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Darwin and American public administration Woodrow Wilson's Darwinian argument for administration. 达尔文与美国公共行政伍德罗·威尔逊的达尔文主义行政论证。
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/pls.2021.24
Benjamin Slomski

This research note addresses a gap in the public administration literature by arguing that a political Darwinism was present in the intellectual origins of American administrative theory. By examining the arguments of Woodrow Wilson, this article demonstrates that Darwinism complemented the German political thought that contributed to the establishment of America's administrative state. The application of Darwinian evolutionary biology to politics was a vital element of Wilson's reconceptualization of the state as a living organism. Darwinism was a key rhetorical tool employed by Wilson in his argument against the Constitution's separation of powers. This note finds that Darwinism was present in the early stages of public administration theory in Wilson's argumentation and persists today in the public administration literature. It concludes by sketching out an agenda for further research on Darwinism's influence on public administration.

本研究报告通过论证政治达尔文主义存在于美国行政理论的知识起源,解决了公共行政文献中的一个空白。本文通过考察伍德罗·威尔逊的观点,论证了达尔文主义对德国政治思想的补充,为美国行政国家的建立做出了贡献。将达尔文进化生物学应用于政治,是威尔逊将国家重新定义为一个活的有机体的一个重要因素。达尔文主义是威尔逊在反对宪法三权分立的论点中使用的一个关键修辞工具。本文发现,达尔文主义在威尔逊的论述中出现在公共行政理论的早期阶段,并在今天的公共行政文献中持续存在。最后,本文为进一步研究达尔文主义对公共行政的影响勾画了一个议程。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction to the issue 问题介绍
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/pls.2023.22
Gregg R. Murray
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In memoriam: Roger D. Masters (1933–2023) 纪念:罗杰·d·马斯特斯(1933-2023)
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/pls.2023.21
Gregg R. Murray
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引用次数: 0
Examining American attitudes toward vaccination during the COVID-19 pandemic from the perspective of negative and positive rights 从消极权利和积极权利的角度审视美国人在COVID-19大流行期间对疫苗接种的态度
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/pls.2023.17
Amanda Koong, Rose McDermott, Robert Kaplan
Abstract We examine the likely acceptance of the COVID-19 vaccine in the period prior to political polarization around vaccine mandates. Two representative cross-sectional surveys of 1,000 respondents were fielded in August and December 2020. The surveys included items about the COVID-19 vaccine and vaccine mandates. Respondents self-identifying as liberal were the least likely to believe the vaccine had undisclosed harmful effects ( p < .001), conservatives were the most likely ( p < .001), and moderates fell in between. Individuals with a bachelor’s degree were less likely to think the vaccine had undisclosed harmful effects than individuals without a bachelor’s degree ( p < .001), and 60.5% of those individuals did not support a government vaccine mandate. Political ideology was more often strongly associated with avoiding government involvement compared to education level. In summary, both liberal political ideology and higher education were significantly associated with endorsing intended vaccine uptake. We discuss these results in terms of positive versus negative rights.
我们研究了在围绕疫苗授权的政治两极分化之前,COVID-19疫苗可能被接受的情况。在2020年8月和12月对1000名受访者进行了两次代表性的横断面调查。调查包括有关COVID-19疫苗和疫苗授权的项目。自认为是自由派的受访者最不可能相信疫苗有未披露的有害影响(p <.001),保守派最有可能(p <.001),温和派介于两者之间。与没有学士学位的人相比,拥有学士学位的人不太可能认为疫苗有未披露的有害影响(p <.001),其中60.5%的人不支持政府强制接种疫苗。与教育水平相比,政治意识形态往往与避免政府干预有更强的联系。总之,自由的政治意识形态和高等教育都与支持疫苗接种有显著关联。我们从积极权利与消极权利的角度来讨论这些结果。
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引用次数: 0
PLS volume 42 issue 2 Front matter PLS第42卷第2期前事项
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/pls.2023.23
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Partisan niche construction: Out-party affect, geographic sorting, and mate selection 党派生态位建构:党派外影响、地理分类与配偶选择
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/pls.2023.19
Chano Arreguin
Abstract Partisans in the American electorate are affectively polarized, which coincides with the tendency for partisan geographic sorting. Could mate selection pressures contribute to this geographic tendency, and how might they interact with out-party affect? I propose a model in which an individual’s perception of their mate success in a niche is key. I argue that perceived mate success is a function of a niche’s partisanship and one’s out-party affect, which in turn, incentivizes sorting. The model is partially tested with conjoint experiments on multiple U.S. samples. Results show that partisans perceive a lower probability of mate success in niches with greater shares of out-partisans and that mate success interacts with negative out-party affect. I also replicate findings on political mate choice preferences with a more appropriate method. Lastly, this project links instrumentality and affect, which is a departure from past work. In doing so, it contributes to research on the consequences of mate pressures for political behavior.
