Pub Date : 2021-09-02DOI: 10.1080/13552074.2021.1979323
M. Atela, A. Ojebode, Racheal Makokha, M. Otieno, Tade Akin Aina
ABSTRACT Public protests, including women-led struggles, are increasingly gaining a foothold in many parts of the world in response to multiple crises and growing exclusion, in a context of fragility. In the global South, most public protests involve temporary, informal coalitions where people come together and participate in a one-off event. The fluid nature of political space makes sustaining protests elusive because of protest fatigue. Yet, the #BringBackOurGirls (#BBOG), a women-led movement, headed a long-term protest that focused on the rights of the girl child to education – a direct response to Boko Haram’s gendered terror tactics, in which girls were abducted, forced to abandon school, and get married. This article examines when and how movements crystallise into long-term programmes of action in fragile and conflict-affected societies where state–society relations are weak and government is considered to be unresponsive. We use the case of the #BBOG movement, one of Nigeria’s intense social media-driven and women-led action, to examine the mix of pressures it faced, its characteristics, and strategies in situations of fragility, conflict, and closed political spaces. We identify four key strategies that the #BBOG has deployed to keep members coming, garner international support and sympathy, keep pressure on the elite in a safe manner for the movement members, and ensure an independent funding regime for durability and impact. This article finds that #BBOG was able to navigate fragility and the closing civic space in Nigeria by challenging the failure of government to address insecurity in the country, transcending societal barriers including gender, religion, and political class, transnationalising their movement, self-funding, and using social media strategically.
{"title":"Women organising in fragility and conflict: lessons from the #BringBackOurGirls movement, Nigeria","authors":"M. Atela, A. Ojebode, Racheal Makokha, M. Otieno, Tade Akin Aina","doi":"10.1080/13552074.2021.1979323","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13552074.2021.1979323","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Public protests, including women-led struggles, are increasingly gaining a foothold in many parts of the world in response to multiple crises and growing exclusion, in a context of fragility. In the global South, most public protests involve temporary, informal coalitions where people come together and participate in a one-off event. The fluid nature of political space makes sustaining protests elusive because of protest fatigue. Yet, the #BringBackOurGirls (#BBOG), a women-led movement, headed a long-term protest that focused on the rights of the girl child to education – a direct response to Boko Haram’s gendered terror tactics, in which girls were abducted, forced to abandon school, and get married. This article examines when and how movements crystallise into long-term programmes of action in fragile and conflict-affected societies where state–society relations are weak and government is considered to be unresponsive. We use the case of the #BBOG movement, one of Nigeria’s intense social media-driven and women-led action, to examine the mix of pressures it faced, its characteristics, and strategies in situations of fragility, conflict, and closed political spaces. We identify four key strategies that the #BBOG has deployed to keep members coming, garner international support and sympathy, keep pressure on the elite in a safe manner for the movement members, and ensure an independent funding regime for durability and impact. This article finds that #BBOG was able to navigate fragility and the closing civic space in Nigeria by challenging the failure of government to address insecurity in the country, transcending societal barriers including gender, religion, and political class, transnationalising their movement, self-funding, and using social media strategically.","PeriodicalId":35882,"journal":{"name":"Gender and Development","volume":"29 1","pages":"313 - 334"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47633347","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-02DOI: 10.1080/13552074.2021.1982544
Lina Abou-Habib, Mozn Hassan, Carla Akil
ABSTRACT International funding has played an important role in the struggles of women in the Middle East and Northern Africa (MENA) region, directly and indirectly. In this article, we reflect on the narratives and processes that influence and oftentimes determine the funding accessible to the MENA region, which have often excluded those emanating from local feminists. We then trace the emergence, rationale, and journey of the Doria Feminist Fund against the background of the oppressive politics of the region, and the obstacles facing emerging local feminist groups, especially queer groups, that demand ‘radical system change’ rather traditional ‘reforms’. In addition to examining the processes behind the creation of the Doria Feminist Fund for the MENA region, we highlight the ways in which it proposes to address gaps in funding, and to engage constructively with the international donor community to amplify the voices from the region. In essence, this article sheds light on the extensive and diverse struggles of grassroots-based intersectional feminists as well as on the importance of the availability of sustainable and flexible resources rooted in the perspectives and needs of feminist movements of the region.
