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The gender gap in political interest: Heritability, gendered political socialization, and the enriched environment hypothesis 政治兴趣的性别差异:遗传性、性别政治社会化与丰富环境假说
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-10 DOI: 10.1017/pls.2023.16
Mathilde M. van Ditmars, Aleksander Ksiazkiewicz
Abstract This article uses a behavioral genetics approach to study gender differences in expressed political interest, applying the enriched environment hypothesis to gendered political socialization. As girls are less stimulated to develop an interest in politics than boys, we theorize that these differences in the socialization environment reduce the expression of girls’ genetic predispositions compared to boys’, leading to a gender gap in the heritability of this trait. Analyses using data on German twins (11–25 years) demonstrate relevant differences by gender and age in heritability estimates. While differences in political interest between boys are largely explained by genes, this is less the case for girls, as they have considerably higher shared environment estimates. Our results imply that gender differences in expressed political interest are sustained by both genetic variation and environmental influences (such as socialization), as well as the interaction between the two.
摘要本文运用行为遗传学方法研究政治兴趣表达的性别差异,并将富集环境假说应用于性别政治社会化。由于女孩对政治的兴趣比男孩少,我们的理论认为,与男孩相比,社交环境中的这些差异减少了女孩的遗传倾向的表达,导致这一特征的遗传能力存在性别差异。对德国双胞胎(11-25岁)数据的分析表明,在遗传力估计方面,性别和年龄存在相关差异。虽然男孩之间政治兴趣的差异在很大程度上可以用基因来解释,但女孩的情况就不那么明显了,因为她们对共同环境的估计要高得多。我们的研究结果表明,性别在表达政治兴趣方面的差异受到遗传变异和环境影响(如社会化)以及两者之间的相互作用的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Might the bioethical principle of individual decisional autonomy have a politically liberalizing effect on soft authoritarian communities? 个人决策自主的生命伦理原则是否会对软威权主义社区产生政治自由化的影响?
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-06 DOI: 10.1017/pls.2023.20
Benjamin Gregg
Abstract According to the bioethical principle of individual decisional autonomy, the patient has a right of informed consent to any medical or experimental procedure. The principle is politically liberal by advocating significant individual freedom as guaranteed by law and secured by civil liberties. When practiced in illiberal communities, might it have a political liberalizing effect? I respond first by analyzing cross-national norms of individual decisional autonomy to identify tensions with illiberal community; second, by examining examining Singapore in a single case study to show that liberal bioethics does not promote political liberalization; and third, by showing that the possibility of practicing liberal bioethics in research, clinically as well as in education, does not require a democratic order, and that liberal bioethics is unlikely to encourage the liberalization of illiberal political communities. Hence, it may never contribute to the development of globally effective cross-national norms for the legal regulation of bioethical research and clinical practice. Fourth, to bolster this analysis, I anticipate several possible objections to various of its aspects.
摘要根据个体自主决定的生物伦理学原则,患者对任何医疗或实验程序都有知情同意的权利。这一原则在政治上是自由主义的,它倡导由法律保障并由公民自由保障的重要个人自由。当在不自由的社区实施时,它是否会产生政治自由化的效果?我首先通过分析个人决策自主的跨国规范来回应,以识别与非自由社区的紧张关系;第二,通过考察新加坡的单一案例研究,表明自由主义的生命伦理学并没有促进政治自由化;第三,通过展示在研究、临床和教育中实践自由生命伦理学的可能性,不需要民主秩序,而且自由生命伦理学不太可能鼓励非自由政治团体的自由化。因此,它可能永远不会有助于为生物伦理研究和临床实践的法律监管制定全球有效的跨国规范。第四,为了支持这一分析,我预测了对其各个方面可能存在的几种反对意见。
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引用次数: 0
