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Neurotechnology and international security: Predicting commercial and military adoption of brain-computer interfaces (BCIs) in the United States and China. 神经技术与国际安全:预测美国和中国对脑机接口(bci)的商业和军事采用。
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1017/pls.2022.2
Margaret Kosal, Joy Putney

In the past decade, international actors have launched "brain projects" or "brain initiatives." One of the emerging technologies enabled by these publicly funded programs is brain-computer interfaces (BCIs), which are devices that allow communication between the brain and external devices like a prosthetic arm or a keyboard. BCIs are poised to have significant impacts on public health, society, and national security. This research presents the first analytical framework that attempts to predict the dissemination of neurotechnologies to both the commercial and military sectors in the United States and China. While China started its project later with less funding, we find that it has other advantages that make earlier adoption more likely. We also articulate national security risks implicit in later adoption, including the inability to set international ethical and legal norms for BCI use, especially in wartime operating environments, and data privacy risks for citizens who use technology developed by foreign actors.

在过去的十年里,国际参与者已经启动了“大脑项目”或“大脑倡议”。由这些公共资助的项目促成的新兴技术之一是脑机接口(bci),这是一种允许大脑与外部设备(如假肢或键盘)之间进行通信的设备。脑机接口将对公共卫生、社会和国家安全产生重大影响。本研究提出了第一个分析框架,试图预测神经技术在美国和中国的商业和军事部门的传播。虽然中国的项目启动较晚,资金较少,但我们发现它还有其他优势,更有可能尽早采用。我们还阐明了后续采用中隐含的国家安全风险,包括无法为BCI的使用制定国际道德和法律规范,特别是在战时作战环境中,以及使用外国参与者开发的技术的公民的数据隐私风险。
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引用次数: 2
Global political leaders during the COVID-19 vaccination: Between propaganda and fact-checking. COVID-19疫苗接种期间的全球政治领导人:在宣传和事实核查之间。
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1017/pls.2023.4
Rubén Rivas-de-Roca, Concha Pérez-Curiel

The advent of COVID-19 vaccination meant a moment of hope after months of crisis communication. However, the context of disinformation on social media threatened the success of this public health campaign. This study examines how heads of government and fact-checking organizations in four countries managed communications on Twitter about the vaccination. Specifically, we conduct a content analysis of their discourses through the observation of propaganda mechanisms. The research draws on a corpus of words related to the pandemic and vaccines in France, Spain, the United Kingdom, and the United States (n = 2,800). The data were captured for a five-month period (January-May 2021), during which COVID-19 vaccines became available for elderly people. The results show a trend of clearly fallacious communication among the political leaders, based on the tools of emphasis and appeal to emotion. We argue that the political messages about the vaccination mainly used propaganda strategies. These tweets also set, to a certain extent, the agendas of the most relevant fact-checking initiatives in each country.

在数月的危机沟通之后,COVID-19疫苗的出现意味着希望的时刻。然而,社交媒体上的虚假信息威胁到这一公共卫生运动的成功。这项研究考察了四个国家的政府首脑和事实核查组织如何在Twitter上管理有关疫苗接种的沟通。具体而言,我们通过对宣传机制的观察,对他们的话语进行内容分析。这项研究利用了法国、西班牙、英国和美国与大流行和疫苗有关的语料库(n = 2800)。收集的数据为期五个月(2021年1月至5月),在此期间,老年人可以获得COVID-19疫苗。结果显示,政治领导人之间的沟通有明显的谬误趋势,这是基于强调和诉诸情感的工具。我们认为,关于疫苗接种的政治信息主要使用宣传策略。这些推文还在一定程度上设定了每个国家最相关的事实核查计划的议程。
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引用次数: 1
Afraid of whom?: Threat sensitivity's influence changes with perceived source of threat. 怕谁?:威胁敏感度的影响会随着感知到的威胁来源而变化。
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1017/pls.2022.12
Nicolas M Anspach

Taking insights from the fields of psychology and biology, a growing body of scholarship considers the psychophysiological foundations of political attitudes. Subconscious emotional reactions to threat, for example, have been shown to predict socially conservative attitudes toward out-groups. However, many of these studies fail to consider different sources of perceived threat. Using a combination of survey and physiological data, I distinguish between fear of others and fear of authority, finding that threat sensitivity predicts divergent political attitudes depending on the strength of each. Those who are more sensitive to threat from others tend to hold socially conservative attitudes, while those who fear authority generally take more libertarian positions. As sensitivity to threat is at least partially inherited, these findings highlight the genetic role of political predispositions.