摘要美国选民中的党派倾向在情感上呈现两极分化,这与党派地理分异的趋势是一致的。配偶选择的压力是否促成了这种地理倾向,以及它们如何与外部影响相互作用?我提出了一个模型,在这个模型中,个体对其配偶在一个利基中是否成功的看法是关键。我认为,感知到的配偶成功是一个利基的党派关系和一个人的党外影响的函数,这反过来又激励了排序。该模型在多个美国样本上进行了部分联合实验。结果表明,在党外分子数量较多的生态位中,党外分子认为配偶成功的可能性较低,并且配偶成功与消极的党外影响相互作用。我还用一种更合适的方法重复了关于政治配偶选择偏好的研究结果。最后,这个项目将工具性和情感联系起来,这与过去的作品有所不同。这样做有助于研究配偶压力对政治行为的影响。
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引用次数: 0
PLS volume 42 issue 2 Back matter PLS第42卷第2期
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/pls.2023.24
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引用次数: 0
Perceived vulnerability to infectious disease and perceived harmfulness are as predictive of citizen response to COVID-19 as partisanship 对传染病的易感性和危害性的感知与党派关系一样,可以预测公民对COVID-19的反应
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/pls.2023.14
Abigail Cassario
Abstract Partisans have biased perceptions of objective conditions. At first glance, the COVID-19 pandemic would appear to be an example of this phenomenon. Noting that most citizens have consistently agreed about the pandemic, I argue that we have overlooked pre-political factors that are as influential as partisanship in shaping citizens’ responses to the pandemic. I identify one such construct in perceived vulnerability to infectious disease (PVD). In one cross-sectional study and one panel study, I find that the influence of PVD on citizens’ perceptions of COVID-19 equals that of partisanship. I also find that PVD can moderate the influence of partisanship on perceptions of harmfulness, nearly erasing the impact of being a Republican on perceiving COVID-19 as a threat. When led by PVD as well as partisanship to accurately perceive harm, citizens, including Republicans, attribute more responsibility to former president Donald Trump for his failed handling of the crisis.
游击队员对客观条件有偏见。乍一看,2019冠状病毒病大流行似乎就是这种现象的一个例子。我注意到大多数公民对大流行病的看法始终一致,但我认为,我们忽视了政治前因素,这些因素在影响公民对大流行病的反应方面与党派关系一样有影响力。我在传染病的感知脆弱性(PVD)中发现了一个这样的结构。在一项横断面研究和一项小组研究中,我发现PVD对公民对COVID-19看法的影响等于党派关系的影响。我还发现,PVD可以缓和党派关系对危害认知的影响,几乎消除了作为共和党人对将COVID-19视为威胁的影响。在PVD和党派偏见的引导下,包括共和党人在内的公民准确地感知到了伤害,他们将更多的责任归咎于前总统唐纳德·特朗普(Donald Trump)对危机的失败处理。
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引用次数: 0
PLS volume 42 issue 1 Front matter PLS第42卷第1期
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/pls.2023.6
G. Murray, M. Grillo, A. Landrum, B. Boutwell
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引用次数: 0
Status politics is the origin of morality policy 地位政治是道德政策的起源
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/pls.2023.11
Dane G. Wendell, Raymond Tatalovich
Abstract After drawing a distinction between “class” and “status,” an early but short-lived sociological literature on status politics is reviewed. That approach has lost favor, but moral foundations theory (MFT) offers a new opportunity to link morality policy to status politics. While any of the five moral foundations (care, fairness, loyalty, authority, sanctity) can provoke conflict over status, most often sanctity is the cause of status politics because it engages the emotion of disgust. Disgust drives the behavioral immune system, which prevents us from being infected by contaminants in tainted food or by “outsiders” who are perceived to follow unconventional practices. This research note concludes by referencing 20 empirical studies in which feelings of disgust targeted certain groups or practices in society (i.e., immigrants, criminals, abortion). Thus, status politics is the origin of morality policy.
在对“阶级”和“地位”进行区分之后,回顾了早期但短暂的关于地位政治的社会学文献。这种方法已经失宠,但道德基础理论(MFT)提供了一个将道德政策与地位政治联系起来的新机会。虽然五种道德基础(关心、公平、忠诚、权威、神圣)中的任何一种都可能引发关于地位的冲突,但大多数情况下,神圣是地位政治的原因,因为它涉及厌恶情绪。厌恶驱使行为免疫系统,防止我们被污染食物中的污染物或被认为遵循非常规做法的“局外人”感染。本研究总结了20项实证研究,其中厌恶感针对社会中的某些群体或行为(即移民、罪犯、堕胎)。因此,身份政治是道德政策的起源。
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引用次数: 0
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Politics and the Life Sciences
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