Authoritarianism, perceptions of security threats, and the COVID-19 pandemic: A new perspective 威权主义、对安全威胁的看法和COVID-19大流行:一个新的视角
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-02 DOI: 10.1017/pls.2023.12
Daniel Stevens, Susan Banducci, Laszlo Horvath
Abstract This article offers a new perspective on when and why individual-level authoritarian perceptions of security threats change. We reexamine claims that authoritarian members of the public responded to the COVID-19 pandemic in a counterintuitive fashion. The response was counterintuitive in that, rather than a desire for a stronger government with the ability to impose measures to address the pandemic and its consequences, authoritarian individuals rejected a stronger government response and embraced individual autonomy. The article draws on perceptions of security threats—issues that directly or indirectly harm personal or collective safety and welfare—from surveys in two different contexts in England: 2012, when perceptions of the threat from infectious disease was low relative to most other security threats, and 2020, when perceptions of the personal and collective threat of COVID-19 superseded all other security threats. We argue that the authoritarian response was not counterintuitive once we account for the type of threat it represented.
本文提供了一个新的视角来研究个人层面对安全威胁的权威认知何时以及为什么会发生变化。我们重新审视了公众中的专制成员以违反直觉的方式应对COVID-19大流行的说法。这种反应是违反直觉的,因为专制人士不希望有一个更强大的政府,有能力采取措施应对疫情及其后果,而是拒绝政府采取更强有力的应对措施,接受个人自治。本文借鉴了对安全威胁(直接或间接损害个人或集体安全和福利的问题)的看法,这些看法来自英国在两种不同背景下的调查:2012年,对传染病威胁的看法相对于大多数其他安全威胁而言较低;2020年,对COVID-19个人和集体威胁的看法取代了所有其他安全威胁。我们认为,一旦考虑到它所代表的威胁类型,威权主义的反应并不是违反直觉的。
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引用次数: 0
How COVID-19 is reshaping U.S. national security policy COVID-19如何重塑美国的国家安全政策
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-27 DOI: 10.1017/pls.2023.13
Margaret Kosal
Abstract In the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic, the United States is actively reshaping parts of its national security enterprise. This article explores the underlying politics, with a specific interest in the context of biosecurity, biodefense, and bioterrorism strategy, programs, and response, as the United States responds to the most significant outbreak of an emerging infectious disease in over a century. How the implicit or tacit failure to recognize the political will and political decision-making connected to warfare and conflict for biological weapons programs in these trends is explored. Securitization of public health has been a focus of the literature over the past half century. This recent trend may represent something of an inverse: an attempt to treat national security interests as public health problems. A hypothesis is that the most significant underrecognized problem associated with COVID-19 is disinformation and the weakening of confidence in institutions, including governments, and how adversaries may exploit that blind spot.
在新冠肺炎疫情爆发后,美国正在积极重塑其部分国家安全企业。本文探讨了潜在的政治,在生物安全、生物防御和生物恐怖主义战略、计划和反应的背景下,作为美国应对一个多世纪以来最重大的新兴传染病爆发的具体兴趣。如何隐性或隐性的失败认识到与战争和冲突有关的政治意愿和政治决策的生物武器计划在这些趋势进行了探讨。在过去的半个世纪里,公共卫生的证券化一直是学术界关注的焦点。最近的趋势可能代表了一种相反的趋势:试图将国家安全利益视为公共卫生问题。一种假设是,与COVID-19相关的最重要的未被认识到的问题是虚假信息和对包括政府在内的机构信心的削弱,以及对手如何利用这一盲点。
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引用次数: 0
Acculturation, Hispanic ethnicity, and trust: Verifying and explaining racial/ethnic differences in trust in health providers in North Carolina Medicaid. 文化适应、西班牙裔和信任:验证和解释北卡罗莱纳州医疗保健提供者信任的种族/民族差异。
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1017/pls.2023.3
Galen H Smith, Cicily Hampton, Hollie L Tripp, William P Brandon