{"title":"The story of the Doria Feminist Fund: de-colonising the funding narrative in the MENA region","authors":"Lina Abou-Habib, Mozn Hassan, Carla Akil","doi":"10.1080/13552074.2021.1982544","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13552074.2021.1982544","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT International funding has played an important role in the struggles of women in the Middle East and Northern Africa (MENA) region, directly and indirectly. In this article, we reflect on the narratives and processes that influence and oftentimes determine the funding accessible to the MENA region, which have often excluded those emanating from local feminists. We then trace the emergence, rationale, and journey of the Doria Feminist Fund against the background of the oppressive politics of the region, and the obstacles facing emerging local feminist groups, especially queer groups, that demand ‘radical system change’ rather traditional ‘reforms’. In addition to examining the processes behind the creation of the Doria Feminist Fund for the MENA region, we highlight the ways in which it proposes to address gaps in funding, and to engage constructively with the international donor community to amplify the voices from the region. In essence, this article sheds light on the extensive and diverse struggles of grassroots-based intersectional feminists as well as on the importance of the availability of sustainable and flexible resources rooted in the perspectives and needs of feminist movements of the region.","PeriodicalId":35882,"journal":{"name":"Gender and Development","volume":"29 1","pages":"611 - 622"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42306112","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-02DOI: 10.1080/13552074.2021.1981698
D. Chopra
ABSTRACT The Shaheen Bagh site epitomised the longest sit-in intergenerational protests in India since Independence. Especially novel about these protests was the presence and leadership of first-time Muslim women protestors. Shaheen Bagh also inspired other sit-ins across the country, including several across Delhi. Yet, nowhere except Shaheen Bagh did the struggle last as long, with the participation of as many over a continuous and significant period of time. This article will explore who these women of Shaheen Bagh were, and how and why they came together to protest a proposed change in India’s citizenship rights. It will draw on interviews, field observations, and published material, to delineate the new forms of protest and strategies used by the women in Shaheen Bagh in response to what I term ‘cyclical’ backlash by the state. The article will underscore the organically evolving nature of the strategies that women in Shaheen Bagh adopted, and highlight how the use of physical, digital, and figurative space became the hallmark of women’s organising in this protest. In light of continuing state intolerance and shrinking space for civil society, this article concludes with reflections on lessons that future feminist resistance and organising can draw from this analysis, to be able to strike back against this backlash.
{"title":"The resistance strikes back: women’s protest strategies against backlash in India","authors":"D. Chopra","doi":"10.1080/13552074.2021.1981698","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13552074.2021.1981698","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The Shaheen Bagh site epitomised the longest sit-in intergenerational protests in India since Independence. Especially novel about these protests was the presence and leadership of first-time Muslim women protestors. Shaheen Bagh also inspired other sit-ins across the country, including several across Delhi. Yet, nowhere except Shaheen Bagh did the struggle last as long, with the participation of as many over a continuous and significant period of time. This article will explore who these women of Shaheen Bagh were, and how and why they came together to protest a proposed change in India’s citizenship rights. It will draw on interviews, field observations, and published material, to delineate the new forms of protest and strategies used by the women in Shaheen Bagh in response to what I term ‘cyclical’ backlash by the state. The article will underscore the organically evolving nature of the strategies that women in Shaheen Bagh adopted, and highlight how the use of physical, digital, and figurative space became the hallmark of women’s organising in this protest. In light of continuing state intolerance and shrinking space for civil society, this article concludes with reflections on lessons that future feminist resistance and organising can draw from this analysis, to be able to strike back against this backlash.","PeriodicalId":35882,"journal":{"name":"Gender and Development","volume":"29 1","pages":"467 - 491"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42613689","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-02DOI: 10.1080/13552074.2021.2005291
Manjima Bhattacharjya
ABSTRACT The golden past of the feminist conference is eclipsed by the present cynicism around depoliticisation of feminism, ‘NGO-isation’ and the cooption of such spaces by the state, large INGOs and donor organisations. With inter-generational conflicts and identity-based mobilisation, the current moment in the Indian women’s movement has been termed by Indian scholars as one of a ‘feminist civil war’. In this article, I reflect on the elements that made past processes such as the National Conferences on Autonomous Women’s Movements in India an empowering experience for activists, and that created spaces where the movement could resolve – or at least make visible – its ‘sticky’ issues. I ask: what can we learn about feminist conferences as a driving force for feminist activism in the past for creating inclusive and safe spaces for dialogue in the future? Can they be the spaces where feminist dilemmas of the time can be resolved? Through examining archival materials and personal reflections in dialogue with theoretical discussions on new feminisms, autonomy, diversity and intersectionality, I argue that the feminist conference had a critical role to play in the personal journeys of activists in the Indian women’s movement, and in collectively resolving some of the tensions in the movement through practices such as endorsement of co-written ‘resolutions’ and ‘declarations’ with purposefully diverse grassroots constituencies. In any new avatar, the feminist conference needs to retain such strengths but also take into account the feminist movement’s new, young membership and a changed context by re-aligning its values, modes and materials of engagement to this landscape, so that dialogue on difficult themes is made possible in productive, caring and pleasurable ways.
