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Creating a News Garden: Maintaining place and the role of local journalism 创建新闻花园:维护地方新闻的地位和作用
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-14 DOI: 10.1386/jacm_00114_1
Gino Canella, Jason Pramas
This article explores the relationship between local journalism and place through a case study of the Somerville News Garden, a community news initiative launched in 2019 to address the city’s failing news infrastructure. Researchers used collaborative ethnographic methods to study the News Garden from its inception in August 2019 to December 2021: we surveyed residents about their news preferences ( n = 92), interviewed eighteen residents and conducted participant observation at planning meetings and public forums hosted by the News Garden. The study addresses two themes: first, local journalism constructs and maintains place by covering location-specific issues and moving information across unfamiliar spaces; and second, community news initiatives challenge scholars and practitioners to reconsider the role of local journalism and its continued relevance in civic life. Finally, the study reviews the News Garden’s organizational structure and proposes grassroots governance : a model of news production and distribution based on collaboration and accountability in the service of democracy.
本文通过对萨默维尔新闻花园(Somerville News Garden)的案例研究,探讨了当地新闻与地方之间的关系。萨默维尔新闻花园是2019年启动的一项社区新闻倡议,旨在解决该市日益衰败的新闻基础设施问题。从2019年8月到2021年12月,研究人员使用协作民族志方法对新闻花园进行了研究:我们调查了居民的新闻偏好(n = 92),采访了18名居民,并在新闻花园主办的规划会议和公共论坛上进行了参与者观察。该研究涉及两个主题:第一,地方新闻通过报道特定地点的问题和在不熟悉的空间中传播信息来构建和维护地方;其次,社区新闻倡议要求学者和从业者重新考虑地方新闻的角色及其在公民生活中的持续相关性。最后,研究回顾了新闻花园的组织结构,并提出了基层治理:一种基于协作和问责制的新闻生产和分发模式,以服务于民主。
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引用次数: 0
Youth-powered or empowered: How self-determination theory can help us better understand youth media dynamics with adult facilitators during the pandemic 青年推动或赋权:自我决定理论如何帮助我们更好地了解大流行病期间青年媒体与成人促进者的动态关系
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-14 DOI: 10.1386/jacm_00115_1
Yonty Friesem, Charlotte Duff, Teena Sloane-Hendricks
Youth media literature celebrates youth voice but rarely discusses the power dynamics between adult mentors and youth. This case study explores these power dynamics in cultivating trust between teenagers creating community media and their adult mentors on Chicago’s South Side. The authors identified three self-determination themes relating to these power dynamics between the youth and adults in the production process during the COVID-19 pandemic: (1) generating routines to foster a sense of competency; (2) having a sense of belonging by creating caring interactions; (3) allowing participants to voice their opinion to increase their sense of autonomy. Being Black teenagers in the middle of the pandemic along with the social unrest was challenging. Creating their own media for a specific target audience in their community, instead of a cable TV channel, supported the youth’s sense of power to come intrinsically and not from the adult facilitators.
青年媒体文学歌颂青年的声音,但很少讨论成人导师和青年之间的权力动态。本案例研究探讨了在芝加哥南区创建社区媒体的青少年和他们的成年导师之间培养信任的权力动态。作者确定了与2019冠状病毒病大流行期间生产过程中青年和成人之间的权力动态相关的三个自决主题:(1)生成常规以培养能力感;(2)通过关爱互动产生归属感;(3)允许参与者发表意见,增强自主性。在大流行和社会动荡中,作为黑人青少年是一项挑战。为他们社区的特定目标受众创建自己的媒体,而不是有线电视频道,这支持了年轻人的力量感,这种力量来自于自身,而不是来自于成人的促进者。
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引用次数: 0
Stringers and the Journalistic Field: Marginalities and Precarious News Labour in Small-town India, Nimmagadda Bhargav (2023) 《特约记者和新闻领域:印度小镇的边缘化和不稳定的新闻劳动力》,尼姆玛加达·巴尔加夫(2023)著。
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-14 DOI: 10.1386/jacm_00116_5
Bridget Backhaus
Review of: Stringers and the Journalistic Field: Marginalities and Precarious News Labour in Small-town India , Nimmagadda Bhargav (2023) Abingdon and New York: Routledge, 210 pp., ISBN 978-1-03232-642-9, h/bk, AUS 201
《特约记者和新闻领域:印度小镇的边缘化和不稳定的新闻劳动》,Nimmagadda Bhargav(2023),阿宾顿和纽约:Routledge出版社,210页,ISBN 978-1-03232-642-9, h/bk, AUS 201
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引用次数: 0
Strategically communicating climate crisis: How ecovillages and cohousing pursue structural change in the built environment 战略性地沟通气候危机:生态村和共同住宅如何追求建筑环境的结构变化
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-12-16 DOI: 10.1386/joacm_00089_1
Jared T. Macary, Eric Kwame Adae
Climate crisis, fuelled by dominant social, political and economic structures, causes a rift in the Earth’s metabolism. In the built environment, where people live and work, social-ecological communities, such as ecovillages and cohousing, model and pursue alternative, interconnected relations with nature. This study examines five social-ecological communities in the Pacific Northwest of the United States and their use of strategic communication to pursue structural change. Long interviews identified three themes and eight sub-themes through which community members influence the mainstream that surrounds them and enrich their own membership and infrastructure. This study demonstrates that postmodern approaches to strategic communication active on the local level, while in tension with modernist approaches, provide an effective means to respond to climate crisis in the built environment.