Three North Carolina Medicaid surveys conducted from 2000 to 2012 reported increasing numbers of Hispanic children enrolled in Medicaid and much lower trust in providers expressed by their adult caregiver respondents compared with responses for non-Hispanic Black and White children. To verify and explain this apparent trust chasm, we used bivariate and regression analyses. The variables employed included trust (dependent variable); child's race/ethnicity, age, and sex; satisfaction and health status scales; two utilization measures; respondent's age, sex, and education; geographical region; and population density of county of residence. Race/ethnicity was strongly associated with trust (p < .001), controlling for other independent variables. Access, satisfaction, and respondent's age and education were also significant. Our results fit the Behavioral Model for Vulnerable Populations, which maps the role of significant variables in health-seeking behavior. After analyzing the concept of trust, we argue that lower acculturation explains lower Hispanic trust compared with non-Hispanic Blacks. We suggest policies to improve acculturation.

2000年至2012年进行的三项北卡罗来纳州医疗补助调查显示,参加医疗补助计划的西班牙裔儿童人数不断增加,与非西班牙裔黑人和白人儿童相比,他们的成年照顾者对提供者的信任度要低得多。为了验证和解释这种明显的信任鸿沟,我们使用了双变量和回归分析。采用的变量包括信任(因变量);儿童的种族/民族、年龄和性别;满意度和健康状况量表;两项利用措施;被访者的年龄、性别和受教育程度;地理区域;和居住县的人口密度。种族/民族与信任密切相关(p < 0.001),控制了其他自变量。访问、满意度、受访者的年龄和教育程度也很重要。我们的结果符合弱势群体的行为模型,该模型描绘了在寻求健康行为中的重要变量的作用。在分析了信任的概念后,我们认为较低的文化适应解释了西班牙裔黑人与非西班牙裔黑人相比信任度较低。我们提出改善文化适应的政策建议。
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引用次数: 0
Scientists as spies?: Assessing U.S. claims about the security threat posed by China's Thousand Talents Program for the U.S. life sciences. 科学家是间谍?:评估美国关于中国“千人计划”对美国生命科学构成安全威胁的说法。
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1017/pls.2022.13
Kathleen M Vogel, Sonia Ben Ouagrham-Gormley

In 2008, the Chinese government created the Thousand Talents Program (TTP) to recruit overseas expertise to build up China's science and technology knowledge and innovation base. Ten years later, in 2018, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) announced a new "China Initiative" that aimed to counter the transfer by U.S.-based scientists involved in the TTP of knowledge and intellectual property that could support China's military and economic might and pose threats to U.S. national security. This initiative launched a number of investigations into major U.S. federal funding agencies and universities and charged several scientists, many of them life scientists, with failing to accurately report their work and affiliations with Chinese entities and illegally transferring scientific information to China. Although the FBI cases demonstrate a clear problem with disclosure of foreign contracts and research integrity among some TTP recipients, they have failed to demonstrate any harm to U.S. national security interests. At the heart of this controversy are core questions that remain unresolved and need more attention: What is required to transfer and develop knowledge to further a country's science and technology ambitions? And can the knowledge acquired by a visiting scientist be easily used to further a country's ambitions? Drawing on literature from the field of science and technology studies, this article discusses the key issues that should be considered in evaluating this question in the Chinese context and the potential scientific, intelligence, and policy implications of knowledge transfer as it relates to the TTP.