越来越多的学者从心理学和生物学领域汲取灵感,研究政治态度的心理生理学基础。例如,潜意识中对威胁的情绪反应被证明可以预测社会上对外部群体的保守态度。然而,许多此类研究都没有考虑到感知威胁的不同来源。我结合调查和生理数据,将对他人的恐惧和对权威的恐惧区分开来,发现威胁敏感性会根据两者的强度预测不同的政治态度。那些对他人威胁更敏感的人倾向于持社会保守主义态度,而那些害怕权威的人一般会采取更自由主义的立场。由于对威胁的敏感性至少部分是遗传的,这些发现凸显了政治倾向的遗传作用。
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引用次数: 0
Genes, personality, and political behavior: A replication and extension using Danish twins. 基因、个性和政治行为:丹麦双胞胎的复制和扩展。
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1017/pls.2022.11
Aaron Weinschenk, Christopher Dawes, Robert Klemmensen, Stig Hebbelstrup Rye Rasmussen

In this article, we examine whether there is genetic overlap between personality traits and political participation, interest, and efficacy. We make several contributions to the literature. First, we use new data from a large sample of twins from Denmark to examine the link between genes, the Big Five traits, and political behavior. Previous research in this area has not examined the Danish context. Second, because our measures have some overlap with those used in previous studies, we are able to examine whether previous findings replicate in a different sample. Finally, we extend the literature by examining the possible genetic link between some personality and political traits that have not yet been explored. Overall, we find that genes account for a fairly large share of the correlation between two of the Big Five personality traits (openness and extraversion), political participation, and political interest. Thus, most of the relationship between these personality traits and our measures of political behavior can be accounted for by a common underlying genetic component.

在这篇文章中,我们研究了人格特征与政治参与、兴趣和效能之间是否存在遗传重叠。我们对文学有几项贡献。首先,我们使用来自丹麦的大量双胞胎样本的新数据来检验基因、五大特征和政治行为之间的联系。这一领域以前的研究并没有考察丹麦的背景。其次,由于我们的测量方法与以前的研究中使用的方法有一些重叠,我们能够检查以前的发现是否在不同的样本中重复。最后,我们通过研究一些尚未被探索的人格和政治特征之间可能的遗传联系来扩展文献。总的来说,我们发现基因在五大人格特征中的两种(开放性和外向性)、政治参与和政治兴趣之间的相关性中占有相当大的份额。因此,这些人格特征和我们对政治行为的衡量之间的大部分关系可以用一个共同的潜在遗传成分来解释。
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引用次数: 3
Epidemic intelligence studies: A research agenda for political scientists. 流行病情报研究:政治科学家的研究议程。
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1017/pls.2023.2
Craig Douglas Albert

This research letter introduces readers to health intelligence by conceptualizing critical components and providing a primer for research within political science broadly considered. Accordingly, a brief review of the literature is provided, concluding with possible future research agendas. The aim is to elaborate on the importance of public health intelligence to national security studies, and to political science more generally.

这封研究信通过概念化关键组成部分,向读者介绍了健康智力,并为广泛考虑的政治学研究提供了入门读物。因此,简要回顾文献,总结未来可能的研究议程。其目的是详细说明公共卫生情报对国家安全研究的重要性,以及更广泛的政治科学。
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引用次数: 0
Expanding our thinking about discrete emotions and politics. 拓展我们对离散情感和政治的思考。
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1017/pls.2022.23
David P Redlawsk

In recent decades, political psychologists have given a lot of attention to the role of emotions in politics. While there have been several different research programs, the dominant paradigm has been set by affective intelligence theory (AIT), developed by George Marcus, Russell Neuman, and Michael Mackuen. AIT has helped explain many puzzles in understanding how emotions influence political decisions, as any good paradigm should. At the same time, I argue it has also had the effect of limiting broader research into the range of discrete emotions, especially contempt. While recognizing the value of AIT, I call for more research that goes beyond its boundaries, showing through several recent studies how a focus on the additional effects of contempt can improve our understanding of voter decision-making.