{"title":"Chords of solidarity, notes of dissent: the role of feminist conferences in movement-building in India","authors":"Manjima Bhattacharjya","doi":"10.1080/13552074.2021.2005291","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13552074.2021.2005291","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The golden past of the feminist conference is eclipsed by the present cynicism around depoliticisation of feminism, ‘NGO-isation’ and the cooption of such spaces by the state, large INGOs and donor organisations. With inter-generational conflicts and identity-based mobilisation, the current moment in the Indian women’s movement has been termed by Indian scholars as one of a ‘feminist civil war’. In this article, I reflect on the elements that made past processes such as the National Conferences on Autonomous Women’s Movements in India an empowering experience for activists, and that created spaces where the movement could resolve – or at least make visible – its ‘sticky’ issues. I ask: what can we learn about feminist conferences as a driving force for feminist activism in the past for creating inclusive and safe spaces for dialogue in the future? Can they be the spaces where feminist dilemmas of the time can be resolved? Through examining archival materials and personal reflections in dialogue with theoretical discussions on new feminisms, autonomy, diversity and intersectionality, I argue that the feminist conference had a critical role to play in the personal journeys of activists in the Indian women’s movement, and in collectively resolving some of the tensions in the movement through practices such as endorsement of co-written ‘resolutions’ and ‘declarations’ with purposefully diverse grassroots constituencies. In any new avatar, the feminist conference needs to retain such strengths but also take into account the feminist movement’s new, young membership and a changed context by re-aligning its values, modes and materials of engagement to this landscape, so that dialogue on difficult themes is made possible in productive, caring and pleasurable ways.","PeriodicalId":35882,"journal":{"name":"Gender and Development","volume":"29 1","pages":"623 - 647"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43824188","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-02DOI: 10.1080/13552074.2021.1979206
Susana Araújo
ABSTRACT In 2005, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) approved the aid effectiveness principles for improving the impact of Official Development Assistance (ODA). Donor countries such as Spain understood this agenda as an opportunity to promote gender equality in their development co-operation policy. However, gender equality almost disappeared as a priority in most of the bilateral agreements after 2005. This puzzling outcome leads me to ask how the implementation of the Paris principles made gender equality less of a priority, and how the feminist movement can ensure that gender equality and women’s rights are at the centre of this agenda. To answer these questions, I examine the negotiation process of the Peruvian–Spanish Strategic Framework 2013–2016. This case shows how exclusionary informal mechanisms may leave women’s rights organisations out of negotiation processes. I argue that connections of feminist and women’s movements with ‘femocrats’ and gender critical actors inside state machineries are crucial to defend gender equality as a priority sector. This is particularly relevant in the post-COVID-19 scenario and the global goal of ‘building back better’ with a gender lens. Without the participation of gender justice advocates in aid negotiation processes, it becomes more difficult to prioritise gender equality in bilateral co-operation agreements and, consequently, to allocate funds for women’s rights organisations.