2008年,中国政府启动了“千人计划”,招募海外专业人才,建设中国的科技知识和创新基础。十年后的2018年,美国联邦调查局(FBI)宣布了一项新的“中国倡议”,旨在反对参与tpp的美国科学家转移可能支持中国军事和经济实力并对美国国家安全构成威胁的知识和知识产权。该倡议启动了对美国主要联邦资助机构和大学的一系列调查,并指控几名科学家,其中许多是生命科学家,未能准确报告他们的工作和与中国实体的关系,并非法向中国转移科学信息。尽管联邦调查局的案例表明,在一些TTP接受者中,外国合同的披露和研究诚信存在明显问题,但它们未能证明对美国国家安全利益有任何损害。这场争论的核心是一些仍未解决、需要更多关注的核心问题:转移和发展知识以推进一个国家的科学和技术雄心需要什么?访问科学家获得的知识能否轻易地用于推进一个国家的雄心壮志?本文借鉴科学技术研究领域的文献,讨论了在中国背景下评估这一问题时应考虑的关键问题,以及与tpp相关的知识转移的潜在科学、情报和政策影响。
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引用次数: 1
In memoriam: Joseph Losco. 纪念:约瑟夫·罗斯科。
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1017/pls.2023.1
Gary R Johnson
Our APLS community recently lost one of its most loyal and long-contributing pioneers. Joseph Losco, professor emeritus of political science at Ball State University, passed away on November 14, 2022. Born in Yeadon, Pennsylvania, on September 13, 1949, Joe was the youngest of two children of Italian immigrant parents. He earned a bachelor’s degree in political science fromPennsylvania State University and then master’s and doctoral degrees in political science from Temple University. Joe began his teaching career at Widener University in Chester, Pennsylvania, where he served as adjunct assistant professor of political science from 1981 to 1983. He moved to Ball State University in Muncie, Indiana, 1983. He remained at Ball State until 2016, when he became professor emeritus. In addition to his teaching and research at Ball State, Joe served as chair of the Department of Political Science from 2000 to 2014. Following his retirement from full-time teaching and administration, he served as adjunct professor of political science at Loyola University Chicago. Joe’s fields of teaching specialization were political theory, American government, and public policy. He taught undergraduate and graduate courses in those fields, and he was also active as a scholar and leader in those fields. In the field of American government, Joe was coauthor of seven annual editions of AM GOV (2008– 2014), a popular introductory textbook. He was also a pioneer in the use of multimedia in teaching American government, having developed and produced 21 college-level educational videos (some of which also had high-school-level versions). These videos were produced for a variety of publishers, including McGraw-Hill, Houghton Mifflin, D.C. Heath, St. Martin’s Press, and Harcourt Brace. Four of these videos won awards. In the field of political theory, Joewas coeditor ofPolitical Theory: Classic andContemporary Readings (two volumes) and Political Theory: Classic Writings, Contemporary Views. In addition to these edited texts, he authored numerous book chapters, journal articles, and reviews in political theory. In the field of public policy, Joe was not only an author of scholarly articles in the field; he was also a visionary leader. With a million-dollar grant from the Lilly Endowment, he and two colleagues cofounded the Bowen Center for Public Affairs at Ball State. The mission of the Bowen Center and its three component institutes is to advance civic literacy, promote community involvement, enhance public service, and stimulate nonpartisan government research. Joe eventually became the center’s director. In that capacity, he oversaw its numerous programs, including the Hoosier Survey on public policy. The results of this statewide survey are presented annually to the Indiana General Assembly for use in state policymaking. In addition to his campus and public policy leadership, Joe was a leader in several state and national organizations. He served as a member of the nation
{"title":"In memoriam: Joseph Losco.","authors":"Gary R Johnson","doi":"10.1017/pls.2023.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/pls.2023.1","url":null,"abstract":"Our APLS community recently lost one of its most loyal and long-contributing pioneers. Joseph Losco, professor emeritus of political science at Ball State University, passed away on November 14, 2022. Born in Yeadon, Pennsylvania, on September 13, 1949, Joe was the youngest of two children of Italian immigrant parents. He earned a bachelor’s degree in political science fromPennsylvania State University and then master’s and doctoral degrees in political science from Temple University. Joe began his teaching career at Widener University in Chester, Pennsylvania, where he served as adjunct assistant professor of political science from 1981 to 1983. He moved to Ball State University in Muncie, Indiana, 1983. He remained at Ball State until 2016, when he became professor emeritus. In addition to his teaching and research at Ball State, Joe served as chair of the Department of Political Science from 2000 to 2014. Following his retirement from full-time teaching and administration, he served as adjunct professor of political science at Loyola University Chicago. Joe’s fields of teaching specialization were political theory, American government, and public policy. He taught undergraduate and graduate courses in those fields, and he was also active as a scholar and leader in those fields. In the field of American government, Joe was coauthor of seven annual editions of AM GOV (2008– 2014), a popular introductory textbook. He was also a pioneer in the use of multimedia in teaching American government, having developed and produced 21 college-level educational videos (some of which also had high-school-level versions). These videos were produced for a variety of publishers, including McGraw-Hill, Houghton Mifflin, D.C. Heath, St. Martin’s Press, and Harcourt Brace. Four of these videos won awards. In the field of political theory, Joewas coeditor ofPolitical Theory: Classic andContemporary Readings (two volumes) and Political Theory: Classic Writings, Contemporary Views. In addition to these edited texts, he authored numerous book chapters, journal articles, and reviews in political theory. In the field of public policy, Joe was not only an author of scholarly articles in the field; he was also a visionary leader. With a million-dollar grant from the Lilly Endowment, he and two colleagues cofounded the Bowen Center for Public Affairs at Ball State. The mission of the Bowen Center and its three component institutes is to advance civic literacy, promote community involvement, enhance public service, and stimulate nonpartisan government research. Joe eventually became the center’s director. In that capacity, he oversaw its numerous programs, including the Hoosier Survey on public policy. The results of this statewide survey are presented annually to the Indiana General Assembly for use in state policymaking. In addition to his campus and public policy leadership, Joe was a leader in several state and national organizations. He served as a member of the nation","PeriodicalId":35901,"journal":{"name":"Politics and the Life Sciences","volume":"42 1","pages":"163-166"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"9443752","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Disgust sensitivity and support for immigration across five nations. 五个国家对移民的厌恶、敏感和支持。
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1017/pls.2022.6
Scott Clifford, Cengiz Erisen, Dane Wendell, Francisco Cantú

Immigration has become a focal debate in politics across the world. Recent research suggests that anti-immigration attitudes may have deep psychological roots in implicit disease avoidance motivations. A key implication of this theory is that individual differences in disease avoidance should be related to opposition to immigration across a wide variety of cultural and political contexts. However, existing evidence on the topic has come almost entirely from the United States and Canada. In this article, we test the disease avoidance hypothesis using nationally representative samples from Norway, Sweden, Turkey, and Mexico, as well as two diverse samples from the United States. We find consistent and robust evidence that disgust sensitivity is associated with anti-immigration attitudes and that the relationship is similar in magnitude to education. Overall, our findings support the disease avoidance hypothesis and provide new insights into the nature of anti-immigration attitudes.

