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Are we Really Past Truth? A Historian’s Perspective 我们真的是过去的真相吗?历史学家的视角
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-11-01 DOI: 10.1515/auk-2021-0022
Sophia Rosenfeld
Abstract The prevalence of the term post-truth suggests that we have, in the last few years, moved from being members of societies dedicated to truth to being members of ones that cannot agree on truth’s parameters and, even worse, have given up trying. But is this really what has happened? The author argues that, under the sway of the Enlightenment, truth has actually been unstable and a source of contention in public life ever since the founding moment for modern democracies in the late eighteenth century; the ‘post’ in ‘post-truth’ elides this complex history even as it accurately describes some of the conditions of our moment. What that means, though, is that rather than attempt to turn the clock back to past models and practices for restoring the reign of truth, we should be looking for new, post-Enlightenment paradigms for how to define and locate truth in the context of democracy, as well as new mechanisms for making this possible.
“后真相”一词的流行表明,在过去几年里,我们已经从致力于真理的社会成员转变为不能就真理的参数达成一致的社会成员,甚至更糟的是,我们已经放弃了尝试。但事实真的是这样吗?作者认为,在启蒙运动的影响下,真理实际上是不稳定的,自18世纪末现代民主国家建立以来,真理一直是公共生活中争论的来源;“后真相”中的“后”省略了这段复杂的历史,尽管它准确地描述了我们这个时代的一些情况。然而,这意味着我们不应该试图回到过去的模式和实践来恢复真理的统治,而应该寻找新的、后启蒙时代的范式来定义和定位民主背景下的真理,以及使之成为可能的新机制。
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引用次数: 0
Post-deliberative Democracy Post-deliberative民主
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-11-01 DOI: 10.1515/auk-2021-0019
Joseph Heath
Abstract Within any adversarial rule-governed system, it often takes time for strategically motivated agents to discover effective exploits. Once discovered, these strategies will soon be copied by all other participants. Unless it is possible to adjust the rules to preclude them, the result will be a degradation of the performance of the system. This is essentially what has happened to public political discourse in democratic states. Political actors have discovered, not just that the norm of truth can be violated in specific ways, but that many of the norms governing rational deliberation can also be violated, not just without penalty, but often for significant political gain. As a result, the level of noise (false or misleading communications) has come to drown out the signal (earnest attempts at deliberation). The post-truth political condition is the cumulative result of innovations developed by actors who adopt an essentially strategic orientation toward political communications.
在任何对抗性的规则治理系统中,具有战略动机的主体通常需要时间来发现有效的攻击。一旦被发现,这些策略很快就会被所有其他参与者复制。除非有可能调整规则以排除它们,否则结果将是系统性能的下降。这基本上就是民主国家公共政治话语所发生的事情。政治行为者已经发现,不仅真理的规范可以以特定的方式被违反,而且许多支配理性审议的规范也可以被违反,不仅不会受到惩罚,而且往往会获得重大的政治利益。结果,噪音(虚假或误导性的沟通)的程度已经淹没了信号(认真的深思熟虑)。后真相政治状况是行动者创新的累积结果,他们对政治传播采取了本质上的战略导向。
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引用次数: 3
Behind the Screens: Post-truth, Populism, and the Circulation of Elites 屏幕背后:后真相、民粹主义和精英的循环
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-11-01 DOI: 10.1515/auk-2021-0020
William T. Lynch
Abstract The alleged emergence of a ‘post-truth’ regime links the rise of new forms of social media and the reemergence of political populism. Post-truth has theoretical roots in the interdisciplinary field of Science and Technology Studies (STS), with sociologists of science arguing that both true and false claims should be explained by the same kinds of social causes. Most STS theorists have sought to deflect blame for post-truth, while at the same time enacting a normative turn, looking to deconstruct truth claims and subject expertise to criticism. Steve Fuller has developed a positive case for post-truth in science, arguing that post-truth democratizes science. I criticize this argument and suggest an alternative approach that draws on the prehistory of the field in the 1930s and 1940s, when philosophers and sociologists sought to define the social conditions necessary for reliable knowledge production that might stem mass media irrationalism.
所谓的“后真相”政权的出现将新形式的社交媒体的兴起与政治民粹主义的重新出现联系起来。后真相理论植根于科学技术研究(STS)的跨学科领域,科学社会学家认为,正确和错误的主张都应该用同样的社会原因来解释。大多数STS理论家都试图转移对后真相的指责,同时制定规范转向,寻求解构真理主张和主体专业知识的批评。史蒂夫·富勒(Steve Fuller)为科学中的后真相提出了一个积极的案例,认为后真相使科学民主化。我批评了这种观点,并提出了另一种方法,该方法借鉴了20世纪30年代和40年代该领域的史前史,当时哲学家和社会学家试图定义可靠的知识生产所必需的社会条件,这可能会阻止大众媒体的非理性主义。
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引用次数: 1
Capital, Ideology, and the Liberal Order 《资本论、意识形态与自由秩序
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-08-26 DOI: 10.2139/ssrn.3911806
Nick Cowen, Vincent J. Geloso
Abstract Thomas Piketty’s Capital and Ideology (2020) offers a powerful critique of ideological justifications for inequality in capitalist societies. Does this mean we should reject capitalist institutions altogether? This paper defends some aspects of capitalism by explaining the epistemic function of market economies and their ability to harness capital to meet the needs of the relatively disadvantaged. We support this classical liberal position with reference to empirical research on historical trends in inequality that challenges some of Piketty’s interpretations of the data. Then we discuss the implications of this position in terms of limits on the efficacy of participatory governance within firms and the capacity of the state to levy systematic taxes on wealth.
