Community media organisations are famously difficult to define, as this media field is highly elusive and diverse, even if there is a certain degree of consensus about a series of basic characteristics. One key defining component is the objective to serve its community by allowing its members to participate in self-representational processes. Yet this component raises questions about what community means, and how the community that is being served relates to other parts of society. This article studies a particular social reality Israel where community television is the dominant model, community television production groups are separated from the actual distribution of the produced content and different configurations of us and them characterise political reality. Following the methodological procedures outlined in Voniati et al. (2018), a mapping of 83 Israeli community broadcasting groups was organised, allowing us to flesh out the different ways in which these community broadcasting groups deal with their community/ies and the other. The analysis shows that many of these Israeli community broadcasting groups have fairly closed, singular-community articulations of their communities. They rarely engage in interactions with other communities (limiting internal diversity) and their external diversity is even more restricted, with only one ArabIsraeli community broadcasting group able to be identified. The analysis did, however, identify a dozen groups with more open approaches towards their outer worlds, and thus the potential to assume a more conflict-transformatory role.
{"title":"Community media, their communities and conflict: A mapping analysis of Israeli community broadcasting groups","authors":"Hillel Nossek, N. Carpentier","doi":"10.1386/JOACM_00045_1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1386/JOACM_00045_1","url":null,"abstract":"Community media organisations are famously difficult to define, as this media field is highly elusive and diverse, even if there is a certain degree of consensus about a series of basic characteristics. One key defining component is the objective to serve its community by allowing its\u0000 members to participate in self-representational processes. Yet this component raises questions about what community means, and how the community that is being served relates to other parts of society. This article studies a particular social reality Israel where community television is the\u0000 dominant model, community television production groups are separated from the actual distribution of the produced content and different configurations of us and them characterise political reality. Following the methodological procedures outlined in Voniati et al. (2018), a mapping of 83 Israeli\u0000 community broadcasting groups was organised, allowing us to flesh out the different ways in which these community broadcasting groups deal with their community/ies and the other. The analysis shows that many of these Israeli community broadcasting groups have fairly closed, singular-community\u0000 articulations of their communities. They rarely engage in interactions with other communities (limiting internal diversity) and their external diversity is even more restricted, with only one ArabIsraeli community broadcasting group able to be identified. The analysis did, however, identify\u0000 a dozen groups with more open approaches towards their outer worlds, and thus the potential to assume a more conflict-transformatory role.","PeriodicalId":36092,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Alternative and Community Media","volume":"63 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72783207","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article provides an insight into the Belgian alternative media landscape. Ten French-speaking printed media are analysed to understand how they develop a socio-economic structure that allows independence from any financial sources and to establish their goals regarding the media and society. The methodology is based on interviews and analysis of the background and descriptions of these media. Findings show three categories of media: journalism-oriented (with the objective of practising another journalism); content-oriented (focused on specific issues); and counter-hegemonic-oriented (promoting another society). A clear distinction emerges between them. On one side, media-centred alternatives are developed by professional journalists, who may accept advertising and whose goal is to provide another journalism (deep or slow journalism) without the constraints of traditional media (speed, low-paying jobs, influence of capital, etc.). On the other side, society-centred alternatives are independent from advertising and are composed of non-professional journalists (volunteers) willing to provide a strong alternative voice and opposed to the hegemonic discourses of traditional media, an approach that is very close to activism.