气候危机在主流社会、政治和经济结构的推动下,导致地球新陈代谢出现裂痕。在人们生活和工作的建筑环境中,社会生态社区,如生态村和合住屋,模拟和追求与自然相互联系的另一种关系。本研究考察了美国太平洋西北地区的五个社会生态群落及其利用战略沟通来追求结构变化的情况。长期访谈确定了三个主题和八个副主题,社区成员通过这些主题影响围绕他们的主流,并丰富他们自己的成员和基础设施。本研究表明,后现代的战略沟通方法在地方层面上是活跃的,同时与现代主义的方法是紧张的,为应对建筑环境中的气候危机提供了一种有效的手段。
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引用次数: 0
Media activism in Brazil: Discursive strategies of Mídia Ninja1 巴西媒体行动主义:Mídia的话语策略
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-04-01 DOI: 10.1386/joacm_00096_1
Raul Ramalho, Kênia Maia
This article analyses the discursive content produced by the Brazilian collective Mídia Ninja on its Facebook page about a significant political event in Brazil – the habeas corpus granted (and later denied) in July 2018 to the former centre-left president of Brazil, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. The article uses discourse analysis based on the three-dimensional model (a non-hierarchical relationship between text, discursive practice and social practice) as methodology. The research problematizes the media activism features of Mídia Ninja, arguing that the group acted in favour of Lula’s freedom based on a centralized and multimedia narrative (written texts, photos, cartoons, videos and live broadcasts) combined with a counter-hegemonic discursive strategy. This strategy elected opponents and heroes, and defined the situation as part of a coup led by the traditional media alongside sectors of political and court systems. Furthermore, the action of Mídia Ninja challenges traditional journalistic practices such as objectivity and impartiality by representing a hybrid media activism, embracing an aesthetic-enunciative freedom characteristic of free media.
本文分析了巴西集体Mídia Ninja在其Facebook页面上发表的关于巴西重大政治事件的话语内容——2018年7月,巴西前中左翼总统路易斯·Inácio·卢拉·达席尔瓦获得人身保护令(后来又被拒绝)。本文采用基于三维模型(文本、话语实践和社会实践之间的非等级关系)的话语分析作为方法论。该研究对Mídia Ninja的媒体行动主义特征提出质疑,认为该组织支持卢拉的自由是基于集中和多媒体叙事(书面文本、照片、漫画、视频和直播),并结合反霸权的话语策略。这一策略选出了反对者和英雄,并将局势定义为由传统媒体以及政治和法院系统部门领导的政变的一部分。此外,Mídia Ninja的行动挑战了传统的新闻实践,如客观性和公正性,代表了一种混合媒体行动主义,拥抱了自由媒体的审美自由特征。
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引用次数: 0
Indymedia and Standing Rock: Media-historic moments 独立媒体和立岩:媒体的历史性时刻
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-04-01 DOI: 10.1386/joacm_00091_1
D. Kidd
This article reviews the legacy of the global Indymedia Center (IMC), a news and information network of 175 autonomous media centres that operated in every world region autonomously of the dominant corporate and public service communications and information systems. Emerging first during protests against the neo-liberal practices of the World Trade Organization, the IMC represented a media-historic moment, one of the first times that social movement media activists were able to bypass the dominant media to produce their own reports and circulate them directly to activists and supporters around the world. My review examines the composition of the IMC’s infrastructure and volunteer force, and their technological and communications repertoires in relation to the dominant communications systems, and consider their legacy in succeeding cycles of social movement contention. I then compare the legacy of the IMC with the more recent media-historic moment of the Standing Rock Sioux water protectors who in 2016 tactically employed a land-based mobilization with a movement-directed online and offline communications assemblage to mobilize against the construction of the Dakota Access Pipeline on their traditional territory. Capturing more US and international dominant media attention than any previous Indigenous movement, and reaching even more people with their self-generated media, they countered the neo-liberal extractivist paradigm of resource exploitation and also affirmed their Indigenous sovereignty, history and knowledge systems. Finally, I summarize some of the similarities and differences between the two cases and suggest questions for further study.