{"title":"Do women’s rights organisations need ‘femocrats’? The negotiation of the Peruvian–Spanish agreement for development co-operation 2013–2016","authors":"Susana Araújo","doi":"10.1080/13552074.2021.1979206","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13552074.2021.1979206","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In 2005, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) approved the aid effectiveness principles for improving the impact of Official Development Assistance (ODA). Donor countries such as Spain understood this agenda as an opportunity to promote gender equality in their development co-operation policy. However, gender equality almost disappeared as a priority in most of the bilateral agreements after 2005. This puzzling outcome leads me to ask how the implementation of the Paris principles made gender equality less of a priority, and how the feminist movement can ensure that gender equality and women’s rights are at the centre of this agenda. To answer these questions, I examine the negotiation process of the Peruvian–Spanish Strategic Framework 2013–2016. This case shows how exclusionary informal mechanisms may leave women’s rights organisations out of negotiation processes. I argue that connections of feminist and women’s movements with ‘femocrats’ and gender critical actors inside state machineries are crucial to defend gender equality as a priority sector. This is particularly relevant in the post-COVID-19 scenario and the global goal of ‘building back better’ with a gender lens. Without the participation of gender justice advocates in aid negotiation processes, it becomes more difficult to prioritise gender equality in bilateral co-operation agreements and, consequently, to allocate funds for women’s rights organisations.","PeriodicalId":35882,"journal":{"name":"Gender and Development","volume":"29 1","pages":"593 - 610"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44048704","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-02DOI: 10.1080/13552074.2021.1981704
S. Calkin
{"title":"Dying to Count: Post-abortion Care and Global Reproductive Health Politics in Senegal","authors":"S. Calkin","doi":"10.1080/13552074.2021.1981704","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13552074.2021.1981704","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":35882,"journal":{"name":"Gender and Development","volume":"29 1","pages":"693 - 695"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48289721","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-02DOI: 10.1080/13552074.2021.1978727
Pragyna Mahpara
ABSTRACT This article unpacks the ‘women’s leadership paradox’ through the case of the adoption and implementation of the Domestic Violence (Prevention and Protection) (DVPP) Act 2010 of Bangladesh. It looks at two forms of women’s leadership, one at the civil society/women’s movement level and the other at the female elected representatives at the parliament and executive level, and analyses under what circumstances female leadership can play a role in policy adoption. The case of the DVPP Act provides an interesting example of the ‘leadership paradox’ as women in leadership positions (both in the civil society/women’s movement level and the parliamentary and executive level) successfully strategised to gain access to key decision makers and move forward their agenda during the DVPP Act’s adoption. However, this efficiency did not translate into implementation, showing that female leadership did play a role in policy adoption, but they do not have the same strength in policy implementation.
{"title":"Unpacking Bangladesh’s ‘women’s leadership paradox’ through the Domestic Violence (Prevention and Protection) Act of 2010","authors":"Pragyna Mahpara","doi":"10.1080/13552074.2021.1978727","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13552074.2021.1978727","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article unpacks the ‘women’s leadership paradox’ through the case of the adoption and implementation of the Domestic Violence (Prevention and Protection) (DVPP) Act 2010 of Bangladesh. It looks at two forms of women’s leadership, one at the civil society/women’s movement level and the other at the female elected representatives at the parliament and executive level, and analyses under what circumstances female leadership can play a role in policy adoption. The case of the DVPP Act provides an interesting example of the ‘leadership paradox’ as women in leadership positions (both in the civil society/women’s movement level and the parliamentary and executive level) successfully strategised to gain access to key decision makers and move forward their agenda during the DVPP Act’s adoption. However, this efficiency did not translate into implementation, showing that female leadership did play a role in policy adoption, but they do not have the same strength in policy implementation.","PeriodicalId":35882,"journal":{"name":"Gender and Development","volume":"29 1","pages":"529 - 545"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48347097","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-02DOI: 10.1080/13552074.2021.1982180
Onyeka Antoinette Nwabunnia
ABSTRACT During Nigeria’s #EndSARS movement, queer organisers and activists created and built solidarities that resulted in a truly complex organising for justice. Without the work of queer organisers, the movement to #EndSARS would have largely centred on the narratives and voices of cis heterosexual men and women. In creating systems that sustained the participation of queer protesters both on- and offline, queer organisers ensured that the movement reflected all Nigerians. Situating this article within theoretical debates around political homophobia and transnational feminist solidarities, I will outline the forms of solidarities queer activists developed with each other and the types of tensions that emerged during the movement.