{"title":"The printed (French-speaking) alternative media in Belgium: Journalism or activism?","authors":"Robin Van Leeckwyck","doi":"10.1386/JOACM_00048_1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1386/JOACM_00048_1","url":null,"abstract":"This article provides an insight into the Belgian alternative media landscape. Ten French-speaking printed media are analysed to understand how they develop a socio-economic structure that allows independence from any financial sources and to establish their goals regarding the media\u0000 and society. The methodology is based on interviews and analysis of the background and descriptions of these media. Findings show three categories of media: journalism-oriented (with the objective of practising another journalism); content-oriented (focused on specific issues); and counter-hegemonic-oriented\u0000 (promoting another society). A clear distinction emerges between them. On one side, media-centred alternatives are developed by professional journalists, who may accept advertising and whose goal is to provide another journalism (deep or slow journalism) without the constraints of traditional\u0000 media (speed, low-paying jobs, influence of capital, etc.). On the other side, society-centred alternatives are independent from advertising and are composed of non-professional journalists (volunteers) willing to provide a strong alternative voice and opposed to the hegemonic discourses of\u0000 traditional media, an approach that is very close to activism.","PeriodicalId":36092,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Alternative and Community Media","volume":"30 6 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84059171","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Youth Documentary Academy (YDA) is a seven-week documentary workshop in Colorado Springs, Colorado. Through ethnographic research and collaborative filmmaking, I examine documentary production and exhibition as social practices that foster meaningful relationships between media makers and community organisations working for social justice. Between November 2016 and July 2018, I conducted 20interviews with current and former YDA filmmakers, faculty and community organisers. Many YDA filmmakers produced films through first-person point-of-view testimonials, which explored intimate details of their lives and the issues facing their families and communities. Although this narrative style may individualise systemic injustices, I argue that the affective nature of filmmaking and film exhibition, and the partnerships that YDA developed with community organisations, helped youth realise an advocacy role. For filmmakers, the empathic dialogues that emerged at public screenings of YDA films illuminated the way media have the potential to foster solidarity.
{"title":"Youth Documentary Academy: The social practices of filmmaking and media advocacy","authors":"Gino Canella","doi":"10.1386/JOACM_00047_1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1386/JOACM_00047_1","url":null,"abstract":"Youth Documentary Academy (YDA) is a seven-week documentary workshop in Colorado Springs, Colorado. Through ethnographic research and collaborative filmmaking, I examine documentary production and exhibition as social practices that foster meaningful relationships between media makers\u0000 and community organisations working for social justice. Between November 2016 and July 2018, I conducted 20interviews with current and former YDA filmmakers, faculty and community organisers. Many YDA filmmakers produced films through first-person point-of-view testimonials, which explored\u0000 intimate details of their lives and the issues facing their families and communities. Although this narrative style may individualise systemic injustices, I argue that the affective nature of filmmaking and film exhibition, and the partnerships that YDA developed with community organisations,\u0000 helped youth realise an advocacy role. For filmmakers, the empathic dialogues that emerged at public screenings of YDA films illuminated the way media have the potential to foster solidarity.","PeriodicalId":36092,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Alternative and Community Media","volume":"166 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-06-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"72637157","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The recent growth of alternative media sites and sources has also seen the rise of an aggressive rhetoric decrying mass media or parts thereof as being untrustworthy and politically biased. While it is unclear whether the fake news debate is directly connected with this, it is surely a framing of mass media. In this article, we use techniques of quantitative text analysis in order to analyse how the fake news frame is structured and to understand its central determinants in terms of social context and political orientation. Using quantitative text analysis, we analyse the frame usage and semantic embeddedness in eight blogs. We find evidence for a generalised frame that tends to be independent of political orientation of the blog.