移民问题已经成为世界各国政治辩论的焦点。最近的研究表明,反移民态度可能在隐性疾病避免动机中有深刻的心理根源。这一理论的一个关键含义是,疾病避免的个体差异应该与各种文化和政治背景下对移民的反对有关。然而,关于这个话题的现有证据几乎全部来自美国和加拿大。在本文中,我们使用来自挪威、瑞典、土耳其和墨西哥的全国代表性样本以及来自美国的两个不同样本来检验疾病避免假设。我们发现一致而有力的证据表明,厌恶敏感性与反移民态度有关,这种关系在程度上与教育程度相似。总的来说,我们的研究结果支持疾病避免假说,并为反移民态度的本质提供了新的见解。
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引用次数: 7
Neurotechnology and international security: Predicting commercial and military adoption of brain-computer interfaces (BCIs) in the United States and China. 神经技术与国际安全:预测美国和中国对脑机接口(bci)的商业和军事采用。
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1017/pls.2022.2
Margaret Kosal, Joy Putney

In the past decade, international actors have launched "brain projects" or "brain initiatives." One of the emerging technologies enabled by these publicly funded programs is brain-computer interfaces (BCIs), which are devices that allow communication between the brain and external devices like a prosthetic arm or a keyboard. BCIs are poised to have significant impacts on public health, society, and national security. This research presents the first analytical framework that attempts to predict the dissemination of neurotechnologies to both the commercial and military sectors in the United States and China. While China started its project later with less funding, we find that it has other advantages that make earlier adoption more likely. We also articulate national security risks implicit in later adoption, including the inability to set international ethical and legal norms for BCI use, especially in wartime operating environments, and data privacy risks for citizens who use technology developed by foreign actors.

在过去的十年里,国际参与者已经启动了“大脑项目”或“大脑倡议”。由这些公共资助的项目促成的新兴技术之一是脑机接口(bci),这是一种允许大脑与外部设备(如假肢或键盘)之间进行通信的设备。脑机接口将对公共卫生、社会和国家安全产生重大影响。本研究提出了第一个分析框架,试图预测神经技术在美国和中国的商业和军事部门的传播。虽然中国的项目启动较晚,资金较少,但我们发现它还有其他优势,更有可能尽早采用。我们还阐明了后续采用中隐含的国家安全风险,包括无法为BCI的使用制定国际道德和法律规范,特别是在战时作战环境中,以及使用外国参与者开发的技术的公民的数据隐私风险。
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引用次数: 2
Global political leaders during the COVID-19 vaccination: Between propaganda and fact-checking. COVID-19疫苗接种期间的全球政治领导人:在宣传和事实核查之间。
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1017/pls.2023.4
Rubén Rivas-de-Roca, Concha Pérez-Curiel

The advent of COVID-19 vaccination meant a moment of hope after months of crisis communication. However, the context of disinformation on social media threatened the success of this public health campaign. This study examines how heads of government and fact-checking organizations in four countries managed communications on Twitter about the vaccination. Specifically, we conduct a content analysis of their discourses through the observation of propaganda mechanisms. The research draws on a corpus of words related to the pandemic and vaccines in France, Spain, the United Kingdom, and the United States (n = 2,800). The data were captured for a five-month period (January-May 2021), during which COVID-19 vaccines became available for elderly people. The results show a trend of clearly fallacious communication among the political leaders, based on the tools of emphasis and appeal to emotion. We argue that the political messages about the vaccination mainly used propaganda strategies. These tweets also set, to a certain extent, the agendas of the most relevant fact-checking initiatives in each country.

在数月的危机沟通之后,COVID-19疫苗的出现意味着希望的时刻。然而,社交媒体上的虚假信息威胁到这一公共卫生运动的成功。这项研究考察了四个国家的政府首脑和事实核查组织如何在Twitter上管理有关疫苗接种的沟通。具体而言,我们通过对宣传机制的观察,对他们的话语进行内容分析。这项研究利用了法国、西班牙、英国和美国与大流行和疫苗有关的语料库(n = 2800)。收集的数据为期五个月(2021年1月至5月),在此期间,老年人可以获得COVID-19疫苗。结果显示,政治领导人之间的沟通有明显的谬误趋势,这是基于强调和诉诸情感的工具。我们认为,关于疫苗接种的政治信息主要使用宣传策略。这些推文还在一定程度上设定了每个国家最相关的事实核查计划的议程。
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引用次数: 1
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Politics and the Life Sciences
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