托马斯·皮凯蒂的《资本与意识形态》(2020)对资本主义社会中不平等的意识形态辩护进行了强有力的批判。这是否意味着我们应该完全拒绝资本主义制度?本文通过解释市场经济的认知功能及其利用资本来满足相对弱势群体需求的能力,为资本主义的某些方面进行了辩护。我们通过对不平等历史趋势的实证研究来支持这一古典自由主义立场,这些研究挑战了皮凯蒂对数据的一些解释。然后,我们从企业内部参与式治理的有效性和国家对财富征收系统性税收的能力的限制方面讨论了这一立场的含义。
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引用次数: 0
Refining the Skill Hypothesis: Replies to Andrews/Westra, Tomasello, Sterelny, and Railton 完善技能假说:回复Andrews/Westra, Tomasello, Sterelny和Railton
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-06-01 DOI: 10.1515/auk-2021-0015
Jonathan C. P. Birch
Abstract I reflect on the commentaries on my ‘skill hypothesis’ from Andrews/Westra, Tomasello, Sterelny, and Railton. I discuss the difference between normative cognition and the broader category of action-guiding representation, and I reflect on the relationship between joint intentionality and normative cognition. I then consider Sterelny and Railton’s variants on the skill hypothesis, which highlight some important areas where future evidence could help us refine the account: the relative importance of on-the-fly skill execution vs. longer-term strategizing, the relative importance of toolmaking vs. collaborative foraging, and the question of whether norms are encoded in control models themselves or in the goals and ideals that our control models help us pursue.
我回顾了Andrews/Westra、Tomasello、Sterelny和Railton对我的“技能假设”的评论。我讨论了规范认知和更广泛的行动指导表征之间的区别,并反思了共同意向性和规范认知之间的关系。然后,我考虑了Sterelny和Railton关于技能假设的变体,它们强调了一些重要的领域,未来的证据可以帮助我们完善这个假设:即时技能执行与长期战略制定的相对重要性,工具制造与协作觅食的相对重要性,以及规范是编码在控制模型本身还是编码在控制模型帮助我们追求的目标和理想中的问题。
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引用次数: 0
Accumulating Capital: Capital and Ideology after Capital in the Twenty-First Century 资本的积累:21世纪资本与后资本的意识形态
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-06-01 DOI: 10.1515/auk-2021-0002
S. Pressman
Abstract Thomas Piketty’s blockbuster Capital in the Twenty-First Century was followed by the publication of Capital and Ideology in early 2020. This paper looks at the differences between the two books, and provides an analysis and a critique of the main advances in the new book. First, Piketty drops r>g as an explanation for rising inequality. Instead, inequality is generated and constrained by economic power supported by an ideology. Second, there is a focus on the political consequences of inequality, including the rise of right-wing populism and the election of people like Donald Trump. Third, there is a new policy proposal-changes in corporate governance that gives labor and government seats on the Board of Directors of public corporations.
托马斯·皮凯蒂的重磅之作《21世纪资本论》之后,于2020年初出版了《资本论与意识形态》。本文着眼于两本书之间的差异,并对新书的主要进展提供了分析和批评。首先,皮凯蒂将r>g作为不平等加剧的解释。相反,不平等是由一种意识形态支持的经济实力产生和制约的。其次,人们关注不平等的政治后果,包括右翼民粹主义的兴起和唐纳德·特朗普(Donald Trump)等人的当选。第三,有一项新的政策提案,即在公共企业的董事会中赋予劳动界和政府界席位的公司治理结构改革。
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引用次数: 0
Norms Require Not Just Technical Skill and Social Learning, but Real Cooperation 规范不仅需要技术技能和社会学习,还需要真正的合作
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-06-01 DOI: 10.1515/auk-2021-0012
M. Tomasello
Abstract Birch’s account of the evolutionary origins of social norms is essentially individualistic. It begins with individuals regulating their own actions toward internally represented goals, as evaluative standards, and adds in a social dimension only secondarily. I argue that a better account begins at the outset with uniquely human collaborative activity in which individuals share evaluative standards about how anyone who would play a given role must behave both toward their joint goal and toward one another. This then scaled up to the shared normative standards for anyone who would be a member of ‘our’ social group.