{"title":"Framing the mass media: Exploring fake news as a frame embedded in political discourse","authors":"Jan Riebling, Ina von der Wense","doi":"10.1386/JOACM_00043_1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1386/JOACM_00043_1","url":null,"abstract":"The recent growth of alternative media sites and sources has also seen the rise of an aggressive rhetoric decrying mass media or parts thereof as being untrustworthy and politically biased. While it is unclear whether the fake news debate is directly connected with this, it is surely\u0000 a framing of mass media. In this article, we use techniques of quantitative text analysis in order to analyse how the fake news frame is structured and to understand its central determinants in terms of social context and political orientation. Using quantitative text analysis, we analyse\u0000 the frame usage and semantic embeddedness in eight blogs. We find evidence for a generalised frame that tends to be independent of political orientation of the blog.","PeriodicalId":36092,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Alternative and Community Media","volume":"25 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-04-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87499160","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This special issue of the Journal of Alternative and Community Media presents five articles that examine right-wing alternative media from different countries and contexts: Brazil, the United States, Germany and Finland. They focus on different aspects of a phenomenon that has come to the forefront of public debate in recent years, due to the many apparently successful alternative media enterprises that can be characterised as conservative, libertarian, populist or far to extreme right wing on a political scale. While there has been much (and often heated) public debate about this, researchers tend to lag behind when it comes to new trends, and a transient and rapidly changing media landscape. The articles in this special issue are therefore especially valuable, since they all provide empirically grounded perspectives on specific cases that illustrate different parts of a large puzzle that is in much need of illumination. This special issue is of use not just to communication research, but also to the public debate on disinformation on the internet.
{"title":"The other alternatives: Political right-wing alternative media","authors":"andrew. haller, Kristoffer Holt, R. D. L. Brosse","doi":"10.1386/JOACM_00039_2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1386/JOACM_00039_2","url":null,"abstract":"This special issue of the Journal of Alternative and Community Media presents five articles that examine right-wing alternative media from different countries and contexts: Brazil, the United States, Germany and Finland. They focus on different aspects of a phenomenon that has\u0000 come to the forefront of public debate in recent years, due to the many apparently successful alternative media enterprises that can be characterised as conservative, libertarian, populist or far to extreme right wing on a political scale. While there has been much (and often heated) public\u0000 debate about this, researchers tend to lag behind when it comes to new trends, and a transient and rapidly changing media landscape. The articles in this special issue are therefore especially valuable, since they all provide empirically grounded perspectives on specific cases that illustrate\u0000 different parts of a large puzzle that is in much need of illumination. This special issue is of use not just to communication research, but also to the public debate on disinformation on the internet.","PeriodicalId":36092,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Alternative and Community Media","volume":"37 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-04-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74860287","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The media play an important role in shaping the collective memory of their users. Popular movies, TV shows or commemorative newspaper texts influence the ways in which people remember and forget. Many scholars have attempted to describe this connection; however, little attention has so far been paid to alternative media. This article aims to analyse the features of the collective memory constructed by the media associated with the so-called alt-right (alternative right) movement in the United States. I argue that far-right media produce an ethnically exclusive collective memory, which consequently aims to counter the mainstream collective memory. The findings of this study come from the critical analysis of how the New York Times and Breitbart News engaged in a nationwide discussion on the Confederacys legacy that ensued in August 2017 after the decision to remove the Robert E. Lee monument in Charlottesville, VA and the mass protests that soon followed.
媒体在塑造其用户的集体记忆方面发挥着重要作用。流行电影，电视节目或纪念报纸文本影响人们记忆和遗忘的方式。许多学者试图描述这种联系;然而，迄今为止，人们对替代媒体的关注很少。本文旨在分析与美国所谓另类右翼(alt-right)运动相关的媒体建构的集体记忆的特征。我认为，极右翼媒体制造了一种种族排外的集体记忆，其结果是旨在对抗主流集体记忆。这项研究的发现来自于对《纽约时报》和布莱巴特新闻(Breitbart News)如何参与2017年8月在弗吉尼亚州夏洛茨维尔(Charlottesville)拆除罗伯特·e·李(Robert E. Lee)纪念碑的决定以及随后不久的大规模抗议活动之后展开的关于邦联遗产的全国性讨论的批判性分析。
