradiplomacy management are typically similar, and influenced by the dynamic of local political movements, and that paradiplomatic activism is an instrument in political movements. It is argued that paradiplomatic management by secessionist regions performs the same pattern both in federal and unitary systems, and is reflected in the changes of regional laws on paradiplomatic affairs.
本文以印尼亚齐和西班牙加泰罗尼亚的准外交管理为比较研究对象。这两个不同的地区至少有两个相似的特点:与其他省份相比,这两个地区都被中央政府认定为广泛自治的省份,并且在2006年同期都获得了更广泛的自治权;他们在试图退出中央政府的革命团体中也有同样的问题。这项定性研究旨在考察两个地方政府的准外交管理。主要目标是确定准外交模式的异同,并仔细审查与这两个地区政治运动工具有关的准外交激进主义。研究结果证实,准外交管理模式通常相似,并受到当地政治运动动态的影响,准外交激进主义是政治运动中的一种工具。有人认为,分离主义地区的准外交管理在联邦制和单一制中都表现出相同的模式,并反映在地区准外交事务法律的变化中。
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引用次数: 12
Foreword 前言
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-07-04 DOI: 10.1163/15700615-01801004
P. Régnier, P. P. Masina
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引用次数: 0
The ‘Same Bed, Different Dreams’ of Vietnam and China 越南和中国的“同一张床,不同的梦想
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-07-04 DOI: 10.1163/15700615-01801007
Hong Kong Nguyen-To, Q. Vuong, Manh-Tung Ho, Thu-Trang Vuong
Vietnam–China relations could be captured in the Chinese expression ‘同床异梦’, ‘same bed, different dreams’. Analysing Vietnam–China’s asymmetric relationship, cultural and political similarities, divergences in global ambition and the involvement of foreign powers, this study shows how the relationship is increasingly interdependent but is equally fragile. One possible cause is the low level of trust on both sides, evidenced by repeated calls to ‘consolidate political trust’ or ‘enhance mutual trust’ in their high-level bilateral dialogues.
越中关系可以用中文“同床异梦”来概括。通过分析越中两国的不对称关系、文化和政治上的相似性、全球野心的分歧以及外国势力的介入,本研究表明,越中关系是如何日益相互依赖,但同样脆弱。一个可能的原因是双方的信任水平较低,在高层双边对话中反复呼吁“巩固政治信任”或“增进互信”就是证据。
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引用次数: 6
Understanding the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) 理解“一带一路”倡议
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2019-07-04 DOI: 10.1163/15700615-01801005
Y.-Y. Chang
This article re-examines China’s proposed Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) taking into account historical and philosophical narratives. It assumes that the BRI has crucial strategic implications; in particular, that it is not as altruistic as claimed but rather a self-interested proposal aiming to restore China’s grandeur and influence. The Chinese Dream (中國夢) and the concept of Tianxia (天下), ‘all under heaven’) are discussed to illustrate how the initiative is ‘marketed’. It ends with an interpretation of the impacts that the BRI might have on other parts of the world.
本文重新审视了中国提出的“一带一路”倡议倡议,同时考虑了历史和哲学的叙述。它假定“一带一路”倡议具有重要的战略意义;特别是,它并不像声称的那样无私,而是一个旨在恢复中国辉煌和影响力的利己主义提议。中国梦(中國夢) 和天下的概念(天下), ‘所有在天堂之下”),以说明该倡议是如何“营销”的。文章最后解释了“一带一路”倡议可能对世界其他地区产生的影响。
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引用次数: 6
Postcolonial Capitalism and the Politics of Dispossession 后殖民资本主义与剥夺政治
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-10-10 DOI: 10.1163/15700615-01702006
Geoffrey Aung
This article examines the trajectory of struggles over land and resources in Dawei, a town in southern Myanmar. The site of a major special economic zone project, Dawei has seen sustained mobilisation around displacement, dispossession and environmental degradation, against the backdrop of national political and economic reforms. Recently, scholars have argued that earlier visions of postcolonial transition have lost their empirical and political purchase, as farmers dispossessed of land increasingly become excluded from formal capitalist production. What happens to politics and political form if dynamics of exclusion, rather than transition, organise political activity under today’s conditions of accumulation? Repurposing Kalyan Sanyal’s concept of postcolonial capitalism, this article describes and theorises the politics of dispossession in Dawei. Tracing the political activities of activist groups and villagers, it argues that two contrasting political trajectories—one secular–egalitarian, one situational–differential—constitute a heterogeneous political field, reflecting the complexity of postcolonial capitalism itself.