伯奇对社会规范的进化起源的描述本质上是个人主义的。它始于个人调节自己的行为,以实现内部代表的目标,作为评估标准,社会维度只是次要的。我认为,一个更好的解释从人类独特的合作活动开始,在这种活动中,个人分享评价标准,关于任何扮演特定角色的人必须如何为他们的共同目标和彼此行事。然后,这扩大到“我们”社会群体成员的共同规范标准。
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引用次数: 1
About Capital, Socialism and Ideology 关于资本、社会主义和意识形态
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-06-01 DOI: 10.1515/auk-2021-0008
T. Piketty
Abstract In this article, I attempt to briefly clarify a number of issues regarding what I have tried to achieve in my book Capital and Ideology. I also comment on the many limitations behind such a project,whose main objective is to stimulate further research on the global history of inequality regimes, at the intersection of economic, social and political history. Lastly, I address some of the many stimulating points raised in the reviews, particularly regarding the nature of participatory socialism and its incompleteness.
在这篇文章中,我试图简要地澄清一些关于我在《资本论与意识形态》一书中试图实现的问题。我还评论了这样一个项目背后的许多局限性,其主要目标是在经济、社会和政治历史的交叉点上刺激对不平等制度的全球历史的进一步研究。最后,我要谈谈评论中提出的一些令人兴奋的观点,特别是关于参与式社会主义的性质及其不完整性的观点。
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引用次数: 1
Justice, Power, and Participatory Socialism: on Piketty’s Capital and Ideology 正义、权力与参与式社会主义:论皮凯蒂的《资本论》与《意识形态》
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-06-01 DOI: 10.1515/auk-2021-0006
M. O'Neill
Abstract Thomas Piketty’s Capital and Ideology constitutes a landmark achievement in furthering our understanding of the history of inequality, and presents valuable proposals for constructing a future economic system that would allow us to transcend and move beyond contemporary forms of capitalism. This article discusses Piketty’s conceptions of ideology, property, and ‘inequality regimes’, and analyses his approach to social justice and its relation to the work of John Rawls. I examine how Piketty’s proposals for ‘participatory socialism’ would function not only to redistribute income and wealth, but also to disperse economic power within society, and I discuss the complementary roles of redistribution and predistribution in his proposals, and Piketty’s place in a tradition of egalitarian political economy associated with James Meade and Anthony Atkinson. Having elaborated on Piketty’s account of the relationship between economic policy and ideational change, and his important idea of the ‘desacralization’ of private property, I develop ‘seven theses’ on his proposals for participatory socialism, examining areas in which his approach could be enhanced or extended, so as to create a viable twenty-first century version of democratic socialism.
托马斯·皮凯蒂的《资本论与意识形态》在加深我们对不平等历史的理解方面取得了里程碑式的成就,并为构建一个未来的经济体系提出了宝贵的建议,该体系将使我们能够超越当代资本主义形式。本文讨论了皮凯蒂关于意识形态、财产和“不平等制度”的概念,并分析了他对社会正义的研究方法及其与约翰·罗尔斯著作的关系。我研究了皮凯蒂关于“参与式社会主义”的建议如何不仅对收入和财富进行再分配,而且对社会中的经济权力进行分散,我还讨论了他的建议中再分配和预分配的互补作用,以及皮凯蒂在与詹姆斯·米德和安东尼·阿特金森相关的平等主义政治经济学传统中的地位。在详细阐述了皮凯蒂关于经济政策与观念变化之间关系的论述,以及他关于私有财产“去神圣化”的重要观点之后,我就他关于参与式社会主义的建议提出了“七个论点”,研究了他的方法可以加强或扩展的领域,从而创造了一个可行的21世纪民主社会主义版本。
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引用次数: 3
Ideology and Institutions in the Evolution of Capital 资本演变中的意识形态与制度
Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-06-01 DOI: 10.1515/auk-2021-0003
Katharina Pistor
Abstract In Capital and Ideology, Thomas Piketty poses the intriguing thesis that ideology, or ideas about how society should be governed, is a powerful determinant for how society will be governed-as long as we take advantage of historical switch points. In this review essay I challenge this thesis by pointing out that many powerful ideas have run aground because of countervailing institutional arrangements. Oftentimes, they are leftovers from earlier times that precede the change and are now strategically employed for reconstituting private wealth. Clearly, ideology and institutions are deeply intertwined. I credit Piketty for putting ideology on the map of institutionalists in history, political sciences, sociology, and law. I therefore call for more research on the interaction of ideas and institutions.
在《资本论与意识形态》一书中,托马斯·皮凯蒂提出了一个有趣的论点,即意识形态,或关于社会应该如何治理的想法,是社会将如何治理的强大决定因素——只要我们利用历史转折点。在这篇评论文章中,我对这一论点提出了挑战,我指出,许多强有力的想法之所以搁浅,是因为相互抵消的制度安排。通常情况下,它们是变革之前的早期遗留下来的东西,现在被战略性地用于重建私人财富。显然,意识形态和制度是紧密交织在一起的。我认为皮凯蒂将意识形态置于历史、政治科学、社会学和法律领域的制度主义者的地图上。因此,我呼吁对思想和制度的相互作用进行更多的研究。
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引用次数: 0
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