{"title":"US alt-right media and the creation of the counter-collective memory","authors":"Krzysztof Wasilewski","doi":"10.1386/JOACM_00044_1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1386/JOACM_00044_1","url":null,"abstract":"The media play an important role in shaping the collective memory of their users. Popular movies, TV shows or commemorative newspaper texts influence the ways in which people remember and forget. Many scholars have attempted to describe this connection; however, little attention has\u0000 so far been paid to alternative media. This article aims to analyse the features of the collective memory constructed by the media associated with the so-called alt-right (alternative right) movement in the United States. I argue that far-right media produce an ethnically exclusive collective\u0000 memory, which consequently aims to counter the mainstream collective memory. The findings of this study come from the critical analysis of how the New York Times and Breitbart News engaged in a nationwide discussion on the Confederacys legacy that ensued in August 2017 after\u0000 the decision to remove the Robert E. Lee monument in Charlottesville, VA and the mass protests that soon followed.","PeriodicalId":36092,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Alternative and Community Media","volume":"68 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-04-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88428831","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article examines the users of Finnish populist counter-media (PCM) websites with the aim of exploring their motives for consuming and engaging with populist online media content. The article is based on a qualitative analysis of 24 semi-structured, focused interviews. We conclude that consuming and engaging with populist counter-media content is typically motivated by scepticism and mistrust of legacy media journalism and aspirations of constructing and sharing representations and narratives that challenge those of the dominant public sphere. These efforts are often motivated by deeply held personal beliefs and political stances. Three user profiles are devised to illustrate different types of counter-media users: (1) system sceptics, who express all-encompassing societal mistrust; (2) agenda critics, who express politicised criticism towards media representations of selected themes; and (3) the casually discontent, who sporadically browse sites for alternative information and entertainment.
{"title":"User profiles for populist counter-media websites in Finland","authors":"Elina Noppari, Ilmari Hiltunen, Laura Ahva","doi":"10.1386/JOACM_00041_1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1386/JOACM_00041_1","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the users of Finnish populist counter-media (PCM) websites with the aim of exploring their motives for consuming and engaging with populist online media content. The article is based on a qualitative analysis of 24 semi-structured, focused interviews. We conclude\u0000 that consuming and engaging with populist counter-media content is typically motivated by scepticism and mistrust of legacy media journalism and aspirations of constructing and sharing representations and narratives that challenge those of the dominant public sphere. These efforts are often\u0000 motivated by deeply held personal beliefs and political stances. Three user profiles are devised to illustrate different types of counter-media users: (1) system sceptics, who express all-encompassing societal mistrust; (2) agenda critics, who express politicised criticism towards media representations\u0000 of selected themes; and (3) the casually discontent, who sporadically browse sites for alternative information and entertainment.","PeriodicalId":36092,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Alternative and Community Media","volume":"19 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-04-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85429153","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Right-wing media have been growing in terms of readership and impact in recent years. However, comparative analyses that gauge linkages between mainstream and right-wing media in Europe are virtually missing. We pursued an algorithm-based topic-modelling analysis of 11,420 articles concerning the question of whether reporting of the leading German right-wing newspaper Junge Freiheit differed from that of mainstream media outlets in the context of the refugee crisis of 201516. The results strongly support this notion. They show a clear-cut dichotomy with mainstream media on one side and Junge Freiheit on the other. A time lag could be found, pointing to a reporting pattern that positioned Junge Freiheit relative to the journalistic and political mainstream. Thus, Junge Freiheit can be characterised as a reactive alternative media outlet that is prone to populism: it stresses the national dimension of the crisis, embraces the positions of the right-wing party Alternative fr Deutschland (AfD) and largely neglects complex international, and particularly European, implications.