本文回顾了全球独立媒体中心(IMC)的遗产,这是一个由175个独立媒体中心组成的新闻和信息网络,独立于占主导地位的企业和公共服务通信和信息系统,在世界每个地区自主运作。IMC最早出现在反对世界贸易组织新自由主义做法的抗议活动中,代表了媒体的历史性时刻,这是社会运动媒体活动家第一次能够绕过主流媒体制作自己的报道,并直接传播给世界各地的活动家和支持者。我的评论考察了IMC的基础设施和志愿者力量的组成,以及他们与主流通信系统相关的技术和通信技能,并考虑了他们在随后的社会运动争论周期中的遗产。然后,我将IMC的遗产与最近的媒体历史时刻进行了比较,立岩苏族水保护者在2016年策略性地采用了基于陆地的动员,通过运动指导的在线和离线通信组合,动员反对在他们的传统领土上建设达科他输油管道。与以往的土著运动相比,他们获得了更多的美国和国际主流媒体的关注,并通过他们自己创造的媒体接触到更多的人,他们反对新自由主义的资源开采主义范式,同时也肯定了他们的土著主权、历史和知识体系。最后,总结了两个案例的异同,并提出了值得进一步研究的问题。
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引用次数: 0
Indymedia, a multi-paradigmatic case of alternative media: The interplay between media, commons and movements 独立媒体,另类媒体的多范式案例:媒体、公地和运动之间的相互作用
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-04-01 DOI: 10.1386/joacm_00094_1
P. Vatikiotis
The article probes into different perspectives of alternative media and fieldwork reflections on Indymedia project (drawing on secondary research of various Independent Media Centres [IMCs] and primary research on a ‘marginalized’ case in Indymedia network, the IMC Thessaloniki), evaluating Indymedia as a multi-paradigmatic case of alternative media developed in-between media, commons and movements.
本文探讨另类媒体的不同视角,以及对独立媒体计画的实地考察反思(参考对不同独立媒体中心[IMC]的二次研究,以及对独立媒体网络中“边缘化”案例塞萨洛尼基独立媒体中心的初步研究),将独立媒体视为介于媒体、公地与运动之间的多元另类媒体范例。
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引用次数: 2
Community Radio in South Asia: Reclaiming the Airwaves, Kanchan K. Malik and Vinod Pavarala (eds) (2020) 《南亚社区广播:重新夺回电波》,坎尚·k·马利克、维诺德·帕瓦拉拉主编,2020年版
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-04-01 DOI: 10.1386/joacm_00097_5
Bridget Backhaus
Review of: Community Radio in South Asia: Reclaiming the Airwaves, Kanchan K. Malik and Vinod Pavarala (eds) (2020)Abingdon and New York: Taylor & Francis, 294 pp.,ISBN 978-1-13855-853-3, h/bk, AUD 252.00
评论:南亚社区广播:回收电波,Kanchan K. Malik和Vinod Pavarala(编)(2020)阿宾登和纽约:泰勒和弗朗西斯,294页,ISBN 978-1-13855-853-3, h/bk, AUD 252.00
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引用次数: 0
‘Seeking to be heard’: The role of social and online media in advocating for the Uluru Statement from the Heart and constitutional reform in Australia “寻求被倾听”:社会和网络媒体在倡导《发自内心的乌鲁鲁声明》和澳大利亚宪法改革中的作用
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-04-01 DOI: 10.1386/joacm_00092_1
B. Fredericks, Abraham Bradfield
In 2017 the Uluru Statement from the Heart, a document outlining an Indigenous envisioned path towards constitutional recognition of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people and the creation of an Indigenous ‘Voice to Parliament’, was presented to the Australian government and public. Since its creation, it has been met with a range of responses that have both welcomed and supported its reforms, as well as dismissed and rejected its overall vision. Both mainstream news and social media have played a significant role in shaping discourses surrounding the Statement. Throughout this article we discuss the often misinformed and convoluted characterization of what an Indigenous ‘Voice to Parliament’ entails. We highlight how powerful political voices – such as those of the prime minister, politicians and media moguls – dominate, distort and influence political and pubic conversations surrounding constitutional reform in Australia. Through news conglomerates’ racialized characterization of Indigenous peoples, exclusion of their voices and perspectives and a bias that neglects to hold politicians and other commentators to account, we argue that whilst the movement towards an Indigenous ‘Voice to Parliament’ is often obstructed, it is far from defeated. Increasing numbers of Indigenous and non-Indigenous people, inclusive of activists, journalists, academics and lawyers, amongst others, are embracing social and news media as a means to deny and counter their exclusion. This article aims to continue a constructive conversation concerning the need for constitutional recognition through an enshrined voice that guarantees Indigenous participation within the parliamentary process. In doing so, we also call for greater scrutiny and accountability towards how the media portrays and represents Indigenous peoples and their voices.