这篇文章考察了缅甸南部城镇达维的土地和资源斗争轨迹。作为一个大型经济特区项目的所在地,在国家政治和经济改革的背景下,大伟见证了围绕流离失所、被剥夺土地和环境退化的持续动员。最近,学者们认为,随着被剥夺土地的农民越来越多地被排除在正式的资本主义生产之外,早期的后殖民过渡愿景已经失去了经验和政治购买力。如果排斥而不是过渡的动力在今天的积累条件下组织政治活动,政治和政治形式会发生什么?本文借用桑亚尔的后殖民资本主义观,对大维的剥夺政治进行了描述和理论化。追踪激进团体和村民的政治活动,它认为两种截然不同的政治轨迹——一种是世俗的——平等的,一种是情境的——差异的——构成了一个异质的政治领域,反映了后殖民资本主义本身的复杂性。
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引用次数: 10
Capitalist Trajectories in Mekong Southeast Asia 湄公河-东南亚的资本主义轨迹
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-10-10 DOI: 10.1163/15700615-01702002
Dennis Arnold, S. Campbell
Recent scholarship on labour and development in the global South has renewed critiques of modernisation theory along two main lines. The first has highlighted the unsuccessful transition of peasant smallholders into wage workers, whose incomes and employment benefits, it was once argued, would both satisfy their social reproduction needs and allow for expanded consumption. As a consequence of this apparently ‘stalled transition’ a contradiction has emerged between modernisation theory’s valorisation of wage labour/full employment, and the precarious reality of work and un/underemployment in contemporary capitalism. The second critique to emerge has focused on the failure of numerous late industrialising economies to transition from low to high value-added manufacturing. In the face of this latter failure of themodernisation project, governments and non-governmental advisers have sought to adapt their strategies to more effectively regulate growth in low value-added accumulation. Among the more prominent illustrations of such adaptive responses, international financial institutions and development think-tanks have advocated expanded forms of spatially regulated industrialisation—including export processing zones, industrial corridors and integrated subregions, of which the Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS) is a prominent example. There is, however, limited evidence to date that the promise of well-remunerated wage labour is likely to be realised anytime soon. The evident contradiction between the promise and the reality of contemporary development strategies has led to disillusionment with industrial and other forms of waged and non-waged work. As a result, growing frictions at the point of production and beyond have emerged, exposing tensions and fissures in development models across the Mekong region.
最近关于南半球劳动力和发展的学术研究沿着两条主线重新对现代化理论进行了批判。前者强调了小农向雇佣工人的不成功转型,他们的收入和就业福利,曾经有人认为,既满足了他们的社会再生产需求,又允许扩大消费。作为这种明显的“停滞转型”的结果,在现代化理论对雇佣劳动/充分就业的估价与当代资本主义中工作和就业不足的不稳定现实之间出现了矛盾。第二种批评集中在许多工业化后期经济体从低附加值制造业向高附加值制造业转型的失败上。面对后一种现代化项目的失败,各国政府和非政府顾问已寻求调整其战略,以更有效地监管低附加值积累的增长。国际金融机构和发展智库倡导扩大空间管制工业化的形式,其中包括出口加工区、工业走廊和一体化次区域,其中大湄公河次区域(GMS)就是一个突出的例子。然而,迄今为止,有限的证据表明,高薪雇佣劳动力的承诺可能很快就会实现。当代发展战略的希望与现实之间的明显矛盾导致人们对工业和其他形式的有薪和无薪工作的幻想破灭。结果,在生产环节和其他环节的摩擦日益增多,暴露了湄公河地区发展模式的紧张和裂痕。
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引用次数: 10
Corporatist Institutions and Militant Actions 社团制度与军事行动
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-10-10 DOI: 10.1163/15700615-01702007
Jinyoung Park
Drawing on data from archives and fieldwork in Myanmar, a country in political change from a five-decade authoritarian regime to a quasi-civilian one, this study explores the reasons for a prevalence of corporatist aspects at the early stage of reforms. The early introduction of corporatism in Myanmar diverges from other Asian countries that experienced transitions accompanied by labour militancy, and only later embraced corporatism when political power shifted to elected pro-labour parties. This article argues, first, that corporatism prevails in the rhetoric of the labour movement and in Myanmar’s industrial relations institutions, while labour militancy has simultaneously increased; second, corporatism in Myanmar has few historical precedents but has recently been promoted primarily by the International Labour Organisation (ILO); and third, while corporatism has failed to bring about industrial peace, the rhetoric and institutions of corporatism may limit the political potential of Myanmar’s labour movement by restricting unions’ activities to economic concerns.
缅甸是一个从五十年专制政权到准平民政权的政治变革中的国家,本研究利用档案和实地调查的数据,探讨了在改革初期社团主义盛行的原因。缅甸早期引入社团主义与其他亚洲国家不同,这些国家经历了伴随着劳工斗争的转型,直到后来,当政治权力转移到选举出来的亲劳工政党时,才接受社团主义。本文认为,首先,社团主义在劳工运动的修辞和缅甸的劳资关系机构中盛行,而劳工的战斗性同时也在增加;其次,缅甸的社团主义几乎没有历史先例,但最近主要是由国际劳工组织(ILO)推动的;第三,虽然社团主义未能带来工业和平,但社团主义的言论和制度可能会限制工会的经济活动,从而限制缅甸劳工运动的政治潜力。
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引用次数: 1
Laos’s Peripheral Centrality in Southeast Asia 老挝在东南亚的周边中心地位
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2018-10-10 DOI: 10.1163/15700615-01702005
James Alan Brown
Laos’s position at the centre of the Southeast Asian mainland has entailed peripherality to regional loci of power. Its geography of peripheral centrality has however resulted in Laos becoming a realm of contestation between powerful neighbours. The analysis traces the construction of Laos within a regional space from pre-colonial times to contemporary special economic zones. Laos has been produced through mobility, foreign actors’ attempts to reorient space to their sphere of influence, and transnational class relations incorporating Lao workers and peasants, Lao elites and foreign powers. These elements manifest within current special economic zone projects.
老挝在东南亚大陆中心的地位使其成为地区权力中心的外围。然而,其周边中心的地理位置导致老挝成为强大邻国之间的竞争领域。该分析追溯了老挝从前殖民时代到当代经济特区的区域空间建设。老挝是通过流动、外国行为者试图将空间重新定位到其势力范围,以及融合老挝工人和农民、老挝精英和外国势力的跨国阶级关系而产生的。这些因素体现在当前的经济特区项目中。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
European Journal of East Asian Studies
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