近年来，右翼媒体在读者群和影响力方面一直在增长。然而，衡量欧洲主流媒体和右翼媒体之间联系的比较分析实际上是缺失的。我们对11,420篇文章进行了基于算法的主题建模分析，这些文章涉及德国主要右翼报纸Junge Freiheit在2015年难民危机背景下的报道是否与主流媒体的报道不同。研究结果有力地支持了这一观点。他们表现出鲜明的二分法，一边是主流媒体，另一边是Junge Freiheit。可以发现一个时间差，指出了一种将Junge freeheit定位于新闻和政治主流的报道模式。因此，《自由Junge》可以被描述为一个倾向于民粹主义的反应性另类媒体:它强调危机的国家层面，拥护右翼政党德国新选择党(alternative for Deutschland，简称AfD)的立场，在很大程度上忽视了复杂的国际影响，尤其是欧洲影响。
{"title":"Young, free and biased: A comparison of mainstream and right-wing media coverage of the 201516 refugee crisis in German newspapers","authors":"Gerret von Nordheim, H. Müller, Michael Scheppe","doi":"10.1386/JOACM_00042_1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1386/JOACM_00042_1","url":null,"abstract":"Right-wing media have been growing in terms of readership and impact in recent years. However, comparative analyses that gauge linkages between mainstream and right-wing media in Europe are virtually missing. We pursued an algorithm-based topic-modelling analysis of 11,420 articles\u0000 concerning the question of whether reporting of the leading German right-wing newspaper Junge Freiheit differed from that of mainstream media outlets in the context of the refugee crisis of 201516. The results strongly support this notion. They show a clear-cut dichotomy with mainstream\u0000 media on one side and Junge Freiheit on the other. A time lag could be found, pointing to a reporting pattern that positioned Junge Freiheit relative to the journalistic and political mainstream. Thus, Junge Freiheit can be characterised as a reactive alternative media\u0000 outlet that is prone to populism: it stresses the national dimension of the crisis, embraces the positions of the right-wing party Alternative fr Deutschland (AfD) and largely neglects complex international, and particularly European, implications.","PeriodicalId":36092,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Alternative and Community Media","volume":"31 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-04-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87675497","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The new right-wing Brazilian Non-Partisan School Movement (in Portuguese, Escola Sem Partido, or ESP) was created in 2004 to denounce indoctrination in schools. It has, however, had greater repercussions via a strong presence on social media. The objective of this article is to analyse these discussions on Twitter. ESPs official discourse and theoretical discussions about the role of social networks supported this study. The content and network analyses of the tweets reveal the following relevant conclusions: the dissemination of content is much stronger than any discussion, on the part of both the new right wing and the left-wing partisans; there is a predominance of ESP supporters in a discussion that has characteristics of an anti-public sphere; communication between these two groups is weak; and the tone of the content spread by ESP supporters resonates with many features of president-elect Jair Bolsonaros communication style.
新的右翼巴西无党派学校运动(Escola Sem Partido，或ESP)成立于2004年，目的是谴责学校的教化。然而，通过在社交媒体上的强势存在，它产生了更大的影响。本文的目的是分析Twitter上的这些讨论。esp官方话语和关于社交网络作用的理论讨论支持了本研究。对推文的内容和网络分析揭示了以下相关结论:无论是新右翼还是左翼党派，内容的传播都比任何讨论强得多;在具有反公共领域特征的讨论中，ESP支持者占主导地位;这两个群体之间的沟通很弱;ESP支持者传播内容的语气与当选总统雅伊尔·博尔索纳罗的沟通风格有很多共鸣。
{"title":"Strange fruit: The rise of Brazils new right-wing and the Non-Partisan School Movement","authors":"Richard Romancini, Fernanda Castilho","doi":"10.1386/JOACM_00040_1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1386/JOACM_00040_1","url":null,"abstract":"The new right-wing Brazilian Non-Partisan School Movement (in Portuguese, Escola Sem Partido, or ESP) was created in 2004 to denounce indoctrination in schools. It has, however, had greater repercussions via a strong presence on social media. The objective of this article is to analyse\u0000 these discussions on Twitter. ESPs official discourse and theoretical discussions about the role of social networks supported this study. The content and network analyses of the tweets reveal the following relevant conclusions: the dissemination of content is much stronger than any discussion,\u0000 on the part of both the new right wing and the left-wing partisans; there is a predominance of ESP supporters in a discussion that has characteristics of an anti-public sphere; communication between these two groups is weak; and the tone of the content spread by ESP supporters resonates with\u0000 many features of president-elect Jair Bolsonaros communication style.","PeriodicalId":36092,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Alternative and Community Media","volume":"71 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78448927","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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