近几十年来,政治心理学家对情感在政治中的作用给予了大量关注。虽然有几个不同的研究项目,但占主导地位的范式是由乔治·马库斯、拉塞尔·纽曼和迈克尔·麦昆提出的情感智力理论(AIT)。美国在台协会帮助解释了理解情绪如何影响政治决策的许多难题,这是任何一个好的范例都应该做的。与此同时,我认为它也限制了对离散情绪范围的更广泛研究,尤其是轻蔑。在认识到AIT的价值的同时,我呼吁进行更多超越其界限的研究,通过最近的几项研究表明,关注蔑视的额外影响如何能提高我们对选民决策的理解。
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引用次数: 0
Editor-in-Chief's introduction to the issue and volume 41 in review. 总编辑对问题的介绍和第41卷的审查。
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1017/pls.2023.5
Gregg R Murray
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引用次数: 0
Benjamin Ewertand Kathrin Loer, eds., Behavioural Policies for Health Promotion and Disease Prevention Benjamin Ewertand Kathrin Loer主编。促进健康和预防疾病的行为政策
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-02 DOI: 10.1017/pls.2021.13
R. Blank
[...]there is no doubt that the rise of behavioral sciences offers insights into human behavior that can be adapted to public health. The result, Strassheim and Loer argue, is that structural problems and social inequalities in public health are neglected in the name of evidence-based policy. [...]if not negotiated in the public realm and politically legitimized, strategies of behavioral governance may not fit the common interest. According to Ewert and Loer, the debate over the use of behavioral insights has “breathed new life into the art of policy making in health promotion” (p. 102).
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引用次数: 0
Science interrupted Our attempt to study disgust sensitivity and the development of political attitudes among children and their parents. 科学打断了我们对儿童及其父母的厌恶敏感性和政治态度发展的研究。
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/pls.2022.1
Valentina Parma, Kevin Arceneaux

Recent research contends that the behavioral immune system, operating largely outside conscious awareness, motivates individuals to exhibit higher levels of prejudice toward unfamiliar out-groups. This research finds that individual variance in disgust sensitivity correlates with support for political policies that facilitate the avoidance of out-groups. We were interested in developing less intrusive indicators of disgust sensitivity via olfactory measures (i.e., ratings of disgusting odors) and behavioral measures (e.g., willingness to touch disgusting objects) and studying the association between measures of disgust sensitivity and in-group bias among children and adults. We submitted a registered report to conduct this research and received an in-principle acceptance. Unfortunately, unforeseen events impaired our data collection, leaving us with a limited sample (nchildren = 32, nadults = 29) and reducing our ability to draw reliable conclusions from our results. In this essay, we describe our motivation and plan of research, the events that made completing the research impossible, and our preliminary results. In doing so, we hope to offer support for studying the effects of the behavioral immune system, even in ways that we did not originally plan. We conclude with a reflection on the value of registered reports for advancing science.

最近的研究认为,行为免疫系统在很大程度上是在意识意识之外运作的,它促使个体对不熟悉的外群体表现出更高程度的偏见。本研究发现,厌恶敏感性的个体差异与对有助于避免外群体的政治政策的支持相关。我们感兴趣的是通过嗅觉测量(例如,对恶心气味的评级)和行为测量(例如,触摸恶心物体的意愿)来开发不那么侵入性的厌恶敏感性指标,并研究儿童和成人中厌恶敏感性测量与群体内偏见之间的关系。我们提交了一份注册报告来进行这项研究,并得到了原则上的接受。不幸的是,不可预见的事件损害了我们的数据收集,使我们的样本有限(儿童= 32,成人= 29),并降低了我们从结果中得出可靠结论的能力。在这篇文章中,我们描述了我们的研究动机和计划,使研究不可能完成的事件,以及我们的初步结果。通过这样做,我们希望为研究行为免疫系统的影响提供支持,即使是以我们最初没有计划的方式。最后,我们反思了注册报告对促进科学发展的价值。
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引用次数: 2
Breaking free How preregistration hurts scholars and science. 预注册是如何伤害学者和科学的。
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/pls.2022.4
Rose McDermott

Pre-registration has become an increasingly popular proposal to address concerns regarding questionable research practices. Yet preregistration does not necessarily solve these problems. It also causes additional problems, including raising costs for more junior and less resourced scholars. In addition, pre-registration restricts creativity and diminishes the broader scientific enterprise. In this way, pre-registration neither solves the problems it is intended to address, nor does it come without costs. Pre-registration is neither necessary nor sufficient for producing novel or ethical work. In short, pre-registration represents a form of virtue signaling that is more performative than actual.

预注册已经成为一项越来越受欢迎的建议,以解决对可疑研究实践的担忧。然而,预先登记并不一定能解决这些问题。它还带来了额外的问题,包括提高资历较浅、资源较少的学者的学费。此外,预注册限制了创造力,并削弱了更广泛的科学事业。这样,预注册既不能解决它想要解决的问题,也不是没有成本的。预注册既不是必要的,也不是产生新颖或道德工作的充分条件。简而言之,预注册代表了一种表现性大于实际的美德信号形式。
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引用次数: 5
期刊
Politics and the Life Sciences
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