2017年,向澳大利亚政府和公众提交了《发自内心的乌鲁鲁声明》(Uluru Statement from the Heart),该文件概述了土著人民设想的宪法承认土著和托雷斯海峡岛民的道路,并创建了土著“向议会发声”。自成立以来,它得到了一系列的反应,有的欢迎和支持它的改革,有的否定和拒绝它的总体设想。主流新闻和社交媒体都在塑造围绕《声明》的话语方面发挥了重要作用。在这篇文章中,我们将讨论原住民“向国会发声”所需要的,经常被误导和令人费解的特征。我们强调了强大的政治声音-例如总理,政治家和媒体巨头的声音-如何主导,扭曲和影响澳大利亚围绕宪法改革的政治和公众对话。通过新闻集团对土著人民的种族化描述,排除他们的声音和观点,以及忽视让政治家和其他评论员承担责任的偏见,我们认为,虽然土著“向议会发声”的运动经常受到阻碍,但它远未被击败。越来越多的土著和非土著人民,包括活动家、记者、学者和律师等,正在利用社会和新闻媒体作为否认和反对排斥他们的手段。这篇文章的目的是继续建设性的对话,讨论宪法承认的必要性,透过庄严的声音,确保原住民参与议会进程。在此过程中,我们还呼吁对媒体如何描绘和代表土著人民及其声音进行更严格的审查和问责。
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引用次数: 0
Prisoner radio as an abolitionist tool: A scholactivist reflection 作为废奴主义工具的囚犯广播:一个学者积极分子的反思
Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-04-01 DOI: 10.1386/joacm_00093_1
Heather Anderson, Charlotte Bedford
Prisoner and prison radio – audio production and broadcasting that services prisoner and prison communities – has existed in a variety of forms in a diverse range of countries for over 30 years and has recently seen a surge in popularity and awareness. At the same time, the prison abolition movement has also gained momentum and visibility, after an equally long presence and history. Recently in the United States, the New York City Council voted to close Rikers Island by 2026 in response to community campaigning driven by an abolition agenda. Likewise, the Black Lives Matter movement has introduced an abolitionist discourse (especially around defunding police services) to the mainstream vernacular. This article considers the relationships between broadcasters/audiences and the State – embodied through government departments responsible for managing the incarceration of its citizens, and how these impact on prisoner radio’s capacity to act as an agent of change. To do so, we take a scholactivist approach to critically reflect on our experiences as prisoner radio practitioners and researchers and consider the potentials for prisoner radio to either support or hinder a prison abolition agenda. Can the genre contribute to the prison abolition movement when it often requires the support of the prison-industrial complex to exist?
囚犯和监狱广播——为囚犯和监狱社区服务的音频制作和广播——在不同的国家以各种形式存在了30多年,最近其受欢迎程度和知名度激增。与此同时,废除监狱运动在经历了同样漫长的存在和历史之后,也获得了动力和知名度。最近在美国,纽约市议会投票决定在2026年之前关闭赖克斯岛监狱,以回应由废奴议程推动的社区运动。同样,“黑人的命也是命”(Black Lives Matter)运动也将废奴主义话语(尤其是在削减警察部门资金方面)引入了主流语言。本文考虑了广播公司/听众与国家之间的关系——通过负责管理公民监禁的政府部门体现出来,以及这些关系如何影响囚犯电台作为变革推手的能力。为此,我们采取学者积极的方法,批判性地反思我们作为囚犯广播从业人员和研究人员的经验,并考虑囚犯广播支持或阻碍废除监狱议程的潜力。当这种类型往往需要监狱工业综合体的支持才能存在时,它能对废除监狱运动做出贡献吗?
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of Alternative and Community Media
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