{"title":"#EndSARS movement in Nigeria: tensions and solidarities amongst protesters","authors":"Onyeka Antoinette Nwabunnia","doi":"10.1080/13552074.2021.1982180","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13552074.2021.1982180","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT During Nigeria’s #EndSARS movement, queer organisers and activists created and built solidarities that resulted in a truly complex organising for justice. Without the work of queer organisers, the movement to #EndSARS would have largely centred on the narratives and voices of cis heterosexual men and women. In creating systems that sustained the participation of queer protesters both on- and offline, queer organisers ensured that the movement reflected all Nigerians. Situating this article within theoretical debates around political homophobia and transnational feminist solidarities, I will outline the forms of solidarities queer activists developed with each other and the types of tensions that emerged during the movement.","PeriodicalId":35882,"journal":{"name":"Gender and Development","volume":"29 1","pages":"351 - 367"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49548432","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-02DOI: 10.1080/13552074.2021.1978719
B. Pereira, M. Aguilar
ABSTRACT Since 2010, the far-right in Brazil has led the backlash to feminism, sexual and gender diversity, racial equality, and other human rights agendas. In this article, we shed light on the devastating impact of the comeback of conservatism and Jair Bolsonaro’s presidency on the lives of Black women. Next, we draw from the interviews conducted with a wide range of activists to unveil how Black women have been energised to resist the backlash. We argue that the Black women’s movement has employed grassroots organising, institutional politics, counter narratives, and the Black culture, in complementary and interconnected ways, to resist the resurgence of the far-right. Moreover, we suggest that the ability to engage with different forms of activism and strategies of resistance is a key strength of the Black women’s movement in Brazil and has placed it at the forefront of the resistance against the far-right.
{"title":"‘Nenhum passo atrás’ (Not a step back): Brazilian Black women’s resistance in the era of Bolsonaro’s far-right government","authors":"B. Pereira, M. Aguilar","doi":"10.1080/13552074.2021.1978719","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13552074.2021.1978719","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Since 2010, the far-right in Brazil has led the backlash to feminism, sexual and gender diversity, racial equality, and other human rights agendas. In this article, we shed light on the devastating impact of the comeback of conservatism and Jair Bolsonaro’s presidency on the lives of Black women. Next, we draw from the interviews conducted with a wide range of activists to unveil how Black women have been energised to resist the backlash. We argue that the Black women’s movement has employed grassroots organising, institutional politics, counter narratives, and the Black culture, in complementary and interconnected ways, to resist the resurgence of the far-right. Moreover, we suggest that the ability to engage with different forms of activism and strategies of resistance is a key strength of the Black women’s movement in Brazil and has placed it at the forefront of the resistance against the far-right.","PeriodicalId":35882,"journal":{"name":"Gender and Development","volume":"29 1","pages":"447 - 465"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42455613","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-02DOI: 10.1080/13552074.2021.2005924
G. Artazo, Agustina Ramia, Sofia Menoyo
ABSTRACT The year 2021 began with good news: on 29 December 2020, the law that guarantees access to the right to legal, safe and free abortion was approved in Argentina’s National Congress and Senate. This achievement was the result of the struggles of the feminist and women's movement. A particular feature was the massive involvement of young people in discussions, street mobilisations and vigils, with all those taking part wearing green bandanas, the movement being named the ‘Green Wave’ (Marea Verde), as a result. After the law was passed, the organisation Catholics for the Right to Decide (CDD), an active member of the National Campaign for the Right to Legal, Safe and Free Abortion – with the support of the Global Fund for Women – asked us to investigate the role and participation of young people from different parts of our country in the Green Wave movement. This article discusses the findings of this research project.
{"title":"A new feminist ethic that unites and mobilizes people: the participation of young people in Argentina’s Green Wave","authors":"G. Artazo, Agustina Ramia, Sofia Menoyo","doi":"10.1080/13552074.2021.2005924","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/13552074.2021.2005924","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The year 2021 began with good news: on 29 December 2020, the law that guarantees access to the right to legal, safe and free abortion was approved in Argentina’s National Congress and Senate. This achievement was the result of the struggles of the feminist and women's movement. A particular feature was the massive involvement of young people in discussions, street mobilisations and vigils, with all those taking part wearing green bandanas, the movement being named the ‘Green Wave’ (Marea Verde), as a result. After the law was passed, the organisation Catholics for the Right to Decide (CDD), an active member of the National Campaign for the Right to Legal, Safe and Free Abortion – with the support of the Global Fund for Women – asked us to investigate the role and participation of young people from different parts of our country in the Green Wave movement. This article discusses the findings of this research project.","PeriodicalId":35882,"journal":{"name":"Gender and Development","volume":"29 1","pages":"335 - 350"